@article { author = {Shaikh Baikloo Islam, Babak and Chaychi Amirzhiz, Ahmad and Valipour, Hamid Reza}, title = {Cultural Responses of Prehistoric Societies in North Central Iran to Holocene Climate Change}, journal = {pazhoheshha-ye Bastan shenasi Iran}, volume = {8}, number = {19}, pages = {7-26}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Bu Ali Sina University}, issn = {2345-5225}, eissn = {2345-5500}, doi = {10.22084/nbsh.2019.15021.1665}, abstract = {In the Holocene, despite the increase in climate sustainability compared to the last glacial, Abrupt Climate Change (ACC) has occurred repeatedly and periodically on global and regional scales, which have affected the culture and lifestyle of human societies. Effective human responses to these climatic events have always been possible through adaptation or migration. The cooling/warming climatic periods that have come with natural consequences such as extreme weather events (severe droughts, dust storms, heat waves, cold spells, torrential rainfalls and floods), due to the destruction and reduction of crop production, famine, social conflicts, widespread migration, displacement, disease outbreaks and rising mortality rates have also had significant effects on the physical and mental health of humans. This research seeks to answer the main question of how Holocene Abrupt climate changes have led to the decline and collapse of prehistoric cultures in the cultural region of North Central Iran (NCI). Given that the set of consequences during the current global climate change (global warming) are taking place, and there is also evidence from a historical period in this regard, it is likely that prehistoric cultures, during climate change periods, have fallen for reasons mentioned. This research deals with the possible culture-climate association in NCI during the 7th to 5th millennia B.C.s. According to the paleoclimate research and the archaeological information, at least 4 effective climate change (Cooling/Warming - Drought) events are likely to be a challenge and disruption to the inhabitants of this region. Likely, most of the Sialk I period have been spent in a relatively unfavorable climate, but there was a mild and wet climate in the late period, as well as the early Cheshmeh Ali phase. It seems that the first cultural flourishing period in NCI has occurred between about 5300-5000 B.C., and the second progress period, related to the late Cheshmeh Ali period, between about 4700-4400 B.C.. By the late 5th millennium B.C., there has been a cultural decline and a decrease in the number of settlements in most areas of the region. Keywords: North Central Iran (NCI), Holocene, Abrupt Climate Change (ACC), Cultural Response, Sialk, Cheshmeh Ali.   Introduction & Method Paleoclimate studies have shown that climate change has occurred repeatedly in the past and will happen in the future. ACCs occur naturally; however, human intervention in the climate system can also increase in possibility of the events (Alley, 2003). The Holocene epoch began at about 9700 B.C., at the end of the 2.5 million-year-old Pleistocene Age. Although Holocene does not have extreme climatic anomalies similar to the last glacial, it has undergone ACCs that have affected human cultures. The prehistoric societies of Iran, especially NCI, have been affected by climate change and fluctuations since the beginning of the Holocene (Simultaneously with the advent of the Neolithic Age), and their lives have undergone natural disasters. The set of archaeological information and paleoclimate research (with high-resolution) clearly show the link between Human - Climate, but the reasons for the decline and collapse of ancient cultures and civilizations in Iran have not been studied so far. The main question of this research is about this issue. Given the consequences of the current climate change (global warming), which by creating extreme weather events (such as droughts, floods, heatwaves, cold spells, etc.), greatly affect the environmental conditions of the earth , and threaten the health of human, it is assumed that Probably, Holocene ACCs, with such events and effects, have disturbed the subsistence system of prehistoric societies. This research is based on two main aspects: First, the results of Paleoclimate studies of Holocene in Iran and neighboring regions, as well as Greenland Ice Sheet Project (GISP2) and North Atlantic; secondly, the findings of field surveys and archaeological excavations in NCI is related to the settlements belonging to the 7th to 5th millennium B.C. (Sialk I, Cheshmeh Ali and Sialk III1-3).     Paleoclimate Research According to recent studies in Iran (Neor Lake, Hamoun Lake and Jazmourian Playa), the 6200 B.C. cooling event has been associated with air dryness and increased wind and dust activity. Then, another period of drought was caused by an increase in temperature, with the high-resolution diagram of Neor Lake showing a significant increase in dry conditions between 5600-5500 B.C.. Jazmourian Playa diagram also determines a dry period with a peak of 5500 B.C.. Given the low accuracy of Hamoun Lake diagram (with 2 radiocarbon samples), it is likely that the 5300 B.C. drought (with a 200-year error) is actually related to the same time. The reason why Zeribar Lake research does not show the 6200 B.C. event is likely to be related to their low resolution. These studies are not capable of showing the climate change of 200-300 years. Summarizing the paleoclimate studies carried out elsewhere in the world, it can be concluded with a relatively high confidence that there were periods of dryness from ca. 6500 to 5500 B.C. and from ca. 4400 to 4000, during which, there was a relatively short-lived fluctuation of humid. Probably drought fluctuations occurred during the favorable period of 5400-4400 B.C.. The onset of a long period of heat and a rise in humidity from the early 6th millennium B.C., which was observed in European and Canadian studies, and the occurrence of successive droughts in the millennium according to Arabia and Jordan studies, shows that probably warm periods in Europe have been accompanied by droughts in the region. Therefore, the occurrence of a dry period in the extreme warming event of Greenland is also possible in 4900-5000 B.C..   Archaeological Evidence The earliest evidence of the Neolithic settlements in NCI belongs to the Shahrud area. Therefore, it seems that the eastern part of NCI (western part of the central desert basin) is probably settled earlier than the western part (Salt Lake basin). The number of settlements across NCI in the first half of the 6th millennium B.C. is limited to 6 tepes. Apart from Eastern Tepe of Sang-e Chaxmaq (in Shahroud area), the architectural evidence related to the period, which indicates the sedentary, has not yet been obtained from the settlements of the Salt Lake basin. Since about 5400 B.C., due to climatic stability, an increase in humidity and annual rainfall, was provided agricultural conditions and permanent settlement in this region. Since then, the number of settlements has increased considerably. In most settlements of this phase, it was found the evidence of architectural and agricultural activities. The second phase of the flourishing of the Cheshmeh Ali period can be attributed to about 4700-4400 B.C. During this time, many villages in the region were built up and there was a significant increase in population. Paleoclimate studies indicate a relatively favorable climate for this period. However, another climatic change, which started from about 4400 B.C. and gradually increased, seems to have made life difficult for the people of the region, so that from about 4300 to 4000 B.C., we see a significant decline in the number of settlements.   Conclusion The cultural evolution of human societies in NCI during the 7th to 5th millennium B.C. has been significantly related to the climatic condition, and the occurrence of climate change has challenged the cultures due to the impact on human health and subsistence system.}, keywords = {North Central Iran (NCI),Holocene,Abrupt Climate Change (ACC),Cultural Response,Sialk,Cheshmeh Ali}, title_fa = {واکنش‌های فرهنگی جوامع پیش از تاریخ شمال ایران مرکزی به تغییرات اقلیمی هولوسن}, abstract_fa = {در عصر هولوسن، با وجود افزایش پایداری اقلیمی نسبت به عصر آخرین یخبندان، اما تغییرات اقلیمی ناگهانی و شدیدی، به‌طور مکرّر و دوره‌ای، در مقیاس‌های جهانی و منطقه‌ای رخ داده‌اند؛ به‌طوری‌که بر فرهنگ و شیوه‌ی زندگی جوامع انسانی تأثیر گذاشته است. واکنش‌های انسانی مؤثر به این رویدادهای اقلیمی، همیشه از طریق سازگاری و یا مهاجرت ممکن بوده است. دوره‌های سرمایش و گرمایش که با پیامدهای طبیعی همچون: خشک‌سالی‌های شدید، توفان‌های گرد و غبار، امواج گرما و سرما، بارش‌های حدّی و وقوع سیل‌های سهمگین همراه بوده‌اند، به دلیل تخریب و کاهش محصولات کشاورزی، بروز قحطی، درگیری‌های اجتماعی، مهاجرت‌های گسترده، آوارگی، شیوع امراض کشنده و افزایش مرگ‌ومیر، بر روی سلامتی جسم و روان انسان‌ها نیز تأثیرات قابل‌ملاحظه‌ای داشته‌اند. این پژوهش در پی پاسخ‌گویی به این پرسش اصلی است که تغییرات اقلیمی ناگهانی و شدید هولوسن چگونه باعث تضعیف و اضمحلال فرهنگ‌های پیش‌از‌تاریخی منطقه‌ی فرهنگی شمال ایرانِ مرکزی شده‌اند؟ با توجه به این‌که مجموعه‌ی پیامدهای مذکور در جریان تغییر اقلیمی کنونی جهان (گرمایش زمین) در حال وقوع هستند و همچنین، از دوران تاریخی شواهد و مستنداتی در این‌خصوص، موجود است؛ این احتمال وجود دارد که فرهنگ‌های پیش‌از‌تاریخی نیز طی دوره‌های تغییر اقلیم به علل ذکر شده، دچار افول و فروپاشی شده‌ باشند. بنابراین، این پژوهش به ارتباط احتمالی فرهنگ-اقلیم در منطقه‌ی فرهنگی شمال ایرانِ مرکزی طی هزاره‌های هفتم تا پنجم قبل‌ازمیلاد می‌پردازد. بر طبق مطالعات دیرین‌اقلیم‌شناختی و اطلاعات باستان‌شناختی، در این مدت، وقوع دست‌کم چهار تغییر اقلیمی مؤثر محتمل است که می‌توانستند معیشت ساکنان این منطقه را دچار چالش و اختلال کنند. احتمالاً در بخش اعظمی از دوره‌ی فرهنگی سیلک I شرایط اقلیمی خشکی حاکم بوده است، ولی در اواخر این دوره و همچنین، مرحله‌ی چشمه‌علی قدیم، اقلیم نسبتاً معتدل و مرطوبی حاکم شده است. به‌نظر می‌رسد، بین حدود ۵۳۰۰-۵۰۰۰ ق.م.، اولین دوره‌ی شکوفایی فرهنگی در شمال ایرانِ مرکزی رخ داده باشد، و دومین دوره‌ی پیشرفت، مربوط به مرحله‌ی چشمه‌علی جدید، بین حدود ۴۷۰۰-۴۴۰۰ ق.م. بوده است. در اواخر هزاره‌ی پنجم قبل‌ازمیلاد یک افول فرهنگی و کاهش تعداد استقرارها در بیشتر نواحی این منطقه دیده می‌شود که احتمالاً در ارتباط با وقوع یک دوره‌ی خشک اقلیمی بوده است.}, keywords_fa = {شمال ایران مرکزی,تغییر اقلیم هولوسن,واکنش فرهنگی,سیلک,چشمه‌علی}, url = {https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_2583.html}, eprint = {https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_2583_d1c3828ec17571f9b01501b55dd31143.pdf} } @article { author = {Khanipoor, Morteza and Niknami, Kamalodin}, title = {Hormangan Site:A Neolithic Site in the Bavanat River Basin, Iran}, journal = {pazhoheshha-ye Bastan shenasi Iran}, volume = {8}, number = {19}, pages = {27-46}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Bu Ali Sina University}, issn = {2345-5225}, eissn = {2345-5500}, doi = {10.22084/nbsh.2018.14391.1632}, abstract = {  The periods from 6300 until 5600 B.C.E in Fars region are known as the Mushki and Jari periods. The architectural remains as well as geometric stone tools, wild animals’ bones, particularly horses, are all indicating the existence of a seasonal settlement based on hunting in Tol-e Mushki which is transformed into a sedentary settlement with a distinct type of architecture and a subsistence based on agriculture in Tol-e Jari B. The distinct cultural phenomenon probably linked to Mushki period could have been caused by a sudden climate change. It is suggested that the weather became cold and dry for centuries, until around 6200 B.C.E when the conditions again improved. Furthermore, these climate changes have had direct influences on so‌cioeconomic strategies of Neolithic societies in the Fars. However, the relationship between culture and climate is only one of the possible explanations for the observed cultural changes; more studies are needed. The majority of archeologists believe that severe climate changes following the 8.2 ka Event forced Neolithic societies to adapt to new conditions. It is possible that some of them migrated to regions with more tolerable condi‌tions while others found alternative survival strategies such as hunting or food collecting instead of cultivating. Intermountain valleys in Fars region are required to be studied precisely and extensively in order to achieve a more comprehensive understanding of this period. During a survey by the authors in 2015 in the Bavanat River Basin in northeastern Fars, the most prominent Neolithic occupation of the region was iden‌tified in Hormangan, a site first excavated in 2016. The excavation sought to understand cultural characteristics, investigate subsistence strategy according to studies based on vegetal and bone finds and regional and intraregional interactions. There is an attempt in this paper to introduce the findings of the first excavation season, and then define chronological importance of the Neolithic site in the province. There were two recognized settlement phases revealed through the excavations which show migration from the other valleys to the Bavanat region during latter half of the 7th millennium, due to climatic changes. Keywords: Bananat River Basin, Neolithic Period, Mushki Period, Hunting Societies.   Introduction & Method The site of Hormangan is a Pottery Neolithic site, which is locat‌ed in the Bavanat River basin in north-eastern Fars, south-west Iran. The Bavanat River basin is located on the northern edge of the Zagros Mountains.. A. Stein conducted a brief survey in the 1930s and B. Helwing and Askari Chaverdi undertook a survey around Monj in the Bavanat River basin in 2007 (Helwing 2007; Stein 1936). Therefore, one of the authors (Morteza Khanipour) undertook the first intensive archaeological survey in the Bavanat River ba‌sin from March to May in 2015 (Khanipour 2015). The Bavanat River basin is a narrow intermontane valley in the Zagros Moun‌tains. The plain is 50 km long and 10 km wide. The Bavanat River runs through the plain from the north-west to the south-east. Approximately 200 archaeological sites were discovered by the survey. The archaeological sites span from the Neolithic to the Islamic period. The site of Hormangan is the only Neolithic site discovered during the survey and is currently the oldest site in the Bavanat River basin.  The site is extending north- south; its eastern parts were disturbed by agricultural activities. The first season of excavation took place for 45 days during March - April 2016. Major goals were: 1) to understand the settlement’s stratigraphy, 2) its relative and absolute chronology, 3) to investigate the site’s regional interaction, 4) retrieving faunal and botanical remains to reconstruct subsistence patterns, 5) to identify evidence of cultural and commercial ex‌change, 6) to identify site functions during the different occupations, and, in general, 7) to trace political and social evolutions.   