پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران 2345-5225 9 23 2020 01 21 Visual Structure of Tall-e Bakun Painted Potteries تحلیل ساختار بصری سفالینه‌های منقوش تل باکون 7 24 3185 10.22084/nbsh.2019.15402.1694 FA ماهان ناجی دانشجوی دکتری پژوهش هنر دانشگاه هنر اصفهان احمد صالحی کاخکی دانشیار گروه باستان‌شناسی دانشگاه هنر اصفهان 0000-0002-1849-0701 حسن طلایی استاد گروه باستان‌شناسی دانشگاه تهران. Journal Article 2018 01 11 Most studies on numerous potteries found in archaeological excavations are aimed at understanding people s mentality and beliefs in that era, in case that these images are externally and naturally roots of our visual art. The recent analytical-historical study will review visual structure of the illustrations in Iran plateau B.C with a formalist approach. The study is based on painted potteries and it is aimed at achieving visual characteristics. Studying vessel forms, elements and visual principle used in images clarifies the dominant visual features and provides context for categorizing samples based on the region’s visual priorities which include density of motifs, compositional structure of illustration and its elements, and type and repetition of motifs. Fars’s Tall-e Bakun is chosen as this study’s case geography because of its geographical extent, plurality of findings and its rich images. Visual samples are gathered by studying excavation reports and observing museum objects. In Tall-e Bakun b’s findings, vessel forms are limited. There’s a density of motifs in image frames, margins, in Tall-e Bakun a’s findings. Variety of motifs outnumbers variety of composition and structure. Visual elements were complementary in most images. However, a few vessels were illustrated only by using them. Visual equality between positive shapes and negative space is the unique feature of many images in this era. Movement and rotation are mostly observed in not band-based structures or animal expressive motifs.  After visual analysis and visual criteria determination of motifs, vessels were classified as two major categories of either Fully-Painted or Scattered-Painted. Each category ‘s images were also classified into subgroups based on visual structure, elements of structure, quantity, type and method of motifs’ repetition. More than 90 percent of available vessels specially the scattered ones have band-based structures. Most images are fully painted with a single row or two rows of motifs. <br /><strong>Keywords: </strong>Visual Structure, Painted Pottery, Tall-e Bakun, Classification. <br />  <br />Introduction <br />Ira nian visual art, in the past, has insisted on the longevity and conservatism of forms and images. However, the truth is that the concepts represented in earlier art historical analyses are obsolete in our opinion. I suggested that formalism presents a way to reconsider these artistic efforts (Kuhnel 1997: 180) Formalist analysis emphasizes their form rather than their meaning. It emphasizes style and form which are defined independent of content. It emphasizes the relationship between visual elements, composition, color levels and essence of artwork (Gharebaghi 2004:155). <br />The small sample size of highland pottery in the third millennium BC was the reason that researchers did not study them in terms of historiography and visual art analysis (Pakbaz  2000: 13). But nowadays, by archaeology having been developed, the sample size is considered enough for qualitative analysis. Such visual pieces of evidence have been frequently case studied through semantic analyses in order to gain a better understanding of social, economic  and cultural formation in that era. As mentioned above, such images not only indicate ideas, culture and beliefs of people at that time, but also they are assumed to be the origin of visual arts and do not need any indirect interpretation or analysis of concepts which belong to a far past history and share ideas different from the current age. <br />This paper is a qualitative study adopting a formalist approach seeking formal analysis of potteries and their possible relation with images, visual structure of images and finally categorization of historical findings with regard to painted potteries within the framework of the design of the study. Tal-e Bakun, the selected geographical location for the study, in Fars province is one of the areas which are rich with painted potteries in pre-historic Iran plateau. Alizadeh (2006) introduces Tal-e Bakun of Fars as the pinnacle of the art of painted potteries in pre-historic Iran. Classic potteries of Bakun‘a’ which have stylistic links to potteries related to Susa and South and West Zagros regions paved their way to the top. These potteries have the most extended geographical distribution among B.C. cultures in final phases in west, south and southwest of Iran (Alizadeh, 2006), hence they were selected as raw data. Compared to those of Bakun‘a’, findings in Bakun‘b’ are perceived to be rarer and they are small pieces of pottery and not quantitatively adequate to be studied therefore, they will be analyzed as much as possible. <br />  <br />Discussion <br />Findings of Bakun ‘a’ have dense motifs within image frames and margins. Diversity of motifs is more than the diversity of structures and combinations. But different types of motifs are the main criterion for creation of diversity in images of Bakun ‘a’. Primary visual elements such as dots, lines and simple geometric shapes are complementary elements in most cases but a few vessels are merely illustrated by such elements. Different visual textures were seen in different applications. Visual equivalence between positive and negative spaces is the unique characteristic of many images in this era. Movement and rotation usually exist in non-striped structures or examples with expressive animal motifs. Conical forms are special forms of this area. Sophisticated geometric floral, animal and human motifs were seen in different real and abstract types. The process of simplifying them was performed skillfully in south and south west of Iran’s Plateau. A motif is simplified through many steps and used as a different motif in each step. Vessels are mainly divided into less painted and fully painted types based on visual analysis and determination of image priority. Images in each category are classified into sub-categories based on visual structure, structural parts and their quantity, type and how motifs are repeated. Illustration structure is striped in more than 90 percent of the available less painted vessels. Most vessels are fully painted with a striped single row combination and two motifs. In findings of Bakun ‘b’, line is the visual element, and repetition is the dominant visual quality. Many images are formed by repetition of visual elements like lines and primary geometric shapes without any specific motif. Visual texture which resulted from the repetition of various lines is seen in most examples. Image frame is consisted of upper and lower margins with repetition of parallel horizontal lines. <br />  <br />Conclusion <br />Potteries of Bakun ‘a’, which are contemporary to late Fars in Fars or late Susiana in Iran’s south west chronology, are quantitatively remarkable and many vessels are formally restorable. These vessels are studied within a formalist approach and analyzed as visual works. In findings of Bakun ‘b’, vessel forms are limited. There is huge difference between images of Bakun ‘a’ and ‘b’ in terms of combination skills, creation of motifs and diversity of images. No evolutionary relationship can be suggested between these two periods even if we assume a time period as long as the middle Fars era between them. <br />Classification of the results of visual analysis of the findings about Bakun is the first step for identification of these visual examples. This classification proposes many questions and forms many assumptions and it is a basis for further research. The analysis method uses the findings of other areas and matches results from different areas. It helps researchers obtain important achievements in relation to visual structure of painted potteries in prehistoric Iran Plateau. Therefore, understanding the history of visual arts in a part of Iran and awareness of motifs can pave the way for creating artworks by artists in our country.  افزایش سفالینه ‏های منقوش به ‏دست آمده از کاوش‌های باستان ‏شناسی، امکان تاریخ‏ گذاری علمی به روش‏ های گوناگون و وجود توالی تغییرات در بسیاری مناطق، آن‌ها را به اسنادی به ‏منظور دست یابی به ذهنیات و اعتقادات مردمان آن دوره تبدیل کرده است، در صورتی‌که این تصاویر از نظر ظاهری و ذاتی، ریشه‌های هنر تصویری ما هستند. پژوهش حاضر به روش تاریخی-تحلیلی و با طرح این مسأله شکل‌گرفت که، اصول و مبانی تصویرگری پیش‌ازتاریخ به چه‌صورت بوده است؟ هدف، دستیابی به ویژگی‌های تصویری است و با رویکردی فرمالیستی به بررسی ساختار بصری تصویرنگاری به استناد سفالینه‌های منقوش فلات ایران خواهد پرداخت. بررسی عناصر و کیفیات بصری به‌کار گرفته شده در تصاویر، ویژگی‌های تصویری غالب را مشخص می‌نماید و زمینه‌ی دسته‌بندی نمونه‌ها براساس اولویت‌های بصری منطقه که شامل تراکم نقوش، ساختار کلی تصویرنگاری و اجزای آن، تعداد و تکرار نقش‌مایه‌ها هستند را فراهم خواهد آورد. گستردگی جغرافیایی، تعدد یافته‌ها و غنای تصاویر، دلایل انتخاب تل باکون فارس (الف و ب) به‌عنوان جغرافیای موردی مقاله‌ی پیش‌رو است. نمونه‌های تصویری از طریق مطالعه‌ی گزارش‌های کاوش‌ها و مشاهده‌ی اشیای موزه‌ای گردآوری شده‌اند. یافته‌های تل باکون ب محدود به تعداد اندکی تکه سفال هستند که در بسیاری از آن‌ها امکان بازسازی فرم کلی ظرف وجود نداشته و فقط برخی از ویژگی‌های بصری قابل تشخیص هستند. یافته‌های باکون الف، در محدوده‌ی کادر تصویر، نقوش متراکم دارند. تنوع نقش‌مایه‌ها بیش از تنوع ساختار و ترکیب‌بندی است و منجر به خلق تصاویر متنوع شده‌اند. نقطه، خط و سطوح ساده‌ی هندسی در بیشتر موارد مکمل نقش‌مایه‌ها در تصویر دیده می‌شوند و تعداد کمی از ظروف، فقط با این عناصر تصویرگری شده‌اند. هم‌ارزی بصری بین فضای مثبت و منفی ویژگی منحصربه‌فرد بسیاری از تصاویر این دوره است. حرکت و چرخش در ساختار غیرنواری و یا در نمونه‌هایی با نقش‌مایه‌ی جانوری اغراق‌شده و حالت‌گرایانه بیش تر وجود دارند. روش تصویرگری در غالب نمونه‌های باکون، نواری است و نمونه‌های پُرنقش یک ردیفه با دو نقش‌مایه، بیش ترین تصاویر را با به‌کارگیری سطوح پیچیده‌ی هندسی تشکیل داده‌اند. https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_3185_39ae2ed11b14a4ccb41d35e9d1ba5d11.pdf

پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران 2345-5225 9 23 2020 01 21 Archaeometrical Study of Bronze Age Potteries of Keshik Cemetery in Nikshahr مطالعه‌ی باستان‌سنجی سفال‌های گورستان عصر مفرغی کِشیک شهرستان نیکشهر 25 38 3186 10.22084/nbsh.2019.15778.1717 FA یاسین صدقی کارشناس ارشد باستان‌سنجی، دانشکده هنرهای کاربردی، دانشگاه هنر اسلامی تبریز 0000-0003-0934-3280 مهدی رازانی استادیار، عضو هیأت علمی دانشکده هنرهای کاربردی، دانشگاه هنر اسلامی تبریز. 0000-0003-2704-4073 محمد حیدری کارشناس باستان‌شناسی اداره میراث‌فرهنگی، گردشگری و صنایع‌دستی استان سیستان و بلوچستان. Journal Article 2018 04 04 Accidental discovery of pre-historic site of Keshik in Nikshahr city of Sistan and Baluchistan, SE IRAN revealed a third millennium BC. Bronze Age cemetery which contains noteworthy artifacts like metal, pottery and etc. this study focuses on the characterization of potteries findings in the Keshik ancient site. Archeaometric studies were carried out on fragments of very important jar called Life Cycle Jar and 9 other pieces of potteries which were obtained from rescue archaeological excavation by Heidari in the Keshik cemetery during 2010. All samples were tested using Interdisciplinary laboratory analysis methods similar to petrography and x-ray diffraction analysis with powder method and the techniques of construction, the differences and structural similarities, and the type of mineral to obtain the origin of their deposits were studied. Due to the uniformity of the existed mineral elements in the soil, the results of the above methods indicate the use of soils with alluvial and regional origin of the Keshik River for all potters, which indicate the local origin of the pottery studied in the area. Also, no variety of minerals is observed in the making pottery, and all of them follow the consistency characteristics of mineralogy and technology. Pottery tufts manufacturing technology is evident in cross sections due to the same alignment of cavities. Regarding the presence of calcite minerals in potteries 4, 5 and 10, temperatures of up to 850 °C and for other potteries beyond that can be suggested. Finally, according to the analyzes carried out, all selected samples represent the same and similar structural elements and minerals in the study area and as a result of the indigenous nature of the production of ceramics. The conducted analyzes present the similarity of all samples, both in terms of the materials used in the fabrication and the technique and the manufacturing method. <strong>Keywords: </strong>Archaeometry, Petrography, XRPD, Keshik Cemetery, South East of Iran’s.   Introduction During the accidental discovery of Keshik cemetery of Nikshahr city and its life-saving excavations in 2012 by Mohammad Heydari, noteworthy artifacts were discovered and identified from the Bronze Age of Baluchistan region. Among which the most important are bronze works, such as beads, container pieces, daggers, and various stone works as well as pottery wares (brick red, beige and simple gray-colored containers as bowls, cups, goblet, and various types of vats and stoup in different sizes). This ancient site, which includes several cemeteries, areas and architecture, is one of the most significant settlement sites of the Bronze Age until the early centuries of the second millennium BC and it is located along the west-east communication highway of the Iranian plateau and south-east of Hamun-e Jaz Murian (Heydari, 2012). In the meantime, the discovered data related to the pottery wares of this cemetery is of particular importance in the regional studies of the Southeast. Because these pottery wares represent the regional and even trans-regional relevance of the Bronze Age residents of Keshik with their surrounding regions and cultures. The designs and themes on these works have particular similarities to the designs on other sites pottery works in the area, such as Spidej, Bampur and so on. But among the pottery works discovered in Keshik cemetery in addition to tall engraved glasses, discovering a relatively large pottery vat with a brick-reddish beige color and unique designs is really important. On this vat, that due to its themes is called “the vat of life”, the scenes of a goat are depicted from mating, giving birth to the baby (goat), breastfeeding and reaching adulthood. Due to the technical and artistic characteristics of the pottery works discovered in the Keshik area, it was necessary that these works be examined in terms of archaeometry studies. Cultural materials and pyro technological products, including ceramics, are one of the best materials in archaeometry and archaeological studies to study and understand the economies, livelihoods, and lives of ancient people. Ceramics have heterogeneous multiphase systems that require different methods of analysis and testing. The study of ancient pottery in archaeometry is mainly concerned with their structural and fuzzy studies (Romani et al, 2000), which this study has attempted to rely on. So, to achieve the objectives of this study, 10 pieces of these pottery works were studied.   Laboratory Analysis Methods Microscopic Thin-Section Analysis The specimens are all totally crystalline and fine and vary in thickness from 5 mm to 1 cm. The specimens are mostly in two colors (some three colors) in the cross-section and have light brown to gray and some of them are red-brown. There is no great variety of minerals in pottery works production. Quartz mineral exists in both single crystal and multi-crystal forms with iron oxide in all samples. The samples studied in this site have almost identical composition and a common origin. The texture of all samples is fine crystalline or silty. The main mineral in the samples is quartz, which is mainly crystalline and phenocryst and to a lesser extent polycrystalline. The other components that can be seen in most samples are the Greg pieces that a limited amount is found in the samples. In this sample, in addition to the quartz constituents, iron oxide and Greg pieces, calcite mineral is also found which is not present in the other samples.   X-Ray Powder Diffraction (XRPD) Analysis Based on the XRPD analysis of the desired samples spectra, phases such as quartz, calcite, hematite, and plagioclase have been identified in all pottery. One of the most prominent identified phases in pottery works is quartz mineral, which has also been observed in thin sections of pottery works. Iron-bearing phases of hematite are other phases identified in all pottery. This phase is one of the phases of oxidation conditions in all of the identified pottery works. Calcite is one of the identified phases of samples 4 and 10, which can also be cited in microscopic studies. The identified graphite phase indicates the presence of carbon in the clay textures, and the light gray core observed at parts of the sections is a reason to identify this phase. This phase is due to carbon sequestration in the tissues and imbalance in the delivery of oxygen to pottery in the furnace and darkening their core.   