Identified Traces In order to determine the site’s extent, some four‌teen 1 x 1 m test trenches were dug in the different parts of the mound, followed by the excavation of three trenches (8x8, 5x5, and 4x4 m). They reached depths of some 1 m, exposing cultural layers from the late 7th millennium B.C.E. This site is less than 0.5 ha in size and the artificial deposits of the site are very shallow (less than 1 m in thickness). The excavation revealed two phases; the early phase and late phase. In the late phase, rectangular buildings built of chineh were constructed, while no remains of buildings were discovered from the early phase. Only ash lenses and hearths were excavated from the early phase, suggesting that the site was used as a camp site during the early phase. Although two phases were identified at Hormangan, there are no clear differences in the material culture between them. Both phases yielded very similar pottery shards. Table 1 shows a chronology that was developed in northern Fars (Azizi Kharanaghi 2014; Khanipour in press; Weeks 2013). The chronology begins with Aceramic Neolithic phase (Rahamatabad Phase) (7500 B.C.E~7000 B.C.E). The Aceramic Neolithic phase is followed by the Formative Mushki phase (7000 B.C.E~6400 B.C.E), which was recently advocated by H. Azizi Kharanaghi, based on his excavation at Rahamatabad and Qasr-e Ahmad, the Mushki phase (6400 B.C.E ~ 6000 B.C.E), and the Jari phase (6000 B.C.E ~ 5600 B.C.E) (Azizi Kharanaghi 2014; Khanipour in press; Weeks 2013). Recently, a new phase, the Bashi phase, was also advocated and introduced between the Mushki phase and Jari phase (Bernbeck 2010; Pollock 2010). The Bashi phase dates to the period from 6100 B.C.E and 6000 B.C.E (Nishiaki 2010; Weeks 2010). However, one of the authors (Morteza Kha- nipour) concludes that the Bashi phase cannot be accepted as a separate phase based on the excavation at Hormangan (Khanipour in press). The pottery excavated from the early and late phases of Hor- mangan can be classified as Mushki-type pottery. Additionally, cylindrical stone objects were excavated from Hormangan. These objects are interpreted as earrings or game tokens. Similar objects were excavated from Tall-i Mushki by the University of Tokyo (Fukai et al. 1973). In addition, Hor- mangan yielded shells and natural copper artefacts (Khanipour 2016).   Conclusion The finds from Hormangan increase our knowledge about the material culture of Mushki period (hunting societies), especially with regard to pottery variability, chronology and site distribution. Information from the site, especially on the technical and cultural aspects of the Neolithic community including its pottery production, long-distance contacts, subsistence patterns, chipped stone inventory, provided a better understanding of the Mushki culture. Regarding climate changes during the seventh millennium B.C.E in Middle East, we observe alterations in settlement patterns in this period, also supported by evidence from other sites in Fars province. The two recognized settlement phases might be an evidence for migration from the Kur River Basin to the Bavanat region during latter half of the 7th millennium, expected to be caused by climate change. The earlier phase is assumed to show a seasonal settlement (ab‌sence of architecture), represented by thin layers and several hearths. The later phase could be regarded as a sedentary settlement with substantial architectural remains. The burnt structure was probably a primary open kiln which have not been reported from the Fars Neolithic sites yet. It should be noted, however, that the kiln existed contemporaneously with the site’s later phase. By comparing the findings of this site with the sites of the Kur river basin (Tol-e Mushki, Tol-e Jeri, Tol-e Bashi, RahmatAbad and Kushk-e Hezar), the ear‌lier phase of the site currently can be dated to between 6375 and 6200 B.C. while the later phase has to be dated between 6200 to 6000 B.C.E.}, keywords = {Bananat River Basin,Neolithic Period,Mushki Period,Hunting Societies}, title_fa = {محوطه هُرمَنگان استقراری از دوره نوسنگی در حوضه رودخانه بوانات}, abstract_fa = {در حوزه‌ی فرهنگی فارس، بازه‌ی زمانی نیمه‌ی دوم هزاره‌ی هفتم قبل‌ازمیلاد، تحت عنوان «دوره‌ی موشکی» معرفی شده است؛ در این دوره، الگوهای معیشتی فارس از معیشتِ مبتنی‌بر کشاورزی به معیشتِ مبتنی‌بر شکارورزی تغییر کرده و سپس در اوایل هزاره‌ی ششم قبل‌ازمیلاد، هم‌زمان با «دوره‌ی جری» معیشتِ کشاورزی به‌شیوه‌ی آبیاری تبدیل می‌گردد که این موضوع تحلیل‌های متفاوتی را به همراه داشته است. جهت شناخت و تحلیل بهتر این تغییرات معیشتی نیاز است تا دیگر دره‌های فارس نیز مورد بررسی قرار گیرند تا بتوان به تحلیلی جامع‌تر دست‌یافت. طی بررسی‌های باستان‌شناسی حوضه‌ی رودخانه‌ی بوانات از سطح محوطه‌ی هرمنگان، سفال‌های دوره‌ی نوسنگی شناسایی گردید. جهت تعیین عرصه‌ی محوطه، گاهنگاری مطلق و نسبی دوره‌ی نوسنگی در منطقه‌ی بوانات، شناخت شاخصه‌های فرهنگی، بررسی و شناخت شیوه‌ی معیشت براساس مطالعه‌ی یافته‌های گیاهی و استخوانی و برهمکنش‌های منطقه‌ای و فرامنطقه‌ای منطقه‌ی بوانات در دوره‌ی نوسنگی، این محوطه مورد کاوش قرار گرفت. در این مقاله سعی بر این است تا در ابتدا، یافته‌های به‌دست آمده از نخستین فصل کاوش معرفی گردد؛ سپس جایگاه این محوطه را در نوسنگی فارس تبیین نماییم. با توجه به اهداف مقاله، این پرسش مطرح شد که، محوطه‌ی هرمنگان مربوط به چه دوره‌ای است؟ ساختارهای اقتصادی مردمان ساکن در این محوطه چگونه بوده و برهمکنش‌های منطقه‌ای و فرامنطقه‌ای آن در طول دوران استقراری چگونه بوده است؟ طی کاوش‌های صورت گرفته، دو فاز استقراری شناسایی شد، با توجه به پژوهش‌های صورت گرفته، به‌نظر می‌رسد در نیمه‌ی دوم هزاره‌ی هفتم قبل‌ازمیلاد بر اثر تغییرات اقلیمی مردمانی از دیگر دشت‌های فارس به این منطقه کوچ ‌کرده‌اند. فاز قدیمی‌تر را با توجه به عدم وجود معماری، کمی ضخامت نهشته‌ها، وجود اجاق‌های متعدد می‌توان استقراری فصلی دانست و فاز جدیدتر را با توجه به وجود معماری مربوط به استقرار دائم تاریخ‌گذاری کرد. با توجه به مقایسه‌ی یافته‌های کاوش نیز این محوطه را می‌توان به نیمه‌ی دوم هزاره‌ی هفتم قبل‌ازمیلاد دانست که مواد فرهنگی آن قابل‌مقایسه با تل موشکی، تل جری ب، تل بشی، تپه رحمت‌آباد و کوشک‌هزار است.}, keywords_fa = {حوضه رودخانه بوانات,محوطه هرمنگان,دوره نوسنگی,دوره موشکی}, url = {https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_2584.html}, eprint = {https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_2584_d401cd44358ab190f4c038c1499b9ab1.pdf} } @article { author = {Zeyghami, Majid and Motarjem, Abbas and Yousefi Zoshk, Rouhollah}, title = {Critics and Analysis of Periodization and Chronology of the Central Iranian Plateau With Emphasis on the 4th Millennium B.C.}, journal = {pazhoheshha-ye Bastan shenasi Iran}, volume = {8}, number = {19}, pages = {47-66}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Bu Ali Sina University}, issn = {2345-5225}, eissn = {2345-5500}, doi = {10.22084/nbsh.2019.17081.1796}, abstract = {The assemblages of archaeological sites is the matter of the greatest importance in the spatiotemporal divisions, so any error in identifying the internal patterns of those, will be a direct reflection on their comprehensive archaeological analysis. The prehistoric chronology and periodization of the Iranian Central Plateau generally have based on tepe Sialk’s, more than eighty years chronology. According to it, the fourth millennium B.C. includes the sub-periods of Sialk III4-5, Sialk III6-7b, Sialk IV1, and parts of Sialk IV2. The way in which these sub-periods are distinguished and differentiated have always been unclear and very generalized. While the sialk periodizatiom was based on architectural strata, its comparative studies have all been based on ceramic styles led to many errors in the process of inter-regional transformations and their chronological recognition. Most of these problems seem to be caused by insufficient attention to evidence of short-term events in archaeological studies. The results of recent studies in Meymanatabad has indicated the inability of such a generalized division, due to the lack of attention to the short-term cultural events and the inflexible normative perception of the concept of culture. This, despite the fact that over the past century, due to the great changes in the definition of the concept of cultural change and its various stages chronology and periodization, archaeological studies in the interests of the inter-regional and site distinctions and short-term criteria endorsement, passed over the old rigid normative and generalized definitions of culture. Continued studies of excavations such as tepe Meymoon-abad in Robat-karim, presenting sufficient evidence of such that errors, which emphasize on the necessity of review the Iranian central plateau prehistoric periods old studies and their divisions. Therefore, this paper in addition to the fluidity of spatiotemporal dimensions of cultural boundaries emphasized to the recognition and differentiation of cultural processes in short-term divisions. Keywords: Periodization, Chronology, Central Plateau, Sialk, MeymanatAbad.   Introduction The main subject of periodization, cultural classification and archaeological chronology are the temporal and spatial patterns of remained collections. The findings of archaeological sites are very important in the chronological division and periodozation, because they are basic materials to compare of the cultural similarities. Therefore, any error in identifying the internal characteristic of these, which have an inherent conjunction with their spatiotemporal dimensions, will be a direct reflection on wider spatial and temporal patterns that are based on. The prehistoric chronology of the Iranian Central Plateau, especially due to its vast geographical scope, has been one of the cases faced with such a challenge. During the recent decades, there have been done many archaeological excavations and surveys in this area, the most of them have focused on prehistoric periods and their chronologies. Nevertheless, Despite the good quantity of them, the prehistoric chronology and periodizations of Central Plateau generally have based on the chronology and periodization of tepe Sialk that has not changed for eighty years. According to this Chronology, Ghirshman divided the chronology of the tepe sialk, from the Neolithic to the beginning of the Bronze Age (Proto Elamite) into four cultural periods and seventeen sub-periods (Sialk I1-IV2). As Mentioned above, the fourth millennium B.C., as the main subject of this paper, includes the sub-periods of Sialk III4-5, Sialk III6-7b, Sialk IV1, and parts of Sialk IV2. The second half of this millennium includes the important socio-political developments played a major role in increasing of social inequalities, the formation of early states, the proto literate and some technological changes. The results of recent studies in Meymanatabad tepe which was done to get a precise image from the process of cultural transformation of various prehistoric periods in this area, has indicated to the inability of such a division. This paper tries to recognizing the reasons that caused to past divisions inefficiencies in applying for the new chronological studies of sites such as Meymanatabad, and the weaknesses and strengths of each of them. We will do this work by re-analysing of approaches of periodization used for this region and re-evaluation of them on the basis of theoretical changes in archaeology during the recent decades. Our main hypothesis about the reasons of this issue is that, the archaeological approaches in field studies of the region have so far been generalized and careless, and have ignored many details in the process of cultural transformations.   Critics and Analysis The division of the important period between the Sialk III6-7b and IV1-2 strata is in a way that emphasizes on the serious discontinuity between them. Regardless of whether the detection of this discontinuity is correct or not, the way in which these sub-periods are distinguished and differentiated have always been unclear and very generalized. So that, for example, the Sialk III6 has never been individually mentioned and has always been considered a participant with the Sialk III7. Of course, Sialk’s multiple chronological problems are not limited to that. While the Sialk divisions was based on architectural strata, its comparative studies have all been based on ceramic styles, which has led to many errors in the process of chronological recognition. Most of these problems seem to be caused by insufficient attention to short-term Transformations processes. Meymoon-abad was a late chalcolithic site that have been excavated in the 2012. The chronological evidences of the site included a set of four cultural phases and seven sub-phases, which consist of a collection of nine different types of ceramic styles, that some of them emerged successively. This cultural phase, related sub-phases and ceramic styles were comparable with two sub-period of Sialk III6 and III7, which were established more than eighty years ago by just one ceramic style. This, despite the fact that some of meymoon-abad late chalcolitic ceramic styles were completely not seen among Sialk III6-7b styles, and some also had different characteristics in comparison with similar styles of the Silk. In addition, the comparison of the ceramic styles of this period indicates that, at the beginning of the late chalcolithic, not only there has been serious differences between the northern, central, and southern styles, but also at the end of that even the site such as tepe Qabristan has never been inhabited after Sialk III6.   Conclusion The results of recent studies have emphasized to the inability of previous generalized divisions of late chalcolithic chronology in Sialk, due to the lack of sufficient attention to the short-term cultural events processes and the inflexible normative perception of the concept of culture. This study, in addition to acceptation the fluidity of the temporal and spatial dimensions of cultural boundaries, emphasize to the carefulness in the recognition and differentiation of short-term spatio-temporal cultural processes in the field archaeological activities. Meymoon-abad is an excellent site to study that how the transition between the significant sub-periods of Sialk III6-7b was happened. Continued studies of excavations such as tepe Meymoon-abad, presenting sufficient evidence of old chronological division errors, which emphasize to the necessity of review in the Iranian central plateau prehistoric periods old studies and their divisions. Such as a detailed study which focus on shorter periods of time, can refine the typological and stylistical sequence of the late chalcolithic ceramic traditions in the Iranian central plateau area. This new chronological division and periodization also can throw considerable light on some of the problems related to the emergence of complex societies in this region and time.