Conclusion Based on the conducted studies, it was found that these pottery wares have the same workmanship and identical origin in terms of geology and additives to context and production technology. Pottery wares all have circular quartz pieces indicating that they are alluvial in origin and are also uniformly spread in the texture of the ceramics and have a very good kneading in the initial preparation and processing of the matrix. This may be justified by the presence of the Keshik River in the region, which suggests that the potter may have used alluvial and sedimentary soils of the Keshik River for pottery works, but no certain idea can be indicated regarding this issue, because, soil used in the construction of pottery wares was washed, clean, and very sticky, so the pores in the pottery texture were very small. South and east parts of the area are rich in alluvial and sedimentary layers, perhaps these sedimentary materials were used to make the matrix of these pottery wares. Another possibility that can confirm the native origin of these pottery wares is the identification and discovery of furnaces and gray melted and glassilized pottery wares that are obtained during the studies of Gorgy and his colleagues. The XRPD analysis of the pottery wares also confirmed the structural and fuzzy similarities between the objects. But based on the themes found on the discovered pottery wares, it is possible to find out the connections between the people of Keshik and the people of other areas, such as Spidej, Bampur, Chegerdak, and even Shahr-i Sokhta. It is possible to divide the pottery into two types of with calcite grains and calcite-free pottery in the furnace. The lower firing temperature for specimens 4, 5 and 10 than 850 to 750 ° C is suggested (due to the presence of calcite in the tissue) and a higher temperature is suggested for other pottery wares. کشف اتفاقی گورستان پیش‌ازتاریخی کشیک در شهرستان نیکشهر استان سیستان و بلوچستان منجر به شناسایی آثار قابل‌توجه بسیاری ازجمله فلزات، سفال‌هایی گوناگون و غیره گردید. در همین‌راستا مطالعه‌ی حاضر برروی خمره‌ی منسوب به چرخه‌ی زندگی و تعداد 9 قطعه‌ی دیگر از سفال‌های به‌دست‌آمده که از این گورستان کشف شدند، صورت گرفته است. به‌همین‌منظور نمونه‌ها با استفاده از روش‌های آنالیزی و آزمایشگاهی میان‌رشته‌ای همانند پتروگرافی مقاطع نازک و آنالیز پراش پرتوایکس به‌روش پودری آزمایش گردید، تا به پرسش‌هایی از قبیل: چگونگی فنِ ساخت(؟) تفاوت‌ها و شباهت‌های ساختاری(؟) و همچنین نوع کانی‌های تشکیل‌دهنده‌ی سفال‌ها(؟) برای به‌دست آمدن منشأ کانسارهای آن‌ها پرداخته شود؛ ازاین‌رو با توجه ‌به یکسان بودن عناصر کانی‌های موجود در خاک منطقه، نتایج حاصل از روش‌های فوق نشان‌دهنده‌ی استفاده از خاک‌هایی با منشأ آبرفتی و منطقه‌ای رودخانه‌ی کشیک برای تمام سفال‌ها دارد که حاکی از منشأ محلی و بومی سفال‌های بررسی‌شده در این منطقه است؛ هم‌چنین در ساخت سفال‌ها هیچ‌گونه تنوعی از کانی‌ها مشاهده نمی‌شود و تمام آن‌ها از خصوصیات کانی‌شناسی و فناوری همسانی پیروی می‌کنند. فنِ ساخت چرخ‌ساز سفال‌ها باتوجه‌به هم‌سویی یکسان حفره‌ها در مقاطع عرضی مشهود است. حضور کانی‌های کلسیت در سفال‌های 4، 5 و 10 نشان‌دهنده‌ی دمایی تاحدود 850 درجه‌ی سانتی‌گراد است که برای سایر سفال‌ها دما فراتر از آن پیشنهاد می‌گردد. درنهایت باتوجه‌ به آنالیزهای صورت گرفته تشابه تمام نمونه‌ها را چه از لحاظ مواد مورد استفاده در ساخت و چه تکنیک و نحوه‌ی ساخت را یکسان معرفی می‌نمایند. https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_3186_3f4366aeb9c157cf9a30c90693eafc55.pdf

پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران 2345-5225 9 23 2020 01 21 A Toponymic Research on Batir: An Ancient Name from Anubanini Reign in Sar Pol-e Zahab, Kermanshah باتیـــــر؛پژوهشی پیرامون یک نام کهن در سرپل‌ذهاب 39 50 3187 10.22084/nbsh.2019.9026.1840 FA محمد امین میرقادری دانش‌آموخته‌ی دکتری باستان‌شناسی دانشگاه تهران 0000-0002-0281-2286 کمال الدین نیک نامی گروه باستان شناسی دانشگاه تهران 0000-0001-5273-8179 بهار رضائی باغ بیدی دانشجوی دکتری باستانشناسی دانشگاه تهران. Journal Article 2018 10 30 The city of Sar Pol-e Zahab is located in the western part of Kermanshah province close to the Iraqi border. Due to its geographical location it has played particularly an important role in the Iranian history since it has opened the gate entering the central Zagros and to the Iranian central plateau while as archaeological and historical records witnessed the region of Sar Pol-e Zahab targeted by Mesopotamians as for invading or trading through time. There have been two bas reliefs remained from Anubanini and Idin-Sin, which are located near the Sar Pol-e Zahab city, both historically are of significant. On the inscriptions engraved on both reliefs, those are referred to a name as Batir. Batir is a single mountain has more likely portraited on the Anubanini reliefs. This mountain, as a defensive wall divided the Sar Pol-e Zahab plain into the eastern and western parts. It is important to cite here that the name of Batir is not limited to the name of the mountain in Sar Pol-e Zahab, but the name is also mentioned by some texts obtained from Tel al-Salimeh, that is located in 75 km west of Sarpol-e Zahab, and near the Hamrin Lake, There have been tablets representing the city’s name as “Batir or Batiri” along with a manifestation of a temple was given to the goddess of Batiritum. The presence of two names, could give rise to the question of what relation might be between these two places? Can these two names refer to a single place? Is it possible that Batir could be a holy Mesopotamian name? It seems that, because of the importance of the land of Khelman / Helman (Sar pol-e Zahab) for the Mesopotamians the name of Batir was given by them to a city located near the Batir Mountain. In this paper we trid to provide a clear interpretation of this ancient name based on the texts obtained from Tel al-Salimeh, Anubanini and Idin-Sin inscriptions as well as other Mesopotamian texts. .  <strong>Keywords: </strong>Batir, Sar Pol-e Zahab, Hamrin, Tal al-Salimeh, Khalman Land, Namri Land.   Introduction Sarpol-e Zahab, located in the west of Central Zagros and Kermanshah province, is a border region between Zagros Mountains and Mesopotamian Plains. This region is known as the gateway to Asia by some Orientalists due to the strategic location and location along the main Khorasan highroad. The Alvand River passes through the Sar Pol-e Zahab plains, Hezar Gereh and Kal Gareh Mountains. In the late 19th century, De Morgan identified two rock reliefs on the both sides of a narrow strait for the first time. Both reliefs conveyed inscriptions which named by Herzfeld as Anubanini I and II (1976). Given the similarity of both images, Herzfeld introduces them to have been the Lulubian Kings. Sometimes later, there have been many challenges concerning the translation problems of these inscriptions as well as their artistic nature. In 1973, Edzard published a translation of Anubanini inscription, based on a photo provided by Leo Trumpelman. After that, Hrouda tried to decipher and clarify the so-called Anubanini inscription by commenting on according to a corrected text by which he assigned the inscriptions to be belonged to Idin-sin and pointed out that unlike Herzfeld belief these inscriptions were not made by Lulubian king, but by a Simurrum King known as Idin-sin. In 2000, Mofidi Nasrabadi was able to read two carved names on the body of two captives depicted on this relief. The most important point that can be understood from two inscriptions of the Anubanini and Idin-sin reliefs is that both pointed to a mountain was called as Batir, where the Anubanini reliefs have been created. The inscriptions show that the old name of the Hezar Gereh Mountain was also Batir, but there is no guaranty to ensure whether or not Kal Gareh Mountain was also called Batir. The proposed dates for this inscription may confirm its coincident with some texts of Isin Larsa period. Moreover, on the Lulubi and Simurrumian inscriptions located in Sar-e Pol-e Zahab and also on the Sargonic tablets which were found at Tel al-Salimeh, all pointed to a city name which was called Patir/Patiri so that it may suggest to speculate that Batir and Patir could be of the same origin and both more likely indicate a single city state. Discussion In addition, there has been an inscribed brick discovered from the region was dated back to the Old Babylonian period. In the text of this inscription it is referred to the great ruler who built the temple of the Batiritum goddess thus, the name of Batir has also seen from some texts of the Akkadians. By reviewing the above mentioned discussions some questions may be raised as what is the relationship between these two places? Could these two names refer to a single place? To some extent is it possible that the Mesopotamians intended to use Batir as the name of a scared place? Following ancient texts, the name of Bātir was firstly appeared on the Tal al-Salimeh tablets from Akkadian era on about 2250 BC. This name was then also seen in Ur III, period which reflects the Simurrum respect to the Batiritum goddess since the Batiritum goddess was supporter of the Simurrumians power in Batir. On the inscription of the Anubanini, Batir was used to name a mountain above which portrait of the goddess was presented and it is also mentioned in the latest text which probably reflects the worship of Batiritum in various places within the territorial boundaries of Khalman and Namri. According to inscriptions, the Simurrum of Khalman or of modern Sar Pol-e Zahab, defeated Lulubians at the end of the Ur III, as the Tel-al-Sib text may refer to this event. The event that Idin-Sin was able to conquer Lulubians. The domination of Idin-Sin on the land of Khalman resulted in creating a memorial rock relief with the image of Ishtar to indicate conquest on the city as well as temple of Batiritum. This victory were inscribed on the Simurrum relief representing Simurrumians respects and sacrifice to the goddess of Batiritum Batiritum is a local image of the goddess Ishtar, which on the both Anubanini and Idin-Sin relief it was depicted in the manner in which the power ring was offered.   Conclusion In summary, what have been resulted from this research is that Batir was the name of place before the name of a mountain in Sar Pol-e Zahab. Further it was the name of a city in the land of Khalman near Batir Mountain where a temple was built for Batiritum goddess as for respecting her there have been made several similar temples like Simudar, Aval and Tel-al-Sib of Hamrin. The future studies would reveal more evidence to clarify various aspects of the issue that we tried to address here. شهرستان سرپل‌ذهاب در غرب استان کرمانشاه و هم‌مرز با کشور عراق دارای موقعیتی ویژه است؛ از یک‌طرف، دروازه‌ی ورود به زاگرس‌مرکزی و فلات ایران بوده و از طرف دیگر، در دوره‌های مختلف مورد توجه جوامع ساکن در میان‌رودان بوده است. دو اثر مهم، شامل نقش‌برجسته‌های شناخته شده‌ی آنوبانی‌نی و ایدین- سین در نزدیکی شهر سرپل‌ذهاب قرار گرفته و دارای اهمیت تاریخی بسیار است. در متن کتیبه‌ی هر دو نقش‌برجسته، به کوهی به‌نام «باتیر» اشاره شده است که نقوش‌برجسته‌ی آنوبانی‌نی برروی آن‌ها حک شده‌اند. این کوه به مانند یک دیوار طبیعی دشتی که شهر امروزی سرپل‌ذهاب در آن واقع شده است را به دو بخش شرقی و غربی تقسیم می‌کند؛ از سوی دیگر، نام باتیر فقط محدود به نام کوهی در سرپل‌ذهاب نمی‌شود و در برخی متون به‌دست آمده از محوطه‌ی تل‌السلیمه در 75 کیلومتری غرب سرپل‌ذهاب و در نزدیکی دریاچه‌ی حمرین نیز از آن ذکری به‌میان آمده است؛ به‌طوری‌که بر روی الواح آن اشاره‌ای به نام یک شهر به‌نام «باتیر» یا «باتیری» به‌چشم می‌خورد. در متون به‌دست آمده از تل‌السلیمه به معبدی برای الهه‌ی باتیریتوم اشاره شده که بسیار مهم است. وجود دو نام باتیر، یکی برای یک شهر کهن و دیگری برای یک کوه، می‌تواند این پرسش را به‌وجود آورد که چه ارتباطی بین این دو محل می‌توانسته وجود داشته باشد؟ ممکن است این دو نام اشاره به مکانی واحد داشته باشند؟ ممکن است که باتیر نامی رایج و احتمالاً مقدس برای میان‌رودانی‌ها بوده باشد؟ احتمالاً این نام با توجه به اهمیت سرزمین خَلمان/حَلمان (سرپل‌ذهاب) برای جوامع میان‌رودانی، باتیر نام شهری در نزدیکی کوه باتیر است. در این مقاله با روش کتابخانه‌ای و با استناد به متون به‌دست آمده از تل السلیمه، کتیبه‌های آنوبانی‌نی و ایدین-سین و سایر متون میان‌رودانی، تلاش می‌شود تفسیری روشن از این نام کهن ارائه گردد. https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_3187_31c0c178a9fc26ffecffd8670e6d746d.pdf

پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران 2345-5225 9 23 2020 01 21 A Clue of Gilgamesh and Ishtar on Prehistoric Ceramic Vessel of Iranian Central Plateau ردپای گیلگمش و عشتار در فلات‌مرکزی ایران؛ آیا نقوش نبرد انسان و جانوران بر ظروف سفالین پیش‌ازتاریخ به داستانی اساطیری اشاره دارد؟ 51 70 3188 10.22084/nbsh.2020.19351.1962 FA سجاد علی بیگی استادیار گروه باستان شناسی دانشگاه رازی، کرمانشاه . 0000-0002-8258-7436 ماندانا صدفی دانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد باستان‌شناسی دانشگاه رازی، کرمانشاه. Journal Article 2019 06 09 However, in Middle Eastern Archeology, pottery is usually used to examine the socio-cultural relations of societies, typologies, the stylistic analysis, and to formulate chronological frameworks, and then attempt to the dates, sites or archaeological remains dated relatively, but it should be remembered that pottery designs beyond these primary concerns can reflect the behaviors, rituals, and social structures or beliefs of the constructing or ordering community. Also, their study can introduce us to the hidden parts of prehistoric societies. Anthropological Interpretations on the grammar of prehistoric potteries, such as Frank Hole’s research on the ceramics of Necropolis in Susa and Susan Pollack’s studies on the potteries of the Susiana Plain, are important and interesting examples of pottery interpretation. These can be supplemented by Abbas Alizadeh’s research on pottery designs by Tall-i Bakun A and recent studies by Mirghaderi and his colleagues on pottery by Godin III culture. all of whom have attempted with an anthropological approach to extracted information from motifs or combinations of the roles and forms of vessels, and ultimately provides different information about the social and economic structures of prehistoric society that were not previously understood by traditional approach of pottery assemblages. In this paper, we attempt to provide a descriptive and analytical approach to study the themes and grammars of some vessels and painted sherds motifs from Nahavand region?, Tapeh Ghabristan, Arisman, Sialk, Yan Tapeh and Lama’s graveyard which let us to show that the prehistoric potters used similar motifs to express a common narrative theme. <strong>Keywords: </strong>Ceramic Vessel, Gilgamesh, Inanna/Ishtar, Silk III_6-7, Narrative Motifs, Myth. Introduction Although these motifs are not created by an artist and have differences in detail and style, the overall theme of the motifs has fixed elements that carry the same common sense of the subject as they relate. From an anthropological point of view, these motifs reflect the thoughts, beliefs, and social structure of a prehistoric society that we now have fragments of, but according to the grammar of motifs and one of the Vessel with a complete scene, we can reconstruction the concepts of potsherd motifs from other prehistoric sites of the Iranian Central Plateau, giving a clue to a particular and fascinating narrative. This research seeks to answer the question of what the motifs of the human-animal struggle over the prehistoric pottery of the Central Plateau indicate? The narrative motifs of the vessel seem to be more than a decoration, and because of the importance and the amount of information they give us, we should try to make the story as narrative as possible, as well as the beliefs and worldviews of the people of the past have developed. We therefore attempt to examine whether the pottery surface designs represent everyday and common themes, or whether there are clues that can be imagined beyond this? What is behind the motifs? A historical narrative, Legend or a myth and a ritual message? Is there a relationship between the role, context of discovery and use of these containers? Madjidzadeh and Amiet believe that the motifs of the Tapeh Ghabristan and Abgineh Museum’s vessels show the Lord of animals.   Discussion This interpretation appears to be consistent with the role of the strong person at the center of the motifs and usually we see a number of other animals around him. But Ali Haghighat and his colleagues believe that the motifs in Tapeh Ghabristan show a shepherd falling in love with Ishtar, but eventually Ishtar turning him into a leopard being attacked by dogs. This interpretation was challenged by the vessel in Abgineh museum, a more elaborate and detailed version of the motifs, shows the man fights with two leopards, so it’s not acceptable that this is the person who has become a leopard in the belief of the Haghighat and his colleagues. The question is, if this person is a shepherd and an ordinary person, why should be shown naked, Giant, with strange footwear? If a man transformed into a leopard by Ishtar, why in the scenes of Abgineh museum the same man/ shepherd! Be shown when fight with two leopards? We know that the motifs of these vessels tell a special story, but according to date and lack of written evidence, interpretation is not easily possible. By the comparison of the motifs from Nahavand and the Ghabristan vessel, and also the samples of Arisman, Yanetpe, and Lama, we see similarities of boots, dogs and leopards. The boots were discussed earlier probably represent a religious or mythological theme, the complete scene which is reflected on the vessel in Abgineh museum. Nahavand’s vessel shows the Lord of animals with two leopards as a reflection of his power that is exaggerated. The scene seems to express a powerful person who has been a hero or perhaps a sacred for prehistoric societies. Haghighat truly discussed that the head of the leopard has been obliterated because of its holiness. The leopard has been drawn three times on the Abgineh vessel. In one case, the animal’s face is painted black (shadow) and it is interesting that in two other places, especially when the man is shown with an object hitting the leopard, the head is not drawn at all. This clearly be an indication of the sanctity and importance of this animal in the motifs. Throughout history, it has been repeatedly observed that images of saints were painted with halo or in some cases not illustrated at all. All of these show that the designs have mythical and symbolic expression and can be considered as religious-ritual vessels. The Lama’s vessel is also a special example and it’s not included as a burial vessels, because there are no examples in other graves. By examining and comparing this Tomb with other in the Lama graveyard, and according to burial objects, the amount of objects in each grave, various shapes of vessels, types of objects, and other features of the Tomb, we can find a different social status or rank.   