}, keywords = {Periodization,Chronology,Central Plateau,Sialk,MeymanatAbad}, title_fa = {نقد و تجزیه و تحلیل دوره‌بندی و گاه‌شناسیِ فلاتِ‌مرکزی ایران با تأکید‌بر هزارة چهارمِ قبل از میلاد}, abstract_fa = {موضوع اصلیِ دوره‌بندی و گاه‌شناسیِ باستان‌شناختی، مسأله‌ی شاخصه‌‌هایِ زمانی و مکانیِ مجموعه‌هایِ موادِ‌فرهنگی‌ست. بر‌همین‌اساس، اجزاءِ سازنده‌ی محوطه‌های باستانی به‌عنوان مواد بنیادین مقایسه‌ی تشابهاتِ‌فرهنگی، از اهمیت بالایی برخوردارند؛ و هرگونه خطایی در تشخیص شاخص بودن آن‌ها، انعکاس مستقیمی در الگویابی‌های گسترده‌ترِ مکانی و زمانی خواهد داشت. با‌ وجود کمیتِ نسبتاً خوب فعالیت‌های باستان‌شناختیِ مرکز فلات ایران در دهه‌هایِ اخیر، گاه‌نگاری‌ها و دوره‌بندی‌های صورت‌گرفته برای پیش‌ازتاریخِ منطقه که عموماً متکی‌بر تقسیم‌بندیِ بیش‌از هشتاد ساله‌ی سیلک کاشان هستند، تغییر چندانی نکرده‌اند؛ در‌حالی‌که بعضاً معدود تلاش‌هایی برای اعمال اصلاحاتی در دوره‌بندیِ پیش‌از تاریخ فلات‌مرکزیِ ‌ایران صورت‌گرفته، اما نتایجِ مطالعاتِ اخیر، نشان‌دهنده‌ی ناتوانی آن‌ها در ارائه‌ی تصویری روشن از فرآیند تحولات فرهنگیِ ادوار مختلف پیش‌از تاریخی منطقه است. از‌ همین‌رو، به‌نظر می‌رسد ‌که تجزیه‌و‌تحلیلِ فرآیند تحولاتِ گاه‌شناسانه‌ی منطقه و رویکردهایِ حاکم‌بر آن، سنجش کیفیت دوره‌بندی‌ها و تقسیمات گاه‌شناختیِ صورت‌گرفته و چراییِ عدم‌تغییر تقسیماتِ پیشین و ناکامیِ تلاش‌های انجام‌شده تا به امروز، موضوعات مهمی هستند که پاسخ‌گویی به‌آن‌ها برای اصلاح و تغییرِ رویکردها و تقسیمات ارائه‌شده، ضروری‌ست. محتمل‌ترین گزینه آن‌ست‌ که ضعف در مبانی نظری و اصول فعالیت‌های میدانی باستان‌شناسی را عامل چنین اتفاقاتی بدانیم؛ اما، نتایجِ تحلیل‌هایی که بر‌مبنای سنجشِ فرآیند تحول فعالیت‌های پژوهشی طولانی‌مدتِ منطقه، در‌ مقایسه ‌با تحولات تعاریف و رویکردهای نظری و عملی باستان‌شناسی اروپا و آمریکا به‌دست آمده‌اند، نشان‌دهنده‌ی آن‌ست ‌که این عدم موفقیت، علاوه‌بر موارد ‌فوق، به‌واسطه‌ی بی‌توجهی‌به رویدادهای فرهنگی کوتاه‌مدت و برداشت‌های ضعیف و انعطاف‌ناپذیرِ هنجاری از مفهومِ فرهنگ، حاصل ‌آمده‌اند؛ چرا‌که در طول قرنِ گذشته، به‌واسطه‌ی حصولِ تغییرات بسیار در تعریف مفاهیم تغییرِ‌ فرهنگی، گاه‌شناسی و دوره‌بندی، مطالعاتِ باستان‌شناختی به‌سودِ به‌رسمیت شناخته شدنِ تمایزاتِ درون‌منطقه‌ای و محوطه‌ای، و معیارهای زمانیِ کوتاه‌مدت‌تر، از تعاریف انعطاف‌ناپذیرِ هنجاری فاصله‌ گرفته؛ و با پذیرشِ سَیالیتِ مرزهایِ فرهنگی در ابعاد زمانی و مکانی آن، بر دقت‌نظرِ خود در تشخیص و تمییز فرآیندهای فرهنگی افزوده‌اند. در ‌این‌میان تداومِ مطالعات کاوش‌هایی نظیرِ میمون‌آباد نیز، منجر‌به آشکار شدن خطاهایِ فراوانی در گاه‌شناسی و فرآیند تحولاتِ درون‌منطقه‌ای شده که تأکید مجددی بر ضرورت بازبینیِ مطالعات و تقسیم‌بندی‌های گذشته‌ی پیش‌ازتاریخ فلات‌مرکزیِ ایران دارد.}, keywords_fa = {دوره بندی,هزاره ی چهارم قبل ازمیلاد,فلات مرکزی,تپه سیلک,تپه میمون آباد,باستان شناسی ایران}, url = {https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_2585.html}, eprint = {https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_2585_bc18cd4b34c1cb133cca45d8c7fc3fea.pdf} } @article { author = {Naghshineh, Amir S.}, title = {The Hasanlu Columned Halls, Diffusion or Innovation}, journal = {pazhoheshha-ye Bastan shenasi Iran}, volume = {8}, number = {19}, pages = {67-86}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Bu Ali Sina University}, issn = {2345-5225}, eissn = {2345-5500}, doi = {10.22084/nbsh.2019.15292.1683}, abstract = {The Achaemenid architecture is famous for its columned halls; however, such halls were common prior to the Achaemenid Period in Iran. Buildings with columned halls dated to Median Period were discovered in Nush-i Jan and Godin. Similar buildings were also present in Baba Jan, Ziwiye, Hasanlu, Kordlar and Bastam as well. Among these buildings, the oldest example of columned hall belongs to Hasanlu, where seven buildings including columned hall were constructed in three successive periods of Hasanlu V, IVc and IVb, dated to ca. 1250-800 B.C. The main common characteristic of these buildings is their central part, which was constructed in form of a columned hall, along with other common components and elements, such as: a portico and an anteroom in entrance, a stairway passed around a central column on a side of the anteroom, ancillary rooms situated along the sides of the hall, benches constructed on sides of the hall, columns added at the sides of the hall, raised hearth in the center of the hall, and a platform opposite the entrance of the hall. Use of these common characteristics in Hasanlu continued for about four centuries and led to formation of a particular architectural tradition. In regards to the origin and the prototype of this architectural style, as well as its continuity and subsequent changes until the Achaemenid Period, different notions were brought up. Some scholars have sought the origin of this style out of the Iranian plateau. Others have considered it as a linear or multilinear evolution. Most of these opinions are based on the basis of the theory of diffusion. The present essay brings up a different opinion about the formation of this architectural style in Hasanlu. On the basis of this view, the construction of columned halls can be taken as an internal innovation in indigenous architecture of Hasanlu, considering their common features with other contemporary buildings without a columned hall in Hasanlu. Keywords: Hasanlu Tepe, Columned Halls, Diffusion Method, Innovation Method.   Introduction In the excavations of Hasanlu, several buildings have been unearthed from the Iron Age, among which there are also seven buildings with a columned hall. These buildings belong to Periods V, IVc and IVb, dated to ca. 1250-800 B.C. The most impotent common characteristic of these buildings is their central part, which was constructed in form of a columned hall. Other main parts of these buildings include a portico at the entrance, an antechamber between the portico and the columned hall, a spiral stairway led from the antechamber to the second floor and the side rooms along the sides and back of the central hall. In addition, there are similar features in the columned halls of these buildings: the two rows of columns in the center, the columns stood at the sides, the clay benches lining along the walls, a platform set against the back wall of the hall and a central hearth. Use of these parts and features were common in most of the buildings with columned halls in Hasanlu for about four centuries. Despite the fact that over the course of these centuries’ developments in the architecture of Hasanlu’s columned halls occurred, but the basic layout of these buildings and many of its elements and components remained constant and led to formation of a particular architectural tradition. The construction of columned halls, although had no previous history on the Iranian plateau, but was not specific to Hassanlu, and was also usual in Kurdler at the same time, and after the destruction of Hasanlu IVb settlement continued in other Iron Age centers in western Iran, such as Godin II, Noushijan and Ziwiye, then reached the peak in the architecture of the Achaemenid palaces. The presence of these buildings, as well as other examples outside the Iranian plateau, with some similarities and differences, has led to different notions about their origin. These views generally attempt to explain the origin of this architectural style based on diffusion theory or a linear evolutionary model. In this regard, the most important question of this essay is: Where is the origin of the architectural style of Hasanlu’s buildings with columned Hall? To answer this question, considering the characteristics of these buildings and comparing them with other buildings without columned hall in Hasanlu, a new perspective is proposed based on the innovative theory.   Discussion In the excavation of Operation V in the Low Mound of Hasanlu, a building was discovered known as the “Artisan’s House” or the Burnt Building XIII. This building, which dated to Period IVc-b, is not large enough and does not have a columned hall, but the layout and some of its components are comparable to a building including columned hall from Period V as well as the burned building III of Period IVc. The building consists of a small portico-like entrance (closed on three sides and open on the one side) in front, a small room behind it, an almost large central room, and a narrow side room with its entrance from the central room. The general design of this building and its different parts are similar to that of the early buildings of Hasanlu including columned hall (Periods V and IVc). In fact, this building without columns and the buildings with columned hall were all built on the basis of a same layout. The building excavated in the Low Mound was a small-sized house that did not require any column in its not so wide central room, while the columned halls had larger dimensions and the use of columns was essential to cover them .In other words, the buildings with columned hall required more spacious spaces due to their public and ceremonial function, therefore their central chamber was built in the form of a large columned hall. In fact, the buildings with columned hall are a developed form of other common buildings and houses in Hasanlu, which were built for specific and likely non-residential purposes. In this explanation, using the columns to create spacious spaces is just a technical innovation within the framework of the usual architectural style in Hasanlu.   Conclusion Therefore, the formation of the columned halls in Hasanlu’s architecture can be regarded as an internal innovation that gradually evolved over the centuries and led to a long-term tradition in the Iron Age architecture of Hasanlu, and contrary to diffusionism thoughts, it does not necessarily mean accepting a new architectural style from another region or community. None of the buildings with columned hall in other Iron Age centers in western Iran are exactly matched with the general layout of Hasanlu’s columned halls and do not include all of their components and details. On the other hand, they do not completely match with each other. In fact, the most important aspect of the similarity between these buildings is their columned halls and the mere use of the columned halls in these buildings is not sufficient reason to put them all in a particular style. It seems that the construction of columned halls in the late second and early first millenniums B.C. in the northwest and west of Iran was a technical innovation in response to the need for ceremonial extensive architectural spaces that have been modified in each of the centers, due to the local conditions and necessities}, keywords = {Hasanlu Tepe,Columned Halls,Diffusion Method,Innovation Method}, title_fa = {تالارهای ستوندار حسنلو، انتشارگرایی یا نوآوری}, abstract_fa = {معماری هخامنشی به استفاده از تالارهای ستوندار معروف است، ولی ساخت چنین تالارهایی در پیش از دوره‌ی هخامنشی نیز در ایران معمول بوده است. از دوره‌ی ماد در نوشیجان و گودین، بناهایی با تالار ستوندار کشف شده است؛ علاوه‌بر این، در: باباجان، زیویه، حسنلو، کردلر و بسطام نیز نظیر این ساختمان‌ها وجود دارند. در این بین، قدیمی‌ترین نمونه‌ها به حسنلو تعلق دارند که در آنجا در سه دوره‌ی پی‌درپیِ V،IVc و IVb، با تاریخ حدود 1250 تا 800 ق.م.، مجموعاً تعداد هفت ساختمانِ دارای تالار ستوندار به‌دست آمده‌اند. ویژگی مشترک اصلی این ساختمان‌ها، بخش مرکزی آن‌ها است که به شکل تالاری ستونداری ساخته می‌شد، علاوه‌بر این اجزاء و عناصر مشترک دیگری نیز در بین آن‌ها وجود دارند؛ همچون: رواق ورودی، پیشخوان، راه‌پله‌ای مارپیچ در یک‌طرف پیشخوان، اتاق‌های جانبی در اطراف تالار، ستون‌ها و سکوهای چسبیده به دیوارهای تالار و تختگاهی در مقابل ورودی تالار. به‌کارگیری این ویژگی‌های مشترک به‌مدت چند قرن در معماری حسنلو ادامه می‌یابد و منجر به شکل‌گیری سنت معماری خاصی می‌گردد. در مورد خاستگاه و الگوی اولیه‌ی این سبکِ معماری، همچنین تداوم و تحولات بعدی آن تا دوره‌ی هخامنشی، نظریات مختلفی مطرح شده است. برخی از پژوهشگران خاستگاه این سبک را در خارج از فلات ایران جستجو کرده، برخی دیگر برای آن سیر تحولی تک‌خطی و یا چندخطی در نظر گرفته‌اند، که اغلب این نظرات بر پایه‌ی «نظریه‌ی انتشارگرایی» قرار دارند. در این نوشتار، دیدگاهی متفاوت درباره‌ی شکل‌گیری این سبکِ معماری در حسنلو مطرح می‌شود. در این دیدگاه، بر پایه‌ی «نظریه‌ی نوآوری»، ساخت تالارهای ستوندار با توجه به مشترکات آن‌ها با دیگر ساختمان‌های همزمانِ فاقد تالار ستوندار در حسنلو، به‌عنوان یک نوآوریِ درونزا در معماری محلی حسنلو شناخته می‌شود.}, keywords_fa = {تپه حسنلو,تالار ستوندار,نظریه ی انتشارگرایی,نظریه ی نوآوری}, url = {https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_2586.html}, eprint = {https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_2586_20b7156db6575a506d6a44e46bf4eb62.pdf} } @article { author = {salehvand, navid and Shishegar, Arman and جعفری زاده, مسلم and firoozmandi shireh jin, bahman}, title = {A Resarch on Tubular Glass Rods of Untash-Napirisha Doors and Their Analysis by X-Rey Fluorescence Method}, journal = {pazhoheshha-ye Bastan shenasi Iran}, volume = {8}, number = {19}, pages = {87-104}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Bu Ali Sina University}, issn = {2345-5225}, eissn = {2345-5500}, doi = {10.22084/nbsh.2017.12764.1560}, abstract = {In the excavation of Al-Untash-Napirisha (The Site known as Chogha Zanbil), tubular glass rods were found. However, so far, no comprehensive research has been conducted about them in the form of an investigational article and only constituent elements of a few glass pieces which had been entered the Corning Museum of Glass in New York have been analyzed and determined. In the excavation done by Roland de Mecquenem and Michaleon in the years between 1935-1939 AD and 1946 AD in this site, many tubular glass rods, weighting almost 100 kg, had been discovered. In the description of these findings, it was assumed that they were long glass beads in dark blue and white or amber color with lengths of 20 to 28 cm. that in some of them bronze rods had remained. After World War II, between1951 to 1962 and during the excavations done by a French group in Ziggurat by Roman Ghirshman, pieces of wooden doors with bronze rods in them had been discovered. With the development of human knowledge today and the engineering science applied to archeology, a discipline referred to as archaeometry has been formed. The results of analyzing a single sample kept in storages of Susa Castle by conducting fluorescence x-ray method in laboratory of faculty of science in Tarbiat Modarres University, in comparison with the results of this same analysis on four samples done in Corning Museum of Glass shows that Elamite glassworkers produced these glass rods with a specific goal in their minds. The combination of various materials results in the production of blue and purple to black color glass. For instance, if copper oxide is mixed with potassium and sodium, a color spectrum of turquoise blue is created. The second and most important reason of creation of this blue color is the combination of Fe2O3 with the sulfur existing in the plant ash, creating a spectrum of blue color. Generally, the Elamite glassworkers were familiar with the features of the pigments and materials, also, they could be used to degree of amount of the raw materials in Choghazanbil glass rods to make them, so These glass tubes were more resistant because being used in the door of temples proves. The hypothesis that in the glass working sites of Choghazanbil, elites familiar with the knowledge of materials were employed for supervision and the same supervision systems were used. Keywords: Chogha Zanbil, Tubular Glass Rods, 13th Century B.C. (Middle Elamite Period), XRF.   Research Questions How and in what ways the glass rods have entered the museums and collections? What techniques are involved in the production of these materials? Can, based on ancient studies, the production of these glasses be considered as systematic? Are the results obtained from sample under study consistent with those from Corning samples? Has any change occurred in the compounds or production of these glass rods, considering their application (in order to decorate the doors of the temples)? Has the source of the constituent materials of these glasses been the same? Have they been made based on the same instructions?   