Conclusion Mesopotamian documents and mythological evidence show that the leopard is a symbol of a goddess and probably due to this sacredness their head and face are not illustrated as saints in the motifs. If these interpretations are correct, the illustrated images must refer to the story of the Lord of animals (Gilgamesh?) and the god that showed with the zoomorphic symbol of leopard, later and in Sumerian period and in ancient near eastern art known as Innana/ Ishtar. As a result, these motifs appear to contain scenes from the story of Ishtar’s conflict in the zoomorphic symbol of leopard with the lord of animals (Gilgamesh). But at the moment we have no evidence to discuss about the details of this story. These findings show traces of an almost unknown story in prehistoric period that extends not only west of the Central Plateau, but has been known over a wide range of north (Yan Tapeh) to south (Arisman) of central plateau and southwestern Iran (Yasuj and maybe Susa!). If the findings actually show such myths, they should, according to the date of these motifs in Iran (the Yan Tapeh example), we should Reconsidered about the origin of Gilgamesh and Innana/ Ishtar myth in Mesopotamia. But if not, the presence of the Uruk gray pottery in the Central Plateau before the Silk III₆period is the most important evidence of the connection between the Central Plateau of Iran and Mesopotamia that could have provided the basis for the transmission of such myths. در میان هزاران ظرف سفالی مکشوف از ایران، تنها بر سطح شمار محدودی از ظروف و قطعات سفالین متعلق به هزاره‌ی چهارم تا دوم قبل‌ازمیلاد‌، که از فلات‌مرکزی و جنوب‌غربی ایران کشف شده‌اند، نقوشی یافت‌شده که روایت‌گر موضوع خاص و بیانی نمادین هستند. این پژوهش در پی پاسخ به این پرسش است که نقوش نبرد انسان و جانوران بر ظروف سفالین پیش‌از‌تاریخ فلات‌مرکزی به چه موضوعی اشاره دارد؟ نقوش این گونه ظروف به‌حدی کمیابند که پیداست برخلاف ظروف مرسوم دوره‌ی پیش‌ازتاریخ که نقوش پُرتکرار و رایجی دارند، موضوعی را روایت می‌کنند که گویی هنرمند به اسطوره‌ای اشاره دارد که بیش از همه با نبرد انسان و سگ با یک گربه‌سان بزرگ (پلنگ) در ارتباط است. در این مقاله با روش توصیفی-تحلیلی تلاش‌شده است که به کمک ظرف سفالین موجود در موزه‌ی آبگینه و سفالینه‌های ایران، ظروف مکشوف از یان‌تپه‌ی ازبکی و گورستان لما، علاوه‌بر بازسازی احتمالی صحنه‌ی ترسیم‌شده بر قطعه سفال‌های مکشوف از تپه‌های قبرستان و اریسمان، موضوع این نقوش مورد بررسی و واکاوی قرار گیرد. نقوش سطح سفال‌ها تصویری از نبردِ میانِ اربابِ حیوانات و پلنگی را نشان می‌دهد که از جنبه‌ی مذهبی اهمیت دارد. با این‌که جزئیات داستان بر ما پوشیده است، اما با وجود نقوش پلنگ‌های بی‌سر یا با چهره‌های محو، پیداست که نقوش، بازتابِ داستانی اساطیری هستند. اگر تحلیل‌های ارائه شده در اینجا درست باشد، تصاویر نقش‌شده بر ظروف هزاره‌های ششم و چهارم قبل‌ازمیلاد‌ ایران باید به داستان و روایتی از درگیری ارباب حیوانات (گیلگمش؟) و ایزدی با نمودِ جانورنمایِ پلنگ اشاره داشته باشد که بعدها و از دوره‌ی سومر در هنر شرق باستان به‌عنوان اینانا / عشتار شناخته می‌شود؛ این یافته‌های همگون، نشان می‌دهد در نیمه‌ی غربی فلات‌مرکزی ایران از شمال گرفته تا جنوب، به اسطوره‌ای باور داشته‌اند که ردپایی از آن تا گورستان لما در جنوب‌غربی ایران قابل پیگیری است. https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_3188_8d30aa96e72440759f74bd2306c1fa3d.pdf

پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران 2345-5225 9 23 2020 01 21 The Semiotics of Central Zagros Iron Age Pins Head نشانه‌شناسی نقوش سرسنجاق‌های عصر آهن زاگرس‌مرکزی 71 90 3189 10.22084/nbsh.2019.18606.1909 FA محمد حسن سالک اکبری دانشجوی کارشناسی‌ارشد باستان‌شناسی، دانشگاه تربیت‌مدرس 0000-0002-7407-9992 علیرضا هژبری نوبری استاد گروه باستان‌شناسی، دانشگاه تربیت‌مدرس. رضا افهمی دانشیار گروه پژوهش و تاریخ هنر، دانشگاه تربیت‌مدرس. 0000-0002-7678-6164 Journal Article 2019 05 04 Pins of Central Zagros in Iron Age are categorized into two main groups of Straight Pins and Headed Pins. The second group has three subgroups: 1-Castting Pinheads, 2- Openwork Pinheads and 3- Dis-headed Pins. These Pinheads contain various motifs such as humans, animals, imaginary creatures combined, herbs, geometric and abstract shapes. many scholars began to propose various interpretations concerning the nature, function, and symbolic meanings of these motifs. Among them, one can point out to the theories that attributed them to Mesopotamian gods & Iranian gods and myths. None of the ideas has been presented based on the analysis of all sorts of disc-headed pins; therefore, they are not able to provide a fairly comprehensive theory that can be regarded as true for all of them and /or present a viewpoint about the beliefs of those people who made them. Therefore, in the present study, as a substitute for the traditional symbols of these works, the method of Saussure’s structuralism semiotic method was used and 145 disc-headed pin from various museums of the world were studied. Trying to achieve common semantic categories, the analysis process was based on analyzing the structural relationships of the set of designs on the pinheads including, A. go togetherness (rational relations between the motifs) and B. replacement (the possibility of presenting one motif as another). The results of the analysis indicate three possible categorizations such as groups of male, female, and human-like central motifs and separate motifs associated with each of these groups. Another group of pins also displays common motifs between women and men’s groups in the form of a common affiliation with the domination of the female groups on the male groups conveying concepts such as bonding and birth. With regard to the characteristics of the eastern state of art, these groups can be attributed, respectively, to female and male goddesses, as well as pseudo- humans with horns, the underworld god who is neuter and dominates both male and female group. <strong>Keywords: </strong>Central Zagros Pins, Head-Pin Motifs, Saussure’s Semiotic Method, Syntagmatic & Paradigmatic.   Introduction Pins of Central Zagros in Iron Age are categorized into two main groups of Straight Pins and Headed Pins. The second group has three subgroups: 1-Castting Pinheads, 2- Openwork Pinheads and 3- Dis-headed Pins. These Pinheads contain various motifs such as humans, animals, imaginary creatures combined, herbs, geometric and abstract shapes. many scholars began to propose various interpretations concerning the nature, function, and symbolic meanings of these motifs. Among them, one can point out to the theories that attributed them to Mesopotamian gods & Iranian gods and myths. None of the ideas has been presented based on the analysis of all sorts of disc-headed pins; therefore, they are not able to provide a fairly comprehensive theory that can be regarded as true for all of them and /or present a viewpoint about the beliefs of those people who made them. The question of this research should be to review the motifs of this pins with the aim of providing a new semiotic interpretation the motifs that were applied on the pins head. The hypothesis of the present study is also existence of a comprehensive and orderly semiotic system on this pins head in which the motifs are depicted corresponding to different gods.   Identified Traces Central Zagros pins are part of the Luristan bronzes with stunning motifs on their pins head. These motifs reflect the thoughts of the people who made and used them. In relation to these motifs, various theories have been put forward which are all based on traditional semiotics and do not provide any comprehensive theory. In this research we created a set of pins head and trying to achieve common semantic categories, the analysis process was based on analyzing the structural relationships of the set of designs on the pinheads including, A. go togetherness (rational relations between the motifs) and B. replacement (the possibility of presenting one motif as another). The results of the analysis indicate three possible categorizations such as groups of male, female, and human-like central motifs and separate motifs associated with each of these groups. Another group of pins also displays common motifs between women and men’s groups in the form of a common affiliation with the domination of the female groups on the male groups conveying concepts such as bonding and birth. With regard to the characteristics of the eastern state of art, these groups can be attributed, respectively, to female and male goddesses, as well as pseudo- humans with horns, the underworld god who is neuter and dominates both male and female group.   Conclusion Pins of Central Zagros in Iron Age are categorized into two main groups of Straight Pins and Headed Pins. The second group has three subgroups: 1-Castting Pinheads, 2- Openwork Pinheads and 3- Dis-headed Pins. These Pinheads contain various motifs such as humans, animals, imaginary creatures combined, herbs, geometric and abstract shapes. many scholars began to propose various interpretations concerning the nature, function, and symbolic meanings of these motifs. Among them, one can point out to the theories that attributed them to Mesopotamian gods & Iranian gods and myths. None of the ideas has been presented based on the analysis of all sorts of disc-headed pins; therefore, they are not able to provide a fairly comprehensive theory that can be regarded as true for all of them and /or present a viewpoint about the beliefs of ancient men who made them. Therefore, in the present study, as a substitute for the traditional symbols of these works, the method of Saussure’s structuralism semiotic method was used and 145 disc-headed pin from various museums of the world were studied. Trying to achieve common semantic categories, the analysis process was based on analyzing the structural relationships of the set of designs on the pinheads including, A. go togetherness (rational relations between the motifs) and B. replacement (the possibility of presenting one motif as another). The results of the analysis indicate three possible categorizations such as groups of male, female, and human-like central motifs and separate motifs associated with each of these groups. Another group of pins also displays common motifs between women and men’s groups in the form of a common affiliation with the domination of the female groups on the male groups conveying concepts such as bonding and birth. With regard to the characteristics of the eastern state of art, these groups can be attributed, respectively, to female and male goddesses, as well as pseudo- humans with horns, the underworld god who is neuter and dominates both male and female group.   سنجاق‌های عصر آهن زاگرس‌مرکزی شامل دو گروه عمده‌ی سنجاق‌های میله‌ای و سنجاق‌های دارای سرسنجاق است. سنجاق‌های دارای سرسنجاق خود در سه گروه: قالبی، مشبّک و دارای سر صفحه‌ای طبقه‌بندی می‌شوند. در این گروه سرسنجاق‌ها، دارای نقش‌مایه‌های خیره‌کننده‌ی انسانی، حیوانی، انسان شاخ‌دار، موجودات ترکیبی، گیاهی، هندسی و انتزاعی هستند که با استفاده از دو تکنیک عمده‌ی قالب‌گیری و چکش‌کاری ورقه‌های مفرغی ایجاد شده‌اند. پژوهشگران مختلفی در ارتباط با چیستی ماهیت این نقش‌مایه‌ها نظراتی را ابراز کرده‌اند که عمده‌ی آن‌ها، نسبت دادن این نقش‌مایه‌ها به برخی از خدایان ایرانی و بین‌النهرینی است. این نظریات برمبنای نمادشناسی سنتی است که برروی نقش‌مایه‌های تعداد معدودی از سرسنجاق انجام گرفته است. نظریات مطرح نیز دارای پایه‌های علمی بسیار شکننده و غیرقابل اثباتی هستند که بیشتر براساس تفسیرهای شخصی پژوهشگران بیان شده‌اند. در پژوهش حاضر برای پاسخ به چیستی ماهیت نقش‌مایه‌های به‌کار رفته برروی سرسنجاق‌ها از روش نشانه‌شناسی ساختارگرایانه سوسور استفاده شده است و تعداد 145 عدد سرسنجاق دارای نقش‌مایه را به‌عنوان یک مجموعه‌ی نظام‌مند و دارای ارتباط با هم، و با فرض آن که نقوش براساس یک گروه اصول منطقی کنار هم اجرا شده‌اند، مورد مطالعه قرار گرفته‌اند. به‌منظور تحلیل روابط ساختاری مجموعه نقوش موجود برروی سرسنجاق‌ها اقدام به شناسایی گروه‌های هم‌نشین (روابط منطقی میان نقوش) و جانشینی ( قابلیت استقرار نقوش به‌جای یکدیگر) گردیده است. گروه‌های هم‌نشینی و جانشینی شناسایی شده برروی سرسنجاق‌ها شامل سه گروه مردانه، زنانه و انسان‌شاخ‌دار است و با بهره‌گیری از این نظر که صورت‌های انسانی بیانگر خدایان برروی سرسنجاق‌ها هستند، می‌توان این نظریه‌ی جامع را عنوان کرد که برروی سرسنجاق‌ها سه خدای مردانه، زنانه و جهان زیرین اجرا شده است و نقش‌مایه‌های موجود در هر یک از گروه‌های جانشینی و هم‌نشینی این خدایان به‌عنوان همراه این خدایان و در نبود ایشان به‌عنوان نشانه‌هایی از این سه خدا برروی سرسنجاق‌ها اجرا شده‌اند. در بین سرسنجاق‌ها دو گروه هم‌نشینی مشترک نیز بین نقش‌مایه‌های خدای مردانه و زنانه به اجرا درآمده است که به‌ترتیب نشانه‌هایی از غلبه‌ی خدای زنانه بر مردانه و پیوند بین این دو خدا است.   https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_3189_8832ae39136fb470b3fbbf9f47b4570d.pdf

پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران 2345-5225 9 23 2020 01 21 Preliminary Report of First Season of Emergence Excavation in Haji Khan Tape, Famenin in Hamadan Province; A Newfound Median Temple گزارش مقدماتی فصل اول کاوش نجات بخشی در محوطه‌ی «حاجی‌خان» فامنین-استان همدان معبد و نیایشگاهی نویافته از دوره‌ی مادها 91 110 3190 10.22084/nbsh.2019.19926.2000 FA اسماعیل همتی ازندریانی استادیار گروه باستان‌شناسی دانشگاه بوعلی‌سینا 0000-0003-4925-0417 مهرداد ملکزاده عضو هیأت علمی پژوهشگاه میراث‌فرهنگی. حسین ناصری صومعه دکتری باستان‌شناسی دانشگاه تربیت مدرس. 0000-0002-6345-7150 Journal Article 2019 08 24 Due to the construction of the Ibn Sina Petrochemical Company in Hamadan province, Haji Khan Tape is located in the middle of this complex. As a matter of fact, it was necessary to carry out archaeological researches in this area. The first exploration season in the Haji Khan area in the vicinity of the Ibn Sina Petrochemical was conducted under the supervision of Esmail Hemati Azandaryani in the winter of 2016 and the spring of 2017. The Haji Khan Tape, 17 km from the city of Famenin in Hamadan province, is located at geographical coordinates of N 35˚01 ‘58.11 “and E 49˚01’16.85”, and is considered a part of the cultural domain of western Iran. The site is at 2 km from Zaraqan, a village close to the walls of the Ibn Sina Petrochemical Complex. In the following excavations, traces of architectural remains with a 165 cm wide wall was discovered, which led to several extended trenches in varying sizes and in the west, east and south of the above trenches. These all help identify several architectural spaces and findings including, a systematic and coherent architecture with chelepa (cross) plan with 7 spaces. Likewise, among other architectural elements of Haji Khan Temple, including the upright stepped fireplace (altar), the middle of the altar, the partition wall, niches in the walls (in Spaces 1, 2 and 3), and gateways between spaces, have a very close similarity with the other sites of median period such as: Nush-i Jan Tape, Gunepan Tape, Yalfan Tape, Moush Tape, Baba Jan Tape and Godin Tape. <strong>Keywords: </strong>Hamadan, Temple, Haji Khan, Iron III, Median Period. Introduction Due to the construction of the Ibn Sina Petrochemical Company in Hamadan province, Haji Khan Tepe is located in the middle of this complex. As a matter of fact, it was necessary to carry out archaeological researches in this area. The first exploration season in the Haji Khan area in the vicinity of the Ibn Sina Petrochemical was conducted under the supervision of Esmail Hemati Azandaryani in the winter of 2016 and the spring of 2017. After the arrival of the team and the beginning of exploration, most parts of the petrochemical complex were studied and identified. That led to the identification of three more stacks, hence; a total of 4 i.e. A (main stack), B, C and D, located at similar level were identified to study archeological remains. In this paper, the authors try to investigate the results of Stack A that led to the identification of a new temple from the Median period, which is briefly described below.   Background Research For the first time, this tepe was identified during the archaeological surveys entitled “Investigation, Identification and Documentation of Archeological Remains of Shara and Famenin in Hamadan” by Motarjim and his team. The height of this tepe is about 4 meters from its surrounding, and except for southern and southeastern parts, rest of it is severely damaged. The main problem in exploring the Haji Khan enclosure was the destruction of the site by heavy machinery, including bulldozers, loaders, and other mechanical equipment for leveling and building infrastructure for the petrochemical project. Likewise, part of the destruction was the outcome of digging by antique smugglers, which caused problems throughout the archeological excavation of the site.   Site Location The Haji Khan Tepe, 17 km from the city of Famenin in Hamadan province, is located at geographical coordinates of N 35˚01 ‘58.11 “and E 49˚01’16.85”, and is considered a part of the cultural domain of western Iran. The site is at 2 km from Zaraqan, a village close to the walls of the Ibn Sina Petrochemical Complex. In other words, Haji Khan is located in the northern part of Hamadan, in the center of Famenin Plain, and 500 meters from the main tributary of the Ghare-Chai River (in the west of the tepe). This tepe was present there prior to the construction of the petrochemical Company in the middle of agricultural lands of Zaraqan.   Excavation Prior to excavation, mapping and topography and networking of the site were carried out. The first was Trench GH34 measuring 5×10 m, from where no traces of architectural or other remains were found. However, in this section, enough information could be obtained about pottery fragments, and it was distinguished that they were related to Iron Age III (possibly Median era). After reaching to the bottom of the above trench, the excavation location was shifted to the elevated part of the tepe and the exploratory stages were carried out on Trench CD34 and Trench EF34 measuring 15×10 m and 5×10 m respectively. In the following excavations, traces of architectural remains with a 165 cm wide wall was discovered, which led to several extended trenches in varying sizes and in the west, east and south of the above trenches. These all help indentify several architectural spaces and findings including, a systematic and coherent architecture with chelepa (cross) plan, which will be described below:   Architectural Remains After exploring Stack A of Haji Khan, there discovered a temple with a chelepa (cross) plan, consisting of seven spaces of varying size and dimension. However, due to absence of excavation at all external parts of this temple, one could not comment on its exact outer dimension. In other words, as long as all walls and spaces are not unearthed and external parts of the temple are excavated, it is impossible to give the dimension of the external plan of the temple. Moreover, in the process, the length of the interior of the structure in north-south direction found to be 2015 cm while the width in the eastern-western direction was 1555 cm.  