Research Methodology The present research study has used two data gathering methods. First, using library studies and published research reports. Second, archeological studies conducted on a sample from Susa castle warehouses, using the laboratory method of X-ray fluorescence with Philips PW2404 software in the laboratory of the faculty of science in the Tarbiat Modares University. Then, the data related to the sample under study and four Corning samples were analyzed by ABM Spss 25 software, providing outputs in the form of diagrams, based on the required data. Although these tubular glasses were found in the entrance of buildings so-called North-eastern, they could not understand for what they were being used. Along with these tubular glass rods, copper sheets identified as part of these doors had also been found.   The Method of Producing the Glass Rods The rods made of semitransparent glasses with dark blue purplish color, that a wide band of white glass has been wrapped around each, have been used in the wooden double doors of some of the chapels and Zigurat Al-Untash- Napirish. These rods were produced with rod frames in which a bronze rod played the role of the frame and in some of them, these bronze rods remained. In this method, to make the rods, some melted liquid is taken with a metal rod and, then, as the result of rolling this melted liquid on a surface, it is formed as a rod. Then, a rather thick layer of glass with white color is wrapped and twisted around this warm, already- made rod. Later on, it is rolled on a flat surface so that the added layer of glass is widened and absorbed by the main body and is formed as a helix band.   Conclusion The glass rods of Choghazanbil known as the oldest and most ancient glass pane in the world are of significant importance in the history of glasswork and due to this same reason, they have found their way to the various museums of the world. The glass rods used for the decoration of the doors of the temples in Elam. The existence of bronze rods used as frames inside some of the glasses in the place of excavation indicates that it has been probably produced in a site near Choghazanbil. Moreover, the results obtained from the evaluation of the sample under study with the X-ray fluorescent method and its comparison with four Corning samples studied and experimented by Brill shows that Elamite glassworkers produced these glass rods with a specific goal in their minds. The high amount of calcium in these rods shows that they intended to make glasses with higher strength and resistance as these rods were used for the doors of temples and, consequently, they had to be more resistant than the usual glasses. The evaluation of weight changes of magnesium oxide to potassium showed that the source of supplying the soda of these glasses has been the ashes produced from the plants grown in the salty soils. Increase or decrease in the amount of the metal oxides as color elements can lead to color change and the creation of different color shades. One of the characteristics of metal oxides in the primary compound of the glass is that through minimum change in the metal oxides, different color spectrums are created. However, the blue color in the glass rods of the Choghazanbil has two main reasons: First, if copper oxide is mixed with potassium and sodium, a color spectrum of turquoise blue is created. The second and most important reason of creation of this blue color is the combination of Fe2O3 with the sulfur existing in the plant ash, creating a spectrum of blue color. The degree and amount of the raw materials in Choghazanbil glass rods is an indication of the same instructions and supervision on the production of these glasses by the experts and masters in the Choghazanbil temple in the 13th century B.C.}, keywords = {Chogha Zanbil,Tubular Glass Rods,13th Century B.C. (Middle Elamite Period),XRF}, title_fa = {پژوهشی پیرامون لوله های شیشه ای درهای ال-اونتش-نپیرش، آزمایش و مطالعه آن ها با روش فلئورسانس پرتو مجهول}, abstract_fa = {در کاوش‌های «اَل-اونتَش-نپیریشَ» (محوطه‌ی مشهور به «چغازنبیل»)، لوله‌های شیشه‌ای به‌دست آمده که تاکنون تحقیق جامعی درباره‌ی آن‌ها در قالب یک مقاله تحقیقی صورت نگرفته است. این لوله‌ها به‌عنوان یکی از قدیمی‌ترین شیشه‌های ایران و درواقع به‌عنوان عنصری تزیینی در قاب‌های درهای چوبیِ دو لنگه‌ی برخی از نیایشگاه‌های زیگورات چغازنبیل جای گرفته بوده‌ݠند. لوله‌ها از شیشه‌ی نیمه‌شفاف ساخته شده و درون برخی از آن‌ها قالب‌های میله‌ای از جنس مفرغ هویدا، کشف شده است، از این نوع لوله‌ها تنها از در زیگورات چغازنبیل پیدا شده است. هدف اصلی این مقاله، آشنایی با هنر شیشه‌گری در دوره‌ی عیلام میانه و به‌خصوص این شیشه‌ها است. در ابتدای این پژوهش، باید به چند پرسش اساسی پرداخت؛ نخست، این‌که نمونه‌های مذکور، آیا نمونه‌های مشابهی داشته‌اند؟ و چگونگی راه‌یابی آن‌ها در موزه‌های دنیا به چه شکل بوده است؟ و پرسش‌هایی در مبحث آنالیز مواد که این شیشه‌ها از چه موادی ساخته شده است؟ و عامل اصلی رنگ نمونه‌ی آزمایشی چه بوده است؟ برای پاسخ به این پرسش‌ها از دو روش کتابخانه‌ای و مطالعات آزمایشگاهی استفاده گردیده، و نهایتاً نتایج حاصله از مطالعات آزمایشگاهی نشان می‌دهد که در تهیه‌ی این شیشه از مقدار مناسبی سیلیس به‌عنوان ماده‌ی اصلی و از خاکستر گیاهان به‌عنوان مواد گدازه‌آور و موادی نیز به‌عنوان عامل ایجاد رنگ آبی مورد استفاده قرار گرفته است.}, keywords_fa = {چغازنبیل,لوله های شیشه ای,سده ی 13 ق.م. (عیلام میانی),فلئورسانس پرتو مجهول}, url = {https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_2587.html}, eprint = {https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_2587_ace6d2b73e72b4a6aa3128ab4358c6cc.pdf} } @article { author = {Saeedyan, Sadi}, title = {Historical Geography of the Central Zagros in the Neo-Assyrian Period: Namri, Hamban, Karalla, Parsua and Allabria}, journal = {pazhoheshha-ye Bastan shenasi Iran}, volume = {8}, number = {19}, pages = {105-126}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Bu Ali Sina University}, issn = {2345-5225}, eissn = {2345-5500}, doi = {10.22084/nbsh.2017.14333.1625}, abstract = {In the first half of the 1st millennium B.C. and before the formation of the Median Kingdom, i.e. 10th-7th centuries B.C, many petty states were formed in the western parts of Iran which were considered as the eastern neighbors of the Neo-Assyrian Empire. The campaigns of Assyrian armies into the Zagros Mountains have been reported in Cuneiform inscriptions with significant details which provide us with remarkable knowledge on the Zagros petty kingdoms. In fact, the Assyrian written documents are the most significant sources for localization of the Zagros toponyms. Despite passing of more than a century from the beginning of the studies relating to the historical geography of Neo-Assyrian Empire, however, localization of some Zagros petty states has been the subject of dissensions between scholars. The present study deals with the localization of the Zagros place-names and petty states such as Namri, Bit-Hamban, Karalla, Parsua and Allabria which are considered to be in modern provinces of Kermanshah and Kurdistan in western Iran. The main question is where these place-names are exactly located? In order to reach a valid answer, we have analyzed geographical data of the Neo-Assyrian inscriptions particularly those which reporting the Assyrian army campaigns into western Iran. We also try to identify the well-known late Iron Age sites of western Iran with the mentioned place-names. The result of the study indicates that Namri could be localized in western parts of modern Kermanshah while Hamban and Parsua are situated respectively in central and northern part of the province. Karalla is situated in Hawraman (Oraman) and Allabria can be localized north of it. Keywords: Zagros, Assyria, Toponyms, Kermanshah, Kurdistan.     Introduction & Method Zagros mountains witnessed the emergence of a series of small kingdoms and petty states, each one covered a certain geographical territory during the first half of the first millennium B.C. and before the formation of Median kingdom. The most important source of information about these kingdoms and petty states are written documents and cuneiform inscriptions belonging to Neo-Assyrian Empire. Assyrian Kings such as Ashurnasirpal (884-859 B.C), Shalmaneser III (859-824 B.C) Shamshi-Adad V (824-811 B.C), Adad-nirari III (811-783 B.C), Tiglath-Pileser III (744-727 B.C), Sargon II (722-705 B.C), Sennacherib (705-681), Esarhaddon (681-669 B.C) and Ashurbanipal (669-627 B.C) invaded western Iran with the aim of meeting the economic and political needs of their vast empire, making the native peoples of the region their subject and taking tribute from them.  They reported their military and political activities in their cuneiform inscriptions on clay or rock, most of them are available today to archaeologists and historians. These inscriptions are rich in valuable information about socio-political structures and historical geography of the western Iran during the first half of the 1st millennium B.C. Thanks to these written documents we can gain knowledge about location of lots of small states and kingdoms such as Mannea, Ellipi, Zamua, Hubushkia, Harhar, Kishesim, Media, Gizilbunda, Gilzanu, Andia, Karalla, Allabria, Parsua, Namri, Hamban, Araziash, Sangibuti, Abdadani, Bit-Kapsi and so on.  Apart from these Assyrian documents, archaeological excavations and surveys conducted during the recent century have also helped to clarify the history and socio-economic status of societies of Iran during the Late Iron Age. However, from the beginning of the Iranian and Assyrian studies, the problem of historical geography of Zagros and extent of territory of the mentioned states in Neo-Assyrian period, has been the subject of dissensions between scholars. Studies on the localization of Zagros toponyms mentioned in Assyrian documents dates back to the ends of 19th century, beginning with the works of German orientalists such as E. Shraeder, M. Streck, A. Billerbeck and E. Forrer. This paper deals with the localization of five of these petty states including Namri, Hamban, Parsua, Karalla and Allabria. We shall try to locate the borders of these small kingdoms based on the Assyrian royal texts and newly discovered archaeological evidence from western Iran. The paper also aims to identify the well-known late Iron Age sites of western Iran with the mentioned place-names.   Identified Traces In this part of the paper we try to localize five Zagros place-names including Namri, Hamban, Parsua, Karalla and Allabria according to evidence derived from report of Assyrian campaigns to western Iran. Namri has a long history and apart from Neo-Assyrian documents, has been attested in the inscriptions from Akkadian and Kassite periods. According to the reports of the Assyrian kings it has common boundaries with Arrapha, Gannanati land, halman and parsua. In summary we can say that the neo-Assyrian evidence point to an area from Diyala river toward western part of the modern province of Kermanshah in Western Iran. The material available for locating Hamban (Bit-Hamban) indicates that it must has been near Namri and borders it in the east. Given this point and as it was accessible from Ellipi as well, Hamban can be localized in east of Kermanshah around Behistun plain. It has probably been attested in Aramaic version of Behistun inscription of Darius as the “hmbn”. Thanks to the reading of Tangi var inscription found in Avroman (Hawraman) in which the great success of Sargon II in the land of Karalla has been reported, we can localize Karalla in Avroman in Iranian Kurdistan. Allabria was also the neighbor of Karalla and as it had common boundaries with Parsua and Mannea according to Assyrian itineraries, we can say that it was situated in an area between modern cities of Sanandaj and Mariwan. There are also lots of evidence which shows that Parsua was an important petty state along the great Khorasan road and located in the north of Mahidasht Plain. In this paper we also examined the wrong information about Parsua, Parsuash and Parsumash and its relations with Persians and their migration into Iran. It seems that except “Parsumash”, which had firstly been mentioned in the inscriptions of Senacherib in 691 B.C, which referred to Persia, the other names refer to the land of Parsua located in Central Zagros without any relation to Persians. So, the Zagros parsua and the land of the Persians in modern Fars has nothing in common except a similar name.   Conclusion The present paper dealt with the localization of five petty states and lands of the first half of 1st millennium B.C locating in central Zagros. Our most significant sources for localization of these place names were neo-Assyrian written documents and archaeological data of this period from western Iran. In order to reach a valid answer, we have analyzed geographical data of the Neo-Assyrian inscriptions particularly those which reporting the Assyrian army campaigns into western Iran. We also try to identify the well-known late Iron Age sites of western Iran with the mentioned place-names. The result of the study indicates that Namri could be localized in western parts of modern Kermanshah while Hamban and Parsua are situated respectively in central and northern part of the province. Parsua probably situated in north of Mahidasht plain and can be identified with the ancient mound of Kheibar in Ravansar. Hamban can be localized in Behistun plain and has been probably mentioned in Aramaic version of Behistun inscription of Darius as the “hmbn”. Karalla is located in Hawraman (Avroman) near to Tangi var inscription and Allabria can be localized north of it near modern cities of mariwan and Sanandaj.}, keywords = {Zagros,Assyria,Toponyms,Kermanshah,Kurdistan}, title_fa = {جغرافیای تاریخی زاگرس مرکزی در دورۀ آشور نو: نمری، خمبن، کرلّ، پرسواَ و الّبریه}, abstract_fa = {در نیمه‌ی نخست هزاره‌ی اول قبل‌ازمیلاد و پیش از تشکیل حکومت ماد، یعنی بین سده‌های دهم تا هفتم قبل‌ازمیلاد، در مناطق غربی ایران پادشاهی‌های کوچک و شاهک‌نشین‌های متعددی شکل‌گرفته بودند که همسایگان شرقی امپراتوری آشور نو به‌شمار می‌آمدند. در متون آشوری به این سرزمین‌ها و شاهک‌نشین‌ها اشارات فراوانی شده و لشکرکشی‌های سپاهیان آشوری به این ایالت‌ها به‌طور مفصل شرح داده شده است. این کتیبه‌های آشوری، مهم‌ترین منبع موجود برای مکان‌یابی جای‌نام‌های زاگرسی به‌شمار می‌آیند؛ اما باوجود گذشت بیش از یک سده از آغاز مطالعات جغرافیای تاریخی دوران آشور نو، هنوز درباره‌ی مکان‌یابی برخی ایالت‌ها و شاهک‌نشین‌های زاگرسی اختلاف نظر وجود دارد. در مقاله‌ی حاضر سعی شده تا با بررسی متون آشوری، موقعیت مکانی برخی شاهک‌نشین‌های زاگرس‌مرکزی از جمله نَمری، بیت-خَمبن، کرلَّ، پرسواَ و الّبریه مشخص شده و محوطه‌های باستانی شناخته شده‌ی عصر آهن پایانی غرب ایران با این شاهک‌نشین‌ها تطبیق داده شوند. پرسش اصلی تحقیق آن است که جای‌نام‌های مذکور دقیقاً در چه مناطقی واقع‌شده و با کدام مناطق همجوار بوده‌اند؟ روشی که برای رسیدن به این هدف درنظر گرفته شده، تحلیل دقیق اطلاعات جغرافیایی کتیبه‌های آشوری و به‌ویژه آن دسته از متونی است که  لشکرکشی‌های نقطه به نقطه‌ی سپاهیان آشوری به داخل ایران را گزارش می‌دهند. همچنین برای نیل به نتیجه‌ی مطلوب، داده‌های باستان‌شناسی نیز مورد بررسی قرار گرفته‌اند. براساس بررسی‌های صورت گرفته به‌نظر می‌رسد که نَمری در غرب استان کرمانشاه، بیت-خمبن در مرکز آن و پرسوا در شمال استان (شمال دشت ماهیدشت) واقع بوده‌اند. کَرلَّ را می‌توان در منطقه‌ی اورامان مکان‌یابی نمود و احتمالاً الّبریه نیز در شمال آن قرار گرفته است.