Taking into account the thickness of the walls i.e. 160 cm, its dimension reached to about 2335 ×1875 cm (23.35 × 18.55 m). It is important to note that there is evidence of adobe support in the outer walls. The temple walls are made of bricks (measuring 42×25×12 cm) and clay/mortar (with an average 12 cm thickness), in a way that except mortar there was nothing between the bricks. In fact, the layer itself has had a role of mortar. It seems to be no bond between the bricks, but builders used an interesting method of fastening i.e. the bricks were arranged with little space and filled with plaster or mortar. It should be noted that the dimensions of bricks of this tepe is similar to the rest of Median sites including Nush-i Jan (40 × 25 × 12), Moush Tepe (42 × 24 × 11), Gunespan (42×25×12 cm) and Godin Tepe (41×25×13). About gateways and entrances, it should be noted that there are two connecting gateways between Space 1 and 2, as well as Space 2 and 3, which are 100 cm wide, 156 cm long and a depth of walls thickness i.e. 160 cm. They are covered by arc-shaped doorways, similar to those in other sites, including Nush-i Jan, Godin and Moush Tepe. Unfortunately, due to destruction incurred by mechanical equipment and smelting drill holes by smugglers, it is not possible to accurately comment on the type and mode of gateways between spaces. In Spaces 1, 2, and 3 of the temple, niches (from the floor to the end of the crescent) 40 cm wide, 70 cm long and 30 cm deep are visible that were created by placing two oblique bricks. Similar niches are found in other Median and Achaemenid sites, including Nush-i Jan, GunespanTepe, Godin Tepe, Baba Jan, Ziweyeh, Ozbaki. Among available spaces, Number 1 and 2 are visible with platforms attached to the wall. In all stages of exploration, spaces between walls were searched in a precise and systematic way, and utmost care was taken to find remains and evidence. It was distinguished that Space 1, 2, 3 due to the available evidence (altar, platforms etc….) apparently seemed to be important ones but there is no traces of filling and all parts of the walls are filled with rubble and dirt. But in Spaces 4, 5, and 6, evidence of filling was found to be brick, mud and soil materials. (Unfortunately, due to drilling by antique traffickers and the destruction of the site by mechanical devices, it was not possible to explore the bottom of these spaces, hence; there is little details about these fillings). Similar fillings were found in other sites of this period, including Nush-i Jan, Moush Tepe, Ozbaki, Zarbolagh and Ulug Tepe.   Conclusion Potteries of this site are simple, buff without any particular decorations, and are in a variety of colors. They contain a little percentage of gray wares and the majority of buff with good built and sufficient baking. Potteries were made using wheel as handmade samples are rarely found. Almost all of the pottery samples, except those with mica particles, are covered with clay, and enjoy adequate polishing that are similar to samples of other Median sites such as Nush-i Jan Tepe, Moush Tepe, Gunespan tepe, Yelfan, Godin, Baba Jan, Ozbaki, Zarbolagh and Sialk. Likewise, among other architectural elements of Haji Khan Temple, including the upright stepped fireplace (altar), the middle of the altar, the partition wall, niches in the walls (in Spaces 1, 2 and 3), and gateways between spaces, have a very close similarity with the other sites of median period such as: Nush-i Jan Tape, Gunepan Tape, Yalfan Tape, Moush Tape, Baba Jan Tape and Godin Tape. با توجه به احداث پتروشیمی ابن‌سینای فامنین در استان همدان، محوطه‌ی باستانی حاجی‌خان در بخش میانی آن قرار گرفته بود. به‌دلیل اهمیت احداث پروژه و هم‌چنین قرار گرفتن محوطه‌ی باستانی در بخش میانی آن ضروری بود تا پژوهش‌های باستان‌شناختی در آن انجام گیرد؛ بنابراین برنامه‌ی پژوهشی فصل اول کاوش نجات‌بخشی در محوطه‌ی حاجی‌خان در زمستان 1395 و بهار 1396 انجام گرفت. محوطه‌ی باستانی حاجی‌خان در فاصله‌ی 2 کیلومتری روستای زرقان قرار دارد و دیوارهای پتروشیمی ابن‌سینای فامنین آن را محصور کرده‌اند و در فاصله‌ی 17 کیلومتری از شهر فامنین در استان همدان واقع گردیده است. اهداف اصلی این پژوهش ارائه‌ی نتایج کاوش و بحث در مورد کاربری و گاهنگاری است. پژوهش حاضر دارای رویکرد توصیفی-تحلیلی است و گردآوری اطلاعات به روش میدانی و کتابخانه‌ای انجام گرفته است. انجام کاوش در این محوطه منجر به شناسایی معبد و نیایشگاهی از دوره‌ی مادها گردید. این سازه‌ی خشتی دارای نقشه‌ی کاملاً چلیپایی است که با نقشه‌ای از پیش طراحی شده، 7 فضای معماری را دربر گرفته است که از طریق درگاهی و ورودی‌ها به همدیگر متصل می‌شوند. از مهم‌ترین اجزاء و عناصر معماری یافت‌شده از این معبد می‌توان به سکوی آتشدان مطبق، دیوارک جداکننده و سکوهای خشتی گرداگرد فضاهای شماره‌ی یک و دو اشاره کرد. در این معبد طاقچه‌های تزیینی، اثر انگشتان سازندگان معبد برروی تمام سطوح دیواره‌ها و خشت‌ها، پوشش کاهگل و اندود سفید رنگ برروی آن شناسایی شده است. معبد مادی نویافته حاجی‌خان از نظر عناصر و اجزاء معماری و یافته‌های سفالی قابل‌مقایسه با سایر محوطه‌های دوره‌ی ماد و آهن III از جمله: تپه نوشیجان، گونسپان‌تپه، تپه یلفان، موش‌تپه، باباجان‌تپه و گودین‌تپه است.  https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_3190_07c4b1fdd1ef8da2d7e9393071204b71.pdf

پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران 2345-5225 9 23 2020 01 21 Investigation and Analysis of the Role and Position of the City of Theodosiusopolis in the Relations Between Iran and Byzantium in the Sassanid Era بررسی و تحلیل نقش و جایگاه شهر تئودوسیوپولیس در روابط ایران و بیزانس در دوره‌ی ساسانی 111 128 3191 10.22084/nbsh.2019.17373.1820 FA پرویز حسین طلائی عضو هیأت علمی گروه تاریخ دانشگاه شهید باهنر کرمان Journal Article 2018 09 29 Armenia is among the Caucasian territories and has caused tensions between Iran and the Byzantine since its capture by the Parthians until the end of the Sassanid period. The continual fighting between two ancient powers over on this area caused that they devided Armenia between themselves in the year 387(A.D). After this division, the first Theodosius ordered that the border town of Theodosipolis be created in the western part of Armenia. The city was built on a hillside in the Karin area near the sources of the Euphrates River. With regard to these issues, this research seeks to address the geographical location of the city and then to continue its importance in the circle of Iran and Byzantium. To achieve this goal, the attempt has been made to use the method of historical research (Descriptive-analytical) and based on existing evidence and theories of researchers. The results of this study indicate that the Byzantines sought to build fortifications and tight fences in border cities such as Theodosipolis, in order to prevent the rapid advance of the Iranian army in the Byzantine territory, and even some times, the Sassanid lands could be Invaded from those cities. The Sassanians were able to attack the eastern lands of the Byzantine Empire by facilitating the capture of the city. The existence and strengthening of the fortresses in the city several times showed that the capture of the city constituted the domination and possession of the border regions, such as Asia Minor, and its loss as a major change in the balance of power between the two empires.  <strong>Keywords: </strong>Armenia, Sassanid Empire, Byzantine Empire, Theodosius I, Theodosiusopoulos.   Introduction Constantine I (337-306 AD), for the various reasons, most notably the position of geopolitics and Byzantine orientation for dealing with the Sassanian government, which had an aggressive policy on the western frontiers, took the capital from Rome to Byzantium (which Then he changed his name to Constantinople) in 330 AD. From the very beginning of the Third Century, the Sasanians had focused their foreign policy on expanding their territory in the West (Herodian, 1.26; Cassius, LXXX, 4 / 1-2; hence the center The confrontation between these two powers took place in the cities of the Caucasus, Asia Minor, Mesopotamia and Syria. The border towns that were attacked by both sides, each having their own significance and characteristics, have various construction and functions Political, military, economic, religious and geopolitical, which doubled the will of the two governments to capture them.  These factors, the claims of ownership on the lands of each other and the importance of the border towns between the two governments, together led to ongoing conflicts between the two powers, which expanded the scope of these conflicts in the capture and conversion of border towns in the west of the Sassanid Empire And the East of the Byzantine Empire. Therefore, this paper, based on the importance of the subject and its nature, addresses the following questions, which are based on the basis of this research: Research questions: 1. Who established Theodosipolis city and what was its geographic location? 