}, keywords_fa = {زاگرس,آشور,جای نام,کرمانشاه,کردستان}, url = {https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_2588.html}, eprint = {https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_2588_ab19ee2f06807586d9214723065a1482.pdf} } @article { author = {dehpahlavan, mostafa and Malekzadeh, Mehrdad and Chaharrahi, Zabih Allah}, title = {Archaeological Survey of Part of the Great Khorasan Road, So-Called Pataq Defile or Median Gate}, journal = {pazhoheshha-ye Bastan shenasi Iran}, volume = {8}, number = {19}, pages = {127-146}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Bu Ali Sina University}, issn = {2345-5225}, eissn = {2345-5500}, doi = {10.22084/nbsh.2019.15228.1677}, abstract = {Investigating the first signs of political, economic, and cultural exchanges in the world should be explained. Iranian people played major role in communication routes, especially in the Iranian Plateau during emerging prehistoric periods, as link of Orient and Occident. Excavated sites in Iranian Plateau, Afghanistan, and central Asia lying at the border of the main modern routes and tracks, show that the earliest residents of these sites lived exactly along the tracks replaced nowadays by modern routes and used them to link different places (Majidzadeh, 1982: 59). One of the most important historic main routes was the so-called “Great Khorasan Road” which played a major role linking together different cultures and civilizations. Pataq Defile is one of the key parts of the Great Khorasan Road linking Khorasan and Mesopotamia. In this present paper, the authors develop archaeological and historical studies about one of the most important sections of Great Khorasan Road known as Pataq defile, Median Gate, or Zagros Gate. Indeed, mentions of the Pataq defile in historic sources indicate firm correspondences with “Median Gate” or “Zagros Gate” geographical term.  Studying the historic and archaeological sources, the authors identified the real significance of the defile. By several surveys and through investigation in historical sources including the travel logs, we were able to give more details on the defile, leading to a better understanding of historical changes through aerial photographs and GIS analysis. Keywords: Median Gate, Zagros Gate, Aqabeh-e-Holvan, Pataq Defile, Taq-i-Garra, Zeidj-e-Manizheh. Holwan or modern Sar-i-Pol Zahab is a strategic region or city that reported in various logs and historic sources as frontier of Iranian Plateau and Iraqi lowlands (the authors). In 1878, E. Schrader suggested that the name Halman (with its variant Arman), occurring in the cuneiform inscriptions, was to be identified with the modern Holwan near Sar-i-Pul-i-Zuhab on the Great Khorasan Road. This identification was accepted by F. Delitzsch in his important work on Babylonian geography, Wo Lag das Paradies, and has been used as one of the few virtually undisputed locations in the reconstruction of the historical geography of the Zagros. Billerbeck concurred with the identification, and Olmstead went further still and changed the reading “Halman” at the end of Shalmanser’s 828 B.c. campaign to “Hashmar”, because his reconstruction of the route of the campaign put the Assyrians too far north to terminate their march near Sar-i-Pul. Considering fieldwork and historic sources, one can say that Pataq Defile is the same Median or Zagros Gates of classic historians. There are evidences from passengers’ traffic at Pataq Defile. Heavy traffic and strategic position of the Defile made the importance of the spot for a monument as Garra Arch. Thorough look at Pataq Defile and Median Gate lead us to better understanding of application of Garra Arch, which is unknown and should be discussed in another place. Traffic at different periods at the defile caused, considering available equipment, alterations and new paths at the area of the Defile. In present paper, it is attempted to use remains and historic sources to thorough recognition of ancient roads and their probable age. There were recognized three paths at Pataq Defile. Now we involve in conclusions of spatial and temporal area of each.  Path 1: it is compared to pre-Islamic to Safavid road. Evidences of pavement (stone blocks), hand dug path, foundation and so on, imply the significance and activities for ultra-regional road. Western and Islamic historians indicate the significance of the region as borderline. As the evidences imply connections between Garra Arch and the road, it is probable that the arch is a structure in relation to road, traffic, or a borderline of to land. Path 2: as conclusion, considering Flandin’s scheme, there is a caravan passing in front of the arch. As mentioned earlier, remained evidences indicate pre-Islamic and even Islamic road (before Flandin) passes from lower part of the arch. On the other word, no one used lower road of Garra Arch (parts IV, V, VI, and VII) at this time, however, there is not enough information on the other parts of the Defile before Qajar period. According King Nasir al Din’ descriptions that comes later at path III, one can say that Gasteiger, an Austrian engineer, constructed the road in front of the arch for the king to travel to ‘Atabaat. Path 3: it is not seen in aerial photos of geographical Organization of armed Forces at 1956, however it is obvious Corona’s photos of 1969. Considering photos of Jalili Kirmanshahi and Golzari, and Kleiss’s documentation one can conclude that the road constructed between 1956 and 1965 at Pahlavi II’s reign. Finally, there are millennia’s efforts of Iranian people at Pataq Defile of constructing road in order to political, economic, and cultural exchanges between east and west.}, keywords = {Median Gate,Zagros Gate,Aqabeh-e-Holvan,Pataq Defile,Taq-i-Garra,Zeidj-e-Manizheh}, title_fa = {بررسی باستان‌شناختی بخشی از شاهراه خراسان بزرگ: گردنۀ پاطاق یا ”دربند مادی“}, abstract_fa = {باستان‌شناسی، افزون‌بر گذشته‌ی جای‌ها و نقاط، به پیشینه‌ی راه‌ها هم می‌پردازد؛ به خط میان دو یا چند نقطه، به مسیر میان دو یا چند جای. چندوچونی راه‌های باستانی، از موضوعات محل توجه باستان‌شناسان بوده و هست، و در باستان‌شناسی ایران، یکی از مهم‌ترین راه‌های باستانیِ پیونددهنده‌ی میان شرق و غرب فلات ایران، «شاهراه خراسان بزرگ» بوده است؛ و بخشی بسیار کلیدی، در مسیر شاهراه خراسان بزرگ، «گردنه‌ی پاطاق» کنونی است. خراسان بزرگ از یک‌سوی، و میانرودان از سوی دیگر، مبدأ و مقصد بسیاری از رهگذران این راه و این گردنه بوده است. منابع تاریخی و شواهد باستان‌شناختی، بر اهمیت بالای این گردنه در طول تاریخ گواهی می‌دهند. در این مقاله تلاش داریم تا با تکیه بر نتایج بررسی‌های میدانی متعدد و جستجویی بیشتر در منابع تاریخی از قبیل: نوشته‌های جغرافیون باستان، سفرنامه‌های سیاحان و یادگارهای شاهان و شاهنشاهان، اهمیت گردنه‌ی پاطاق را به‌همراه جزئیات آن، بار دیگر یادآور شویم؛ همچنین سعی‌مان بر این بود که با کمک گرفتن از تحلیل عکس‌های هوایی قدیم و جدید به درک بهتری از تغییرات روزگار نوین و معاصر در گردنه‌ی پاطاق دست‌یابیم؛ در پایان از تحلیل‌های نرم‌افزار GIS نیز برای بازسازی مسیر اصلی روزگار باستان (خصوصاً پیش از اسلام) این مسیر بهره برده‌ایم. با استناد بر شواهد باستان‌شناختی برجای مانده در محدوده‌ی گردنه‌ی پاطاق کنونی، و نیز منابع تاریخی، می‌توان از انطباق این گردنه با گذرگاه موسوم به «دربند مادی» (Μηδικὴ πύλη) یا «دربند(های) زاگرس» (Ζάγρου πύλαι) در متون جغرافیایی کلاسیک (یونانی و لاتین) و «عقبة حلوان» جغرافیون دوران اسلامی سخن گفت. در پژوهش ما مسیر باستانی (پیش از اسلام) در گردنه‌ی پاطاق، که محور اصلی این مقاله است، شناسایی و بازیابی شد؛ دو مسیر دیگر که از دوره‌ی صفوی به‌بعد در گردنه‌ی پاطاق مورد استفاده قرار گرفته است نیز بررسی و زمان تقریبی ایجاد هریک شناسایی شد.}, keywords_fa = {شاهراه خراسان بزرگ,دربند مادی,دربند زاگرس,عقبة حلوان,گردنه ی پاطاق,طاق گرا,زیچ منیژه}, url = {https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_2589.html}, eprint = {https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_2589_b7ed8ba4ed965074ce85cfed1ff7a37c.pdf} } @article { author = {Attarian, Koorosh and Beyranvand, Mostafa}, title = {Locating and Explaining the Physical Structure of Ancient City of Shapur-Khast Based on the Patternd of Sassanid City Using GIS}, journal = {pazhoheshha-ye Bastan shenasi Iran}, volume = {8}, number = {19}, pages = {147-166}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Bu Ali Sina University}, issn = {2345-5225}, eissn = {2345-5500}, doi = {10.22084/nbsh.2019.15370.1703}, abstract = {After the falling of Parthian dynasty done by Ardeshir Babakan, in the first decades of Christian century, a new emperor named Sassanid originated. Historical sources show that the first Sassanid kings were the founders of the great cities. Ardeshir and Shapur I began to develop ancient cities and build new towns. At that time, the ancient cities of western Iran were centers for industrial production and trade, as well as for the establishment of security of Royal Routes. One of these cities called Shapur-khast was founded by Shapur I. The main monumental buildings remained of it are the Castle of Shapur-Khast and Shapuri bridge. Shapur-Khast castle was as the governing castle called as Falak al-Aflak castle. The location of this city is considered to be one of the most important cities in the west of the east (Kermanshah to Isfahan) and north-south (Shush in Hamadan), both in terms of military strategy and exploitation of natural and geographical complications and in terms of communication status. The question we will address in this article is how to select the Shapur-khast Template for Sassanian designers? The purpose of this study is to execute the location of the city and adapting the form of city with the Sassanid architects design patterns in Shapur I ancient era. Keywords: Shapur-Khast, Ancient Pattern of Cities, Sassanid Cities, Location Choice, GIS.   Introduction On Shapur-Khast city location based on historic script and folk narrations about the fortress Shapur-Khast and Shapouri Bridge, two other locations near Khorramabad, Saboor and also Masur Hill, can be mentioned; But the Sabour hill is not such that it can be considered a remnant of a city, and the Masoreh Hill also lacks the evidence of urban architecture belonging to the Sassanid era and early Islamic. However, the existence of a script on the Shari’ati Street of Khorramabad as an archaeological document shows that the location of Shapur-Khast could be found at a distance far from the remained stone structures. There are remnants from the early Islamic centuries such as brick minarets, broken bridges, stone vortexes, grinding mills, as well as archaeological evidence in the Ghaziabad area to the nearby Gibri mill from an old city that accidentally carried out from of gas supply and water supply operations. It is mainly associated with the architecture of gypsum and plaster. It can be concluded that the ancient city of Shapur-Khast has been within this region. But undoubtedly, archaeological excavations in this area can help to achieve a definite result The research method of this study in first step is interpretative historical method. Therefore, the historic and physical characteristics of city, monuments and urban archeological properties of the city analyzed. In the second step the location characteristics and geomorphological properties of the three cities which founded by Shapur I, Gundi Shapur. Bishapur studied and the properties of general slope of lands, location of city next to river, and main access way illustrated. The results show that in all three case studies the location of the city is depended on the minimum distance of the cities and riverside. Also, the main inclination of the urban lands and surroundings is gentle. Bishapur and Nishapur physical and location properties are much the same than Gundi Shapur. In Gundishapur the slope of the city has not a main role in setting the location of the city. In step 3 of research method the city plan corresponded with the Shapur I ancient cities to find the main properties of founding Sassanid urban planning. Analysis shows that the leader and king of Sassanid era lived at out of the boundaries of city and generally lived in a highland castle above or aside of city. Sassanid cities same as Achaemanian urban planning based on religious beliefs. In general, the cities have barracks and have four entrance gates to four geographical orientations. Also there was trench all around the city instead of places reach to rivers or highland mountains. These cities generally located at riverside for access to fresh water and kingdom roads for trade and commercial activities or for increase the security for the bridges or kingdom roads. Main bridges of the city located alongside or in closest access to the entrance gates of the city. The variables to be examined for location studies include: 1. General slope of the earth to obtain the original situation of the city relative to the elevations and geographical conditions of the area, 2. Distance from the river, which is an element for water supply and a defensive indicators of the city, 3. Distance from the King roads, which is a factor in the easier connection between cities and the establishment of the security of the Shah’s ways. These three variables were analyzed in all three cities of Gundi-shapur, Bishapur and Nishapur using Arc GIS software and the results show that in the location of the three cities some indicators are permanent which one of them is trying to find the closest route to the river, in addition, the slope of their placement has a gentle slope. Bishapur and Neyshabur cities have the same slope features as Gundi-Shapur. In Gundi-Shapur city, the slope of the earth has had less impact on the city location. However, in the case of the riverside location, each city has a common feature. As a result, in order to locate the town of Shapur-Khast, it should be taken into consideration that a place with gentle slopes and distances close to the river and the road is the main features of location strategies. In step 4 of research method, with the aim of the ArcGIS software and considering the information of archaeological excavations in the region, library studies and monumental building restored from Sassanid era in Khoram Abad the location of ancient city of Shapur khast presumed. There are cities in the west and southwest of Iran whose foundations are attributed to the two Sassanid kingdoms Ardeshir and Shapur I. The construction of each of these cities pursued objectives that could have been placed in economic, political, military, or residential settings; the Shapur-Khast city was built along the Kingdom Road and the city formation system (the location of the city relative to geographic constraints) is connected to the mountain and riverside, same as military towns, especially Bishapur city. Using ArcGIS software and three main indicators of locating Sassanid cities applied to find a pattern for the location of three case studies this research. According to the words of historians and archaeologists who have considered the location of Shapur-Khasht in current Khorramabad, this pattern also has been considered in ArcGIS software for Khorramabad city. The analysis of GIS data, from the Sassanid era and historical texts shows that the probable location of the city of Shapur-khast located in south of Khoram Abad city in the Qazi-Abad, Hoseyn abad and hillside Madbeh to Kheyr-Abad hills and Like its neighboring cities, it has two parts; one is the headquarter and the other is Sharhistan. Considering the remains of the Shapur Castle, such as Shapour-Khast Fortress and Shapouri Bridge, the fortress of Falak Al-Aflak is the same headquarter that was built outside the city and above the cliffs overlooking the Khorramabad valley. Sharistan in located in the region of in the Shapuri Bridge, from the Kheirabad Hill Up to Qazi Abad and the area of Hussein Abad hills. It seems that the city’s pattern, like its neighboring cities, is grid shape plain, its grid networks streets that at the ends of which are the gates of the city. The Shapuri Bridge, which was built on the Khorramabad River, was almost near one of the gates of this city and allowed the west to east (Tisfoun to Shapur-Khast), and it crossed the road for traffic and control of passage ways.}, keywords = {Shapur-Khast,Ancient Pattern of Cities,Sassanid Cities,Location Choice,GIS}, title_fa = {مکان یابی و تبیین ساختار کالبدی شهر باستانی شاپور خواست برمبنای الگوی شهرهای ساسانی با ‏استفاده از ‏GIS‏ ‏}, abstract_fa = {منابع تاریخی نشان می‌دهند که نخستین پادشاهان ساسانی از بنیان‌گذاران بزرگ شهرها بوده‌اند. اردشیر و شاپور اول به توسعه‌ی شهرهای کهن و بنا کردن شهرهای نوبنیاد پرداختند. در آن دوره، شهرهای کهن در غرب ایران مراکز تولیدات صنعتی و دادوستد بازرگانی بودند و همچنین به‌دلیل برقراری امنیت در بین راه‌های، شاهی شهرهایی بنا نمودند. یکی از این نمونه شهرها، شاپورخواست نام دارد که به‌دستور شاپور اول بنا شده است. موقعیت این شهر به‌علت قرارگیری بر مسیر راه‌های غرب به شرق (کرمانشاه به اصفهان) و شمال به جنوب (شوش به همدان) و هم از جهت راهبرد نظامی و بهره‌گیری از عوارض طبیعی و جغرافیایی یکی از مهم‌ترین شهرهای آن دوره به‌حساب می‌آمده است. پرسشی که این پژوهش در صدد پاسخ‌گویی به آن است، چگونگی مکان‌یابی شهرهای تاریخی توسط الگوی ساختار شکلی شهر و موقعیت جغرافیایی و شواهد باستان‌شناسی، در شهر تاریخی شاپورخواست است؟ متغییرهایی که جهت مکان‌یابی شهرها مورد بررسی قرارگرفتن شامل: 1- شیب عمومی زمین؛ 2- فاصله از رودخانه؛ 3- فاصله از راه‌های شاهی. در این پژوهش ابتدا به تجزیه‌ و تحلیل  نقشه‌ها و شکل شهرهای ساسانی پرداخته شده و نحوه‌ی شهرسازی شهر شاپورخواست از طریق تطبیق نقشه‌ی ساخت شهر با الگوهای سه شهر از شهرهای هم‌دوره‌ی شهر شاپورخواست بررسی شده و الگوی فضایی از آن‌ها با استفاده از روش تطبیقی به‌دست آمده است. در مرحله‌ی دوم با استفاده از نرم‌افزار ArcGIS و با توجه به نتایج کاوش باستان‌شناسان و مطالعات کتابخانه‌ای و آثار به‌جا مانده از دوره‌ی ساسانی در خرم‌آباد مکان‌یابی شهر باستانی شاپورخواست تعیین گردید. نتایج تحقیق نشان می‌دهد که شهر شاپورخواست در جنوب خرم‌آباد و در منطقه‌ی قاضی‌آباد، پشته‌ی حسین‌آباد و کناره‌های کوه مدبه تا تپه‌ی خیرآباد قرار گرفته است و سپس با توجه به تطبیق نتایج مکان‌یابی موقعیت شهر شاپورخواست با الگوی شهرهای ساسانی هم‌دوره‌ی خود، الگویی از ساختار شهر شاپورخواست ارائه‌ شده است.}, keywords_fa = {شاپورخواست,الگوی شهرهای باستانی,شهرهای ساسانی,مکان‌یابی,‏GIS}, url = {https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_2590.html}, eprint = {https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_2590_951505a649eebc783693bb1c5708f2a4.pdf} } @article { author = {Ebrahimzadeh, Akram and Salehikakhki, Ahmad}, title = {Imamzad-e Shohada (Sultan-Ibrahim) Khorrami-DehBid Monastery of the Ilkhanid-Timurid Era}, journal = {pazhoheshha-ye Bastan shenasi Iran}, volume = {8}, number = {19}, pages = {167-186}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Bu Ali Sina University}, issn = {2345-5225}, eissn = {2345-5500}, doi = {10.22084/nbsh.2019.16193.1736}, abstract = {Many holy monuments & burials were built in various places of Iran. These structures which are known as Imamzad-e have special features. It also be mentioned that these Imamzad-e constructions, as a form of burial structures. In some of the cases, are the Sufi’s or some great people’s graves and burials which are respected by Muslims, as holy places and have the structure, architectural decoration. In the Fars province, there are a number of such these graves, that have the function of a monastic. However, due to lack of evidences about the date of the construction of some burials, the construction date of some places like Imamzad-e Shohada (Sultan-Ibrahim) Khorrami-Deh‌Bid is unclear. In the Fars, there are similar architectures and decorations similar to the Ilkanid era and the Timurid era. The purpose of this research, with the historical-comparative investigation, is answering some of the related questions: 1) based on the structure & decoration type of the Imamzad-e Shohada, which era does the building of Imamzad-e belong to? 2) what are the factors and features of Imamzad-e Shohada’s formation, type, and function? At the first, a survey was carried out, then based on the gained written references and based on the evidences of other similar places, and decoration of Imamazad-e Shohada was compared with existed similar architecture in the regions of Fars province and its neighbour, such as Kerman, Yazd & Isfahan. then, the results of the investigation to a number of other holy buildings, constructions, monuments & monasteries dated to the Ilkanid-Timurid era. At the end, regarding the characteristics and evidences of this Islamic holy building & its structure, decoration, feature, and form there are evidences of a monastic function in the Imamzad-e Shohada. The final results of this study also show that the Imamzad‌-e Shohada is related to the time of the 8 to 9 A.H. Keywords: Fars, Khorrami-Dehbid, Imamzad-e Shohada (Sultan-Ibrahim), Monastery, Ilkhani-Timurid Architecture.   Introduction & Method We can see a great number of mausoleums (or Boqa) and tombs In Islamic era of Iran. Some of them were a place of study, debate and residence of the religious figures and scholars, which later became their burial place after their decease in the next periods. Alongside the importance of their architectural structures and decorations, these burial structures have become a respected place, known as imamzadeh (holy shrines), to the disciples and the local people through the passage of time. There are many structures in this kind of it on the Fars province, most of them attributed to the Islamic medieval era and were places for gatherings of Sufi brotherhood known as monastery. Among them are Imamzadeh Davood-kherqe (the holy shrine) of Firooz-Abad, the mausoleum of Sheikh khalifa-Jahrom, the mausoleum of Sheikh Mohammad-Khonj and Imamzadeh Shah-Mir-Hamzeh-Bonavat. While some of these are explored and identified by the archaeologists and scholars, there are still some others remained unknown. Imamzadeh Shohada (the mausoleum of Ibrahim the Sultan) Khorami-Dehbid, given its architecture and decoration_ which, at first sight, is reminiscent of architectural works of the late Ilkhanid and Timuried period _ and also its location, is a tomb among the many others that appears to be a monastery (a place for gatherings of Sufi brotherhood). This research is conducted in response to the ambiguities about antiquity and the function of this tomb whose name is only mentioned in most of the architectural sources associated with Islamic era of Iran. Several sources have traced back the antiquity of this tomb to the Timurid and Aq-Qoyunlu periods. However, its antiquity and function have remained unknown due to the lack of evidence indicative of its construction date. Meanwhile, a very special place in Timurid period was possessed by Shirazi architects whose constructions in the governmental centers of Timurid have convinced the minds of the scholars to search the structures pertaining to this historical period and located in central areas of Iran, especially in Fars province. Having this assumption in mind, the tomb was first field- explored & studied by the authors. Then, based on the written sources, architectural structures and decorations, the tomb was compared with similar tombs located in the central areas of Iran, especially in Shiraz and the neighboring provinces including Kerman, Yazd and Isfahan. And finally, the antiquity and the function of this tomb were estimated through counting its features with other similar tombs.   Identified Traces The tomb of Imamzadeh Shohada is located 4 kilometers away from the south of Safa-Shahr city, Fars province, Khorami district, and in the left-side of Shiraz-Isfahan road. This tomb includes the structure of burial of Imamzadeh (figure 1) & a Chahartaqi. In the south. The structure of the tomb has two central sections and several additional sections. (Map 1) there are distinctive architectural & decorative elements in the structure of Imamzadeh Shohada such as: stone decorations, Muqarnas, inscriptions, vaults and arches. The architecture of the tomb seems to be associated with the second period of Azari style (an interval from Timurid and Torkaman period), based on the plan and decoration of building for example: moqarnas vaults, the extensions in Sols calligraphy of the inscriptions, Moaraq tiles, forms of the vaults & arches. According to detail, the structure was compared to those built during the 8-9th century A.H in the Fars region and its neighboring provinces including Kerman, Yazd, and Isfahan. Based on the similarities, this tomb was dated to 8-9th century. Regarding the function of this structure, the tomb of Imamzadeh Shohada appears to be monastery, based on the factors such as: using the terms of “Sultan” and “mausoleums”, the usual location of monastery on the sideways of a road _ which seems to be suitable for travelers’ resting camps_and also in the outside of cities, the burial grounds next to monastery, the architectural plan of monastery and their overall architectural structure, and finally the similarity to other tombs such as Imamzadeh Davood-Kherqeh of Firooz-Abad, the mausoleum of Sheikh-Khalifa-Jahrom, the mausoleum of Sheikh-Mohammad-Khonj. The results introduce the structure of Imamzadeh Shohada (Sultan Ibrahim) Khoram-Bid as a monastery belonged to a Sufi known as Ibrahim the Sultan, who lived during the eighth-ninth century A.H and had religious activities in this place.    Conclusion This research is conducted in response to the ambiguities about antiquity and the function of this tomb whose name is only mentioned in most of the architectural sources associated with Islamic era of Iran. Several sources have traced back the antiquity of this tomb to the Timurid and Aq-Qoyunlu periods. According to the investigations carried out on the structure, architecture and the decorations of this tomb_including the muqarnas, mosaics, vault form, and inscriptions_this tomb evokes Azari style of Persian architecture. Through comparison with other tombs belonging to the eighth and ninth century A.H and located in Fars, Yazd, Kerman and Isfahan, it was concluded that this work of art must be associated with the Timurid-Torkamanan period. Its location in the countryside, the adjacent burial grounds, and also its resemblance to Imamzadeh Davoud-Kheqeh & the mausoleum of Sheikh Khalifa-Jahrom, this tomb appears to be a monastery. Finally, the tomb of Imamzade Shohada (Sultan Ibrahim) was introduced as a monastery pertained to a Sufi known as Ibrahim the Sultan, who lived during the 8 &9 century A.H, and became a shrine to his disciples after his death. With emphesize the centrality of Shia religion in Safavid period & devastation of the monastery became martyred.}, keywords = {Fars,Khorrami-Dehbid,Imamzad-e Shohada (Sultan-Ibrahim),Monastery,Ilkhani-Timurid Architecture}, title_fa = {امامزاده شهداء(سلطان ابراهیم)خرّمی- ده بید فارس؛ خانقاهی از عصر ایلخانی-تیموری}, abstract_fa = {مقابر و آرامگا‌ه‌ها، از دیگر اَشکال معماری است، که از دیرباز تاکنون، در ارتباط با آیین و اعتقادات مردم هر دوره و هر منطقه بوده است. در ایران دوره‌ی اسلامی، بناهای آرامگاهی و مذهبی بسیاری وجود دارند که به‌عنوان امامزاده، مورد زیارت عموم واقع شده‌اند. اما در برخی موارد، این‌گونه بناها، مدفن شخص صوفی یا عالم بزرگی است که مورد احترام مردم هستند. بناهای ساخته شده بر روی مدفن این بزرگان، دارای ساختار معماری و ویژگی‌هایی است، که حکایت از یک خانقاه دارد. در استان فارس، تعدادی آرامگاه از این نوع وجود دارد، که اکثراً مربوط به قرون میانه‌ی اسلامی بوده و عملکرد خانقاهی داشته‌اند. امامزاده شهداء (سلطان ابراهیم) خرّمی-ده‌بید استان فارس، از جمله‌ی آن‌هاست که دارای سبک معماری و تزییناتی مشابه آثار معماری ایلخانی و تیموری است؛ اما به جهت عدم وجود شواهدی درخصوص تاریخ ساخت؛ قدمت و عملکرد بنا، ناشناخته مانده است. بر این اساس، پژوهش پیشِ‌رو با رویکردی تاریخی-تطبیقی و با هدف پاسخ‌گویی به این پرسش‌ها شکل گرفت؛ 1)مجموعه‌ی امامزاده شهداء، براساس ساختار معماری و تزییناتش، در زمره‌ی آثار کدام دوره قرار می‌گیرد؟ 2)عملکرد اصلی بنای امامزاده شهدا چیست و چه عواملی موجب شکل‌گیری این بنا شده است؟ در این راستا؛ ابتدا یک بررسی میدانی در کل مجموعه‌ی آرامگاهی امامزاده شهداء صورت گرفت و سپس با استناد به منابع مکتوب، ساختار و تزیینات معماری بنا با دیگر آثار مشابه در منطقه‌ی فارس و مناطق همجوار، به‌ویژه استان‌های مرکزی ایران، مانند کرمان، یزد و اصفهان مورد مقایسه و مطالعه‌ی تطبیقی قرار گرفت. حاصل کار، تشابه میان ساختار و تزیینات معماری بنای مورد پژوهش، با تعدادی از بناهای دوران ایلخانی-تیموری در مناطق یاد شده بود و در نهایت؛ با توجه به ویژگی‌ها و موقعیت بنا، نتایجی از عملکرد خانقاهی آن، در برهه‌ی زمانی اواسط قرن هشتم تا اواخر قرن نهم هجری قمری به‌دست آمد.}, keywords_fa = {فارس,خرّمی ده بید,امامزاده شهداء(سلطان ابراهیم),خانقاه,معماری ایلخانی- تیموری}, url = {https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_2591.html}, eprint = {https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_2591_0a54be9965a7757b2c3008c641736447.pdf} } @article { author = {Hoseini, Sajjad and Barmaki, Fateme}, title = {The Etymology of the Mention of “Allah, Muhammad, Ali” in the Collection of Sheikh Safi Al-Din Ardebili}, journal = {pazhoheshha-ye Bastan shenasi Iran}, volume = {8}, number = {19}, pages = {187-206}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Bu Ali Sina University}, issn = {2345-5225}, eissn = {2345-5500}, doi = {10.22084/nbsh.2019.15811.1719}, abstract = {Sheikh Safi Al-Din Ardebili’s collection is one of the most prominent masterpieces of Iranian-Islamic architecture. The foundation stone of this complex after the death of Sheikh Safi al-Din Ardebili in 735 AH / 1335 AD was placed by Sheikh Sadr al-Din Musa - his son and his successor in the Safavid leadership, and was completed in the following periods. This collection should be considered as a treasure trove of dozens of valuable Islamic inscriptions which have been presented in the form of various arts such as tiles, carvings, metal lattice, mosaic, lattice and fuel wood. The Islamic inscriptions can be classified into three groups of verses, hadiths, and allegations. The mention of “Allah, Muhammad, Ali” is the most frequent one. But the question is, why is the reason for repeated use of this mention in the collection of Sheikh Safi Al-Din Ardebili? Due to the origin and application of the abovementioned collection, the words, including the decree of “Allah, Muhammad, Ali”, can be based on Sufi traditions. Especially since these words were mentioned throughout the period of the Safavid sheikhs and sultans and later on in the language of the disciples mostly Qizilbash, and still in Jutem Alawi-Bektashi Anatolia, Roman Ilya and the Balkans as the heroes of the Safavid Sufism and the last survivors Tahrath Qizilbash is used. Also, the mention of “Allah, Muhammad, Ali” is evident in the inscriptions existing in many buildings and Sufi objects from the Mongol era to the contemporary period. This research seeks to rely on historical sources and historiography, archival documents, field observations, and archaeological studies in a descriptive-analytical way, while studying the reflection of the mention of “Allah, Muhammad, Ali” as a Sophia’s notion in architecture Sheikh Safi Al-Din Ardebili’s collection examines the use of it in the past and present with the disciples of the Safavid tradition. Keywords: Collection of Sheikh Safi Al-Din Ardebili, Sophie’s Words, Qezelbashi, Allah, Muhammad, Ali.   Introduction Sheikh Safi al-Din Ardabili’s collection is one of the outstanding masterpieces of Iranian-Islamic art. This collection is a manifestation of Iranian-Islamic arts from the time of the Sheikh until the end of the Safavid era and even afterwards. Part of these Islamic fine arts have been molded in the form of dozens of inscriptions painted in tiles, stones, metals, woods, and etc. The contents of the inscriptions can be divided into three groups of verses, hadiths and Dhikrs. Meanwhile, the Dhikr of “Allah, Muhammad, Ali” in terms of repetition, attracts more attention than other inscriptions in this collection. The question raised in this research is whether the repetition of the Dhikr of “Allah, Muhammad, Ali” in the collection of Sheikh Safi al-Din Ardabili is rooted in Sufi traditions? In answer to this question, it is assumed that: Yes, the Dhikr of “Allah, Muhammad, Ali” is one of the most famous Sufi’s Dhikrs from the Mongol to the Contemporary era among the Safavid Disciples, and the collection of Sheikh Safi al-Din Ardabili is based on the traditions of Sufi. This research is descriptive-analytic in nature and is based on library resources, archival documents, field observations and archaeological studies. Previously, there has not been an independent research in this regard, and only in some of the research works related to Sheikh Safi al-Din’s collection, such as “ Shia’s arts in the historical and cultural collection of Sheikh Safi al-Din Ardabili” (Yousefi & Golmaghanizadeh Asl, 2010: 186-183), “homily of vahid Afagh “ (Yousefi & Golmaghanizadeh Asl, 2011: 88), “Ardabil: Sheikh Safi’s Tomb”(Zare, 2006: 50, 61), some reports of the inscriptions have been presented. In the works mentioned above, the writers did not emphasize the Sufi nature of the Dhikr of “Allah, Muhammad, Ali”, and they only called it “sacred names”.   “Allah, Mohammad, Ali” in the Safavid Doctrine The Dhikr of “Allah, Muhammad, Ali” has a special place in Safavid Sufism. This Dhikr has been repeated very frequently in the works of poets related to this Sufism, such as Shah Isma’il Safavi, Pir Sultan Abdal, Ashiq Abbas Tofarqanli, and Khaste Qasem. In one of the sources related to the administrative organization of the Safavid during the era of the Shah Sultan Hussein Safavid, the Dhikr of “Allah, Muhammad, Ali” was used in the ceremony of “Ishik Aghassian”. A similar form of such Sufi ceremony is evident in the religious tradition of the “companion” of the communities of Alavi, Bektashi Anatolia, Roman Ili and Balkan. The roots of this fraternity doctrine go back to Safavid era.  It is also evident in the monuments of the Ilkhanate era till the Safavid era, such as the Soltanieh dome in Zanjan, Tomb of Zainel Beyg, the son of Ozan Hasan Aq Quiunlu, which was located in Hasankeyf, and Sheikh Amin al-Din Gabriel’s collection located in Kalkhoran village of Ardabil, and Sheikh Shahab al-Din Ahari’s collection. This period is renowned as the period of rising of Sufism in Iran.   “Allah, Muhammad, Ali” in the Tomb of Sheikh Safi Al-Din Ardabili The Dhikr of “Allah, Muhammad, Ali” is one of the most frequently engraved Dhikrs of the collection of Sheikh Safi al-Din Ardabili. This Dhikr can be seen in the tile works of the dome of the tomb of Sheikh Safi al-Din Ardabili, the Tugh of dome and the tombstone of Shah Isma’il I Safavid, the lattices of the Khānegāh called the Chinese House, the tile works of Janet Sara and Dar al-Hadith, wood carvings of the wooden doors of the library located in the Chinese house, the tombstones of the cemetery of martyrs, and so on. The Dhikr of “Allah, Muhammad, Ali” has also been commonly used in the Tughs and flags of the Safavid period. This Dhikr has also been used in the documents of this era.   “Allah, Muhammad, Ali” in Safavid’s Sunni and Shia The continuation of the use of this Dhikr is apparent in Shia and Sunni Sharia’s works and objects. However, this Dhikr was most often used in Shi’a Sharia’s societies. In fact, the Sufi Shia in the early Safavid Iran slowly turned into Shia Shi’ism, and the Sufi rituals shifted to rituals of Sharia. This evolution is evident in the form of inscriptions in Safavid and Qajar mosquito carpets (prayer rugs). In these prayer rugs that have had Sharia’s functions, the Dhikr of ““Allah, Muhammad, Ali” was accompanied by Sharia rituals of “there is no god but Allah, Muhammad is the prophet of Allah, Ali is a friend of God, the Truth, the Truth”, or it completely gave its place to other rituals and was removed.   Conclusion The socio-political conditions that have emerged in Iran after the Mongol invasion have led the Iranian community to Sufism. Sheikh Safi al-Din Ardabili is one of the most prominent Sufi people of the Ilkhanate era. During the lifetime of the Sheikh and after his death, the Dhikr of “Allah, Muhammad, Ali” was popular among Safavid people and was also apparent in the works of the Sufi sect. The most prominent use of this Dhikr in the Safavid Sufi works is the collection of Sheikh Safi al-Din Ardabili. This collection was created after the death of Sheikh by his son, Sheikh Sadr al-Din Musa, which was located beside the Khānegāh and the tomb of Sheikh, and was expanded in the subsequent periods. The Dhikr of “Allah Mohammad Ali” was frequently used in various forms of art such as tile work, masonry, wood lattice, metal lattice, carving, and wood carving, and was also evident in various parts of this complex such as in dome of Sheikh Safi al-Din Ardabili’s Tomb, the Tugh of dome and the tombstone of Shah Isma’il I Safavid, the Khānegāh called the Chinese House, the Janet Sara, and Dar al-Hadith. In addition to this collection, this Dhikr is evident in other works related to Safavid Sufism architecture such as Soltanieh Dome, Sheikh Amin al-Din Gabriel’s collection, and Sheikh Shahab al-Din Ahari’s collection. Traditions of the Safavid doctrine such as the tradition of confirmation of “Ishik Aghassian” have been accompanied by the recitation of the Dhikr of “Allah, Muhammad, Ali” and the communities of Alavi, Bektashi Anatolia, Roman Ili and Balkan, as the keepers of the Safavid Sufi heritage in contemporary times, have continued to use this Dhikr in various doctrines, such as the doctrine of heavenly fraternity, which is called “companion”. This Dhikr is also apparent in the poems of the poets related to the Safavid Sufism, at the forefront of whom are Shah Isma’il I Safavid and Pir Sultan Abdal, and also in the Safavid dynasty system and in their praises, the family tree and the seal of the documents, and the Safavid flags and Tughs. Although the Dhikr of “Allah, Muhammad, Ali” was used in the Sufi sects of Sunni and Shia, the continuation of its use was more apparent in the Shia’s Sufi sect. The Sufi Shia in Iran, in the early Safavid period, gradually turned to Sharia Shi’ism, and its Sufi rituals, including the Dhikr of “Allah, Muhammad, Ali”, were transformed into Sharia rituals.}, keywords = {Collection of Sheikh Safi Al-Din Ardebili,Sophie’s Words,Qezelbashi,Allah,Muhammad,Ali}, title_fa = {ریشه‎شناسی استعمال ذکر «الله محمد علی» در مجموعۀ شیخ صفی الدین اردبیلی}, abstract_fa = {مجموعه‌ی شیخ صفی‏الدین اردبیلی یکی از برجسته‏ترین شاهکارهای معماری ایرانی-اسلامی به‌شمار می‏آید. سنگ بنای این مجموعه بعد از وفات شیخ صفی‏الدین اردبیلی در سال 735 هـ.ق./ 1335 م. توسط شیخ صدرالدین موسی -فرزند و جانشین او در رهبری طریقت صفویه- گذاشته شد و در دوره‏های بعد تکمیل شد. این مجموعه را باید گنجینه‏ای از ده‎ها کتیبه‌ی ارزشمند اسلامی قلمداد کرد که در قالب هنرهای متنوعی چون: معرّق کاشی، حجاری، مشبک فلز، معرّق، مشبّک و سوخت چوب متجلی شده است. کتیبه‏های اسلامی مذکور را می‎توان در سه گروه آیات، احادیث و اذکار دسته‏بندی کرد. ذکر «الله، محمد، علی» پرتکرارترین این اذکار است. اما (پرسش این است که) دلیل کاربرد مکرر این ذکر در مجموعه‌ی شیخ صفی‏الدین اردبیلی چیست؟ با توجه به خاستگاه و کاربرد طریقتی مجموعه‌ی مذکور، اذکار موجود در آن و از جمله ذکر «الله، محمد، علی» می‎تواند ریشه در سنت‏های صوفیانه داشته باشد. خصوصاً این‌که این ذکر در سراسر دوران شیوخ و سلاطین صفوی و بعد از این دوران، بر زبان مریدان اکثراً قزلباش ایشان جاری می‏شد و هنوز هم در جوامع علوی-بکتاشی آناطولی، روم ایلی و بالکان به‌عنوان میراث‌داران تصوف صفویه و آخرین بازماندگان طریقت قزلباشیه کاربرد دارد. همچنین ذکر «الله، محمد، علی» در کتیبه‏های موجود در بسیاری از ابنیه و اشیاء صوفیانه برجای مانده از عهد مغول تا دوره‌ی معاصر مشهود است. این پژوهش بر آن است تا با تکیه‌بر منابع تاریخی و تاریخ‎نگاری، اسناد و مدارک آرشیوی، مشاهدات میدانی و مطالعات باستان‏شناسی و به شیوه‌ی توصیفی-تحلیلی ضمن مطالعه‌ی انعکاس ذکر «الله، محمد، علی» به‌عنوان یک ذکر صوفیه در معماری مجموعه‌ی شیخ صفی‏الدین اردبیلی، به بررسی کاربرد آن در نزد مریدان طریقت صفویه در گذشته و حال بپردازد.}, keywords_fa = {مجموعه ی شیخ صفی‎الدین اردبیلی,اذکار صوفیه,قزلباشیه,الله,محمد,علی}, url = {https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_2592.html}, eprint = {https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_2592_ddd2e83bb48ee923dc5e6bf0335218bf.pdf} } @article { author = {Amirhajloo, Saeed and Amirhajloo, Sara}, title = {Distribution, Continuity and Diversity of Islamic Ceramics in the Settlements of Narmashir Plain, Kerman}, journal = {pazhoheshha-ye Bastan shenasi Iran}, volume = {8}, number = {19}, pages = {207-226}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Bu Ali Sina University}, issn = {2345-5225}, eissn = {2345-5500}, doi = {10.22084/nbsh.2019.17433.1823}, abstract = {In the early Islamic sources, Narmashir has introduced as one of the five main cities of Kerman and a part of the southeast economic exchange network. But it is unknown because archaeologists have often focused on the Bam and Jiroft. The questions are: what are the types of Islamic ceramics in the Narmashir, and what periods are they related to? How does the ups and downs of life in the Narmashir and its transnational cultural relations? What are the features of local ceramic production in the Narmashir plain? The purposes of the research are: “the study of Islamic ceramic and production evidence in the Narmashir”, “typology and relative chronology of ceramics”, and “explaining the periods of the prosperity of Narmashir”. The data have collected via “documentary and field” method, and the research method is “descriptive-analytical”. Based on the results, the ceramic types in Narmashir include the unglazed simple wares, wares with carving or added motifs, molded wares, pseudo-prehistoric ceramics, monochrome glaze, underglaze carving or added motifs, slip-painted wares, Sgraffiato, underglaze or overglaze painting, lusterware, and blue and white wares.  These types of ceramics show the cultural relations with Jiroft, Gobayra, Sirjan, Soghan, Minab, Kish, Siraf, Nishapur, Esfahan, Rayy, Qasr-e Abu-Nasr, Marvdasht, Pasargadae, Sisakht, Boyer Ahmad, Susa, Ras al-Khaimah, Musandam, Hadramaut, Bahrain, Basra, Samarra, Raqqa, and Lashkari Bazar. Some samples of ceramics are imported in Narmashir. Some others are local, but they are imitated from foreign samples. The unglazed molded wares are locally produced and they have localized motifs. Also, the life of the old city of Narmashir has started from the Sassanid era, it peaked during the Saljuq and Qara Khitai period, and continued until the Timurid. But, its population declined during the Safavid period, and it has abandoned after the Safavids. So, only a few villages remained in the plain. Keywords: The Old City of Narmashir, Archaeological Survey, Classification of Ceramics, Pottery of Islamic Period.   Introduction & Method Narmashir and its neighboring villages were a part of the southeast economic exchange network, and they have introduced as one of the five main cities of Kerman, in the historical sources. According to these sources, the network of economic roads of southeast and Sistan’s Hajjis route passed through Narmashir. Such a strategic position led to the formation and development of the cities and villages in the Narmashir plain during the Islamic period. The same strategic location turned the city of Narmashir into one of the centers of economic and social interaction in the southeast Iran. For this reason, there are many cultural materials from the Islamic period in the Narmashir plain, especially in the old city of Narmashir. Although the archaeological evidence of the Islamic period in the Narmashir plain is significant, but there is not enough knowledge about the types of Islamic ceramics in the Narmashir. Because most Islamic archaeologists have often focused on the Bam and Jiroft. Not knowing about ceramics of Narmashir plain on the one hand and the role of ceramics in the chronology and studying the cultural changes of societies on the other, indicates the necessity of this research. So, the purposes of the research are: “the study of Islamic ceramic and production evidence in the Narmashir”, “typology and relative chronology of ceramics”, and “explaining the periods of the prosperity of Narmashir”. This research is based on the following three questions: what are the types of Islamic ceramics in the Narmashir, and what periods are they related to? How does the ups and downs of life in the Narmashir and its transnational cultural relations? What are the features of local ceramic production in the Narmashir plain? The data have collected via “documentary and field” method, and the research method is “descriptive-analytical”.   Classification and Study of the Ceramics of Islamic Period in the Narmashir Plain Classification of the Islamic ceramics in Narmashir shows the main types of ceramics are (based on two factors: coating and ornaments): • The unglazed simple ceramics • The unglazed patterned ceramics include the carved, added, molded, stamped, painted, and a combination of carved and molded patterns. • Monochrome glaze includes green, light green, turquoise, blue, azure, brown, and violet, sometimes with carved motifs under glaze, underglaze added patterns, underglaze molded patterns, and underglaze stamped patterns. • Polychrome glaze including slip-painted ceramics, splash glaze, Sgraffiato, underglaze painting, overglaze painting, lusterware, and blue and white ceramics. After classifying and typology, the ceramics of Narmashir plain were compared with samples from other regions. Then, their chronology is proposed based on these comparisons. So, the ceramics of Narmashir plain are comparable with Jiroft, Gobayra, Sirjan, Soghan, Minab, Kish, Siraf, Nishapur, Esfahan, Rayy, Qasr-e Abu-Nasr, Marvdasht, Pasargadae, Sisakht, Boyer Ahmad, Susa, Ras al-Khaimah, Musandam, Hadramaut, Bahrain, Basra, Samarra, Raqqa, and Lashkari Bazar. Some of the ceramic sherds (especially in the old city of Narmashir, Shams Abad, Pir Masha, and Jalal Abad) belong to the Sassanid and early Islamic era. The largest number of samples has survived from the middle’s Islamic centuries. But there are only a few ceramics from the Safavid period. A typical sample of post-Safavid era was not identified in the Narmashir plain. Some samples of ceramics are imported in Narmashir. Some others are local, but they are imitated from foreign samples. The unglazed molded wares are locally produced and they have localized motifs. Also, the life of the old city of Narmashir has started from the Sassanid era, it peaked during the Saljuq and Qara Khitai period, and continued until the Timurid. But, its population declined during the Safavid period, and it has abandoned after the Safavids. So, only a few villages remained in the plain.   Conclusion Four types of ceramic were used in the Narmashir plain in Islamic period: the unglazed simple, the unglazed patterned (the carved, added, molded, stamped, painted and a combination of carved and molded patterns), Monochrome glaze (with the underglaze carving, underglaze added patterns, underglaze molded, and underglaze stamped patterns), and Polychrome glaze (slip-painted ceramics, splash glaze, Sgraffiato, underglaze painting, overglaze painting, lusterware, and blue and white ceramics). The similarity between these types and other regions samples (in Iran and outside of Iran) represents the cultural relations. These ceramic types are comparable with Jiroft, Gobayra, Sirjan, Soghan, Minab, Kish, Siraf, Nishapur, Esfahan, Rayy, Qasr-e Abu-Nasr, Marvdasht, Pasargadae, Sisakht, Boyer Ahmad, Susa, Ras al-Khaimah, Musandam, Hadramaut, Bahrain, Basra, Samarra, Raqqa, and Lashkari Bazar. Also, the comparative and relative chronology of these ceramics shows that the life of the old city of Narmashir has started from the Sasanid era, it peaked during the Saljuq and Qara Khitai period, and continued until the Timurid. But its population declined during the Safavid period, and it has abandoned after the Safavids. So, only a few villages remained in the plain. Some of ceramics in the Narmashir plain are local, but they are imitated from foreign samples. While, the unglazed molded wares are locally produced and they have localized motifs.}, keywords = {The Old City of Narmashir,Archaeological survey,Classification of Ceramics,Pottery of Islamic Period}, title_fa = {گسترش و تنوع گونه‌های سفال دوران اسلامی در سکونت‌های دشت نرماشیر کرمان}, abstract_fa = {نرماشیر در صدر اسلام، یکی از پنج ولایت کرمان بود. اما توجه باستان‌شناسان به بم و جیرفت سبب غفلت از نرماشیر شده و شناخت کافی از سفال اسلامی نرماشیر وجود ندارد. عدم شناخت سفال نرماشیر از یک‌سو، و نقش سفال در گاهنگاری و شناخت تغییرات فرهنگی از دیگر سو، نشانگر ضرورت این پژوهش است. پرسش‌ها این‌ست که گونه‌های سفال اسلامی در نرماشیر چیست و به چه ادواری تعلّق دارند؟ فراز و فرود حیات در نرماشیر و روابط فرامنطقه‌ای آن براساس داده‌های سفالی چگونه بوده‌ است؟ ویژگی‌های تولید و سبک محلّی سفال در نرماشیر چیست؟ اهداف پژوهش عبارتنداز: مطالعه‌ی سفال اسلامی نرماشیر و شواهد تولید، گونه‌شناسی و گاهنگاری مقایسه‌ای و نسبی سفال‌ها و تبیین روند تداوم حیات در نرماشیر. روش گردآوری داده‌ها، میدانی-اسنادی، و روش پژوهش توصیفی-تحلیلی است1. برپایه‌ی نتایج، سفال اسلامی نرماشیر شامل گونه‌های: ساده‌ی بی‌لعاب، نقش‌کنده، افزوده، قالب‌زده، مُهری، شبه پیش‌ازتاریخی، لعابدار تک‌رنگ، نقش کنده یا افزوده زیرلعاب، گلابه‌ای، لعاب‌پاشیده، اسگرافیتو، نقاشی زیرلعاب، نقاشی روی لعاب، زرین‌فام و آبی‌و‌سفید است. این گونه‌ها، ارتباطات فرهنگی با: جیرفت، غبیرا، سیرجان، میناب، کیش، سیراف، نیشابور، اسفراین، ری، اصفهان، قصرابونصر، مرودشت، سی‌سخت، بویراحمد، شوش، رأس‌الخیمه امارات، مُسندَم عمان، حضرموت یمن، قلعه بحرین، بصره، سامرا، رقّه و لشکری‌بازار را نشان می‌دهند. برخی نمونه‌های سفال نرماشیر وارداتی و تعدادی تولید محلّی، اما تقلیدی هستند. نمونه‌های قالب‌زده‌ی بی‌لعاب، تولید محلّی و دارای نقوش کاملاً محلّی هستند. همچنین، حیات شهر نرماشیر از دوره‌ی ساسانی آغاز شده، و در دوره‌ی‌ سلاجقه‌ی کرمان و قراختاییان به اوج می‌رسد و تا دوره‌ی تیموری تداوم داشته است؛ اما جمعیت آن در دوره‌ی صفوی کاهش می‌یابد و پس از صفویان متروک شده و تعدادی روستا در دشت باقی ‌می‌ماند.}, keywords_fa = {شهر قدیم نرماشیر,باستان‌شناسیِ دشت نرماشیر,طبقه‌بندی سفال,سفالگری دوران اسلامی}, url = {https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_2593.html}, eprint = {https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_2593_516b9000d52092f69945171ee102efc5.pdf} } @article { author = {azad, mitra and soltani mohamadi, mehdi}, title = {Typology of Historical Textures Awnings in Nain}, journal = {pazhoheshha-ye Bastan shenasi Iran}, volume = {8}, number = {19}, pages = {227-245}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Bu Ali Sina University}, issn = {2345-5225}, eissn = {2345-5500}, doi = {10.22084/nbsh.2019.16159.1738}, abstract = {The awning is one of the architectural elements of the urban spaces of Iran, which is still found in many historical cities such as Nain. Based on the studies carried out up to now, there are not research which done to examine the historical texture awning in Nain and especially the typological analysis of these valuable elements. Therefore, the present study first examines the typology of the Nain awnings. For this purpose, firstly, theories existing in the typology discourse were investigated and architectural theory that is a multi-dimensional schema composed of physical organs and combined schema of organs were appropriately recognized. Accordingly, the present study has studied 15 awnings of Nain historical texture and will try to provide a proper type-classification based on this theory. The data collection method is library-field method with deep interviews and research method is qualitative with an analytical-descriptive approach. Establishing the awning on passage leads to the creation of space and the high-level application of passage, and this space created at the high surface of passage by the awning is limited to the owner of the two bodies of passage, and therefore belongs to two owners located on both sides of the passage. The typological findings show two types of awnings. The first type is with the highest percentage of frequency, without architectural spaces, and only covering the passage. The second type of awning, although all have room spatial organs or porch on the passage as a common schema but according to how these elements are combined, the orientation of the awning, as well as the different life which was in each case, is divided into three awnings including awning having room with openings in two facades, awning with a combination of a room and a porch in a one facade, and awning having porch in two façade. Based on the results of oral studies in relation to the kinship relationship or lack of kinship relationship scheme of awnings owners, in the first type, the kinship owners of the two sides of the passage belong to a family, and with the establishment of the awning, the entrance of the houses is also installed below awning. In the second type, awning ownership belongs to one of the parties with the consent and agreement of the owners of the two sides of the passage that have not kinship relationship to each other. Keywords: Awnings, Typology, Physical Organs, Schema, Historical passage, Nain.   Introduction the elements covering these pathways are placed in two species. the species are constructed in a single curve or between two passes. these arches don ‘t have architectural spaces with a special user and they do not cover the tunnel and tunnel, but also they are simple in order to control the wall forces. the role of these arches is purely structural and due to the structure of these arches, can be named. the other group, which is the subject of this paper, is located on the aisle. the urban texture of Nain, which is formed in organic form, consists of seven district which is composed of seven neighborhoods, namely bab al-aziziya, kalam, abad, chehel - abad, marble and new york. the seven districts are scattered in these seven neighborhoods, which are located in the bab al - aziziya compound in the neighborhood of bab al-aziziya, in the district of al - zahra, in the quarter of the new house and in the district of forty girls. by changing the shape of cities and architectural styles, especially residential pattern, what causes recognition of the cultural historical identity of the cities, such as the proportion and relation between spaces, external forms, internal form of historical houses, alleys and streets as the elements and components of the structure of the organization, was reduced. in addition, in the above studies, the hand of nain historical tissue has not paid much attention to the preservation of the streets and alleys on them as one of the elements with the value of architecture and urbanism. widening of roads and demolition of roads in places of texture, such as accessibility and vehicular traffic, is evidence of this claim. therefore, the main issue of this research is introducing, classifying and typology of nain historical context. it is hoped that these studies will redefine the part of the old architecture effectively in the recognition and protection of these elements. the present study will try to answer the following questions by studying the historical context of Nain 1. based on the nature of in central cities of iran, from among the theories in the typology of typology, which theory is suitable for the typology of historical context of iran? 2. based on theory, which is composed of bodily organs and with organs, these are divided into several species and are the bodilyorgans and their schema?   Text in fact, by the formation of an infinite space system, there is an addition to the creation of an infinite space, which is impossible to use in other conditions. the space created by is confined to two passes and therefore belongs to one of the two neighbours deployed on the two sides of the pass. the recognition of the of historical texture requires the study of the set of characteristics and features that this element is qualified for and in the context and collection. also, from the methodological point of the methodology, production of the analytical model needs to be recognized based on historical interpretation analysis of ownership documents, observation and field analysis and reference to the oral memory of the owners, in order to analyze the process of space production over time. for this purpose, qualitative questionnaires were prepared and the owners and residents of 15 were completed. in this qualitative open questionnaire, a number of questions were posed to each schema such as the method and how to use in different seasons of the year (schema of ownership), or the relationship ratios of owners of the two parties (schema ownership) and … with this method the work of physical and life - related life is extracted in the schema format. Based on the studies of the two distinct patterns of the remaining 15 in the historical context of that were possible to study were extracted 1. Type (you) I: without architectural spaces, and only through the passage of the passage. 2. Type II: architectural spaces on the passage room  a. Beneath the of with the of the pop in two fronts b. B: with the combination of rooms and portico in a single view. c. P: in two fronts   Conclusion in this study, based on theory, we propose a multi - dimensional framework of physical and physiological organs with organs and based on this approach, two general types of were defined and explained above. the first types of have been designed for the top of the pass without architectural spaces and only as the cover of the passage. in this way, the owners of the two sides are connected to a family and with the construction of the two estates is also built under. in the second way, it is constructed by passing the pass by the property in order to use the space on the passage. in this manner, although they all contain the spatial organs of the room or the portico on the passage as a common scheme, it is based on how these elements combine, and in addition to the different life that has been in each case, the with the combination of room and portico are divided into two views. both the relation between the relation and ownership type of the two parties, as an influential element on the causes of differentiation of two types of studied in the historical context of is analyzed and evaluated. in the first place the owners of the two parties have the same relation to each other, but in the second way the property of is owned by the consent and agreement of the owners of both parties of the two parties, which are no relation to one another.}, keywords = {Awnings,typology,Physical Organs,Schema,Historical passage,Nain}, title_fa = {گونه شناسی ساباط های بافت تاریخی نایین}, abstract_fa = {ساباط از عناصر معمارانه‌ی فضاهای شهری ایران است که هنوز در گذرهای بسیاری از شهرهای تاریخی، مانند نایین یافت می‌شود. براساس بررسی‌های صورت گرفته، تاکنون پژوهشی که به مطالعه‌ی ساباط‌های بافت تاریخی نایین و به‌خصوص تحلیل‌های گونه‌شناسانه‌ی این عناصر ارزشمند پرداخته باشد، انجام نگرفته است؛ لذا پژوهش حاضر برای نخستین‌بار به شناخت و بررسی و گونه‌شناسی ساباط‌های این شهر می‌پردازد. بدین‌منظور ابتدا نظریه‌های موجود در گفتمان گونه‌شناسی بررسی و نظریه‌ی معماریان که گونه را شِمایی چند بُعدی مرکب از اندام‌های کالبدی و طرح‌واره‌های عجین شده با اندام‌ها می‌داند، مناسب تشخیص داده شد. بر این اساس پژوهش حاضر 15ساباط بافت تاریخی نایین را مطالعه نموده و سعی خواهد کرد گونه‌بندی مناسبی براساس این نظریه ارائه دهد. روش گردآوری اطلاعات کتابخانه‌ای-میدانی به‌همراه مصاحبه‌های عمیق و روش تحقیق، کیفی با رویکرد تحلیلی -توصیفی است. ساخت ساباط بر روی گذر به خلق فضا و کاربردی نمودن سطح بالای گذر می‌انجامد و این فضای ایجاد شده در تراز بالای گذر توسط ساباط، محدود به مالک دو بدنه‌ی گذر و در نتیجه متعلّق به دو ملکی است که در دو سوی گذر واقع شده‌اند. یافته‌های گونه‌شناسانه حاکی از دو گونه‌ی ساباط است؛ گونه‌ی اول، با بیشترین درصد فراوانی، بدون فضاهای معماری و فقط پوشاننده‌ی گذر، می‌باشد. ساباط‌های گونه‌ی دوم، گرچه همگی دارای اندام‌های فضایی اتاق و یا ایوان بر روی گذر به‌عنوان شِمای مشترک می‌باشند، ولی براساس چگونگی ترکیب این عناصر، جهت‌گیری ساباط و همچنین زندگی متفاوتی که در هر یک جاری بوده است به سه زیر گونه‌ی ساباط اتاق‌دار با تعبیه بازشو در دو نما، ساباط با ترکیب اتاق و ایوان در یک نما و ساباط ایون‌دار در دو نما تقسیم می‌شوند. براساس نتایج مطالعات شفاهی در ارتباط با طرح‌واره‌ی نسبت خویشاوندی یا عدم نسبت خویشاوندی مالکان ساباط‌ها،  در گونه‌ی اول مالکان خویشاوند دو طرف گذر، مربوط به یک خاندان بوده و با ساخت ساباطی، ورودی خانه‌ها نیز در زیر ساباط تعبیه می‌گردد. در گونه‌ی دوم مالکیتِ ساباط، با رضایت و توافق مالکان دو طرف گذر که با یکدیگر نسبت خویشاوندی نداشته به یکی از طرفین تعلق می‌گیرد.}, keywords_fa = {ساباط,گونه شناسی,اندام های کالبدی,طرح واره,گذر تاریخی,نایین}, url = {https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_2594.html}, eprint = {https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_2594_8f750058b4fd189e5830b532e1c6d930.pdf} }