2. What is the importance of the theodosipolis in the relations between Iran and Byzantium? Research hypotheses: In response to these questions, the following hypotheses are raised: Hypothesis 1:By attention to  given information and data provided by the resources available to us, the city of Theodosiusopolis was created by Theodosius I in the late fourth century and is geographically located in the western part of Armenia in a region called Karin is located near the sources of the Euphrates River. Second hypothesis: on the one hand, it must be acknowledged that the most important function of the city of Theodosipolis, which was created by Byzantium, was politically motivated because, at the end of ancient times, the border towns like Theodosiusopolis laid the burden of defending the empire. On the other hand, by capturing the city, the Sassanians could have attacked the eastern lands of the Byzantine Empire more easily.   Identified Traces The Theodosipolis geographic location There is no controversy among the historians in relation to the geodesy of the city of Theodosipolis, and most of them express the city or region of Karin as the former city of Theodosiusopolis and believe that the city in the Karin region in a place previously inhabited by a village Which is called Kale Arkhe  in Greek (Eocene, 2003: 42).   Theodosipolis Town construction Both in the sources and the researchers, there is no consensus on the founding of the city of Theodosiusopolis, some consider  the construction of  city during the time of Theodosius I (379-395 AD), while others consider it was established by the time of Theodosius II (408-450 AD) . Guards thought the reason for this disparity was  the inaccuracy of the relevant resources (Garsoevian, 2003: 64). But in this regard, according to the references to the sources and the indisputable proofs, it can be said this city was created after the split of Armenia in 387 AD between Iran and Byzantium during the time of Theodosius I.   The role of the city of Theodosipolis in the relations between Iran and Byzantium The Byzantines, after the split of Armenia in the year 387, between themselves and Iran, aimed to advance their borders to build and strengthen the fortifications in the border towns in the western part of Armenia. Theodosipolis in the Romanian part of Armenia (western) is a sample of these cities, because it was located near the borders of Iran. The Sasanians also, were not passive to these fortifications and reacted more often, because strengthening the fortifications near their borders was a threat to their territory. Therefore, the Sassanid kings, when they were consolidating their internal affairs, attacked border towns, including the city of Theodosipolis.   Conclusion From the very beginning, the Sasanians took an active foreign policy. The Byzantines, who did not show self-control over the Sassanian invasive policy, began to change the strategy. By establishing the fortifications in the border areas that were geopolitically important and by deploying sufficient forces there, they could partly prevent the rapid advance of the Iranian army in the Byzantine territory and could even invade these Sassanian territories from those cities. The policy followed that the Byzantines founded the city of Theodosiusopolis (Karin and now Erzurum) near the borders of Iran. It was built during the theodosius I, in the part of the Armenian Roman (Western Armenia). The city’s most important function was the city’s political-military operation for the Byzantine Empire, since in the late ancient times, border towns such as Theodosipolis held the main burden of defending the empire. The Sassanians, with the capture of the city, could attack the eastern lands of the Byzantine Empire more easily. As a result, there was a continuing struggle between them that followed the analysis of the power of the two empires. ارمنستان از جمله سرزمین‌هایی است که در قفقاز قرار گرفته و از زمان تصرف آن در زمان اشکانیان تا پایان دوره‌ی ساسانی باعث بروز تنش‌ها و درگیری‌هایی میان ایران و بیزانس شده است. درگیری‌های پیوسته‌ی دو قدرت باستان بر سر این سرزمین باعث شد که در سال 387 م. این سرزمین را میان خود تقسیم کنند. پس از این تقسیم بود که تئودوسیوس اول دستور داد تا شهر مرزی تئودوسیوپولیس را در منطقه‌ی ارمنستان غربی ایجاد کنند. این شهر بر دامنه‌ی کوهی در منطقه‌ی کارین و نزدیک سرچشمه‌های رود فرات ساخته شد. پرسش‌های این پژوهش عبارتنداز: 1. شهر مرزی تئودوسیوپولیس توسط چه کسی تأسیس شده و از چه موقعیت جغرافیایی برخوردار بوده است؟ 2. علت اهمیت تئودوسیوپولیس در مناسبات ایران و بیزانس چه بوده است؟ مفروض است؛ با توجه به اطلاعات و داده‌هایی که منابع در اختیار ما می‌گذارند، در این رابطه می‌توان گفت که شهر تئودوسیوپولیس در اواخر قرن چهارم میلادی توسط تئودوسیوس اول، در ارمنستان غربی در منطقه‌ای به‌نام «کارین»، قرار گرفته است. هم‌چنین، مهم‌ترین کارکرد شهر تئودوسیوپولیس که توسط بیزانسی به‌وجود آمده از لحاظ سیاسی-نظامی بوده است. حال با توجه به این مسائل، این پژوهش در پی آن است تا به موقعیت جغرافیایی این شهر پرداخته و سپس در ادامه به چرایی اهمیت آن در دایره‌ی رقابت‌های ایران و بیزانس بپردازد؛ برای نیل به این هدف تلاش شده است از شیوه‌ی پژوهش‌های تاریخی (توصیفی-تحلیلی) و براساس شواهد موجود و نظریات پژوهشگران، استفاده شود. نتایج این پژوهش بیانگر این است که بیزانسی‌ها با ایجاد استحکامات و حصارهای محکم در شهرهای مرزی از جمله تئودوسیوپولیس درصدد بودند تا بتوانند تا حدودی از پیشرفت سریع سپاه ایران در خاک بیزانس جلوگیری کرده و حتی بتوانند در مواقعی از آن شهرها، سرزمین‌های ساسانیان را مورد تهاجم قرار دهند. ساسانیان نیز با تصرف این شهر می‌توانستند از سویی راحت‌تر سرزمین‌های شرقی امپراتوری بیزانس را مورد حمله خود قرار دهند. وجود و تقویت چندباره‌ی استحکامات در این شهر، نشان از آن داشت که تصرف این شهر به منزله‌ی تسلط و در اختیار داشتن مناطق مرزی مانند آسیای صغیر، و از دست دادن آن به‌عنوان تغییری عمده در توازن قدرت میان دو امپراتوری به‌شمار می‌رفت. https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_3191_f023559c6d59c04e3804209f573dbff9.pdf

پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران 2345-5225 9 23 2020 01 21 “Sepehr Bariin” A Summer Residence in Sultāniyya Plain بررسی عمارت موسوم به «سپهر‌برین» در دشت سلطانیه براساس منابع تاریخی و اسناد تصویری 129 148 3192 10.22084/nbsh.2019.16365.1771 FA مهسا فیضی دانشجوی دکتری باستان‌شناسی دانشگاه تهران هایده لاله استادیار گروه باستان‌شناسی دانشگاه تهران. فیروز مهجور استادیار بازنشسته‌ی گروه باستان‌شناسی دانشگاه تهران. Journal Article 2018 07 24 In the XIXth century, Sultāniyya plain became an important region; this importance is due to favorable climate, rich pasturage, strategical location, including proximity to Tehran and Tabriz and the borders of Ottoman Empire and Russia. Thus during this period, a large number of evidences were written that show the various aspects of Sultāniyah plain’s cultural landscape. Political condition was required that Fatḥ‌ʿAlī-Shāh spent several summers in Sultāniyya, he set up an encampment and a palace near the grass or Čaman Sultāniyya. Now, this monument is destroyed completely and remained two mounds with 25 height that are called “Tepeh qaleʿh”. The analysis of historical and cultural context in which the palace was constructed and the study of its architectural structure, can help us to understand the cultural landscape of Sultāniyah in the XIXth century, and also it can be a great step to preserve the actual site or Tepeh qaleʿh. The aims of this paper are why the Qajar chosen and stayed in Sultāniyah and built such palace here, and also the analysis of architectural aspects of this building. This paper shows that the choice of Sultāniyya as a summer residence was initially linked to the military operations against Russia. Hence Fatḥ‌ʿAlī‌Shāh built a palace or a summer residence to train the army in the grass or Čaman and called it “Sepehr Barin”. This building contained several spaces that were related to the interconnected elements such as Garden, Qanat, Hamams, yards, mosque and other small constructions around it. Studying this palace beside the other contemporary buildings show that this building was not specified to the women (Haram), rather than it was constructed for political purpose. The Women’s apartment was only a part of this complex and other parts like Divan khāneh and Khalvat khāne was the places for kings and elites. .  <strong>Keywords: </strong>Sultāniyya Plain, Sultāniyya Palace, Tepeh Qaleʿh, Fatḥ Alī-Shāh, Nāṣer-al-dīn Šāh.   Introduction The Sultāniyya plain is one of the old plains which situated in north-west of Iran; the archaeological evidence show the oldest settlement there back to the Paleolithic period (Feizi, 2016:45). This region is a part of the bigger one which connected the center of Iran to its north-west so that the most crowded routes were there. In the XIXth Century, this region had a pivotal role during the reign of Fatḥ-ʿAlī Šāh to Nāṣer-al-dīn Šāh for two reasons: firstly, the route between Tabriz, the residence of the prince (waliahd), and Capital–Tehran- was drawn through the Sultāniya plain. Secondly, it was proximate the north-western borders of Iran, near to Russia and the Ottoman Empire. Therefore, a large number of travelers, politician Men, merchants and pilgrims crossed there and discussed the region. In 1848, near the grass or Čaman, Fatḥ-ʿAlī Šāh built a palace, in Dubeux’s picture, it can be seen next to Fatḥ-ʿAlī Šāh’s Ordū. Nowadays, this palace is destroyed completely, and its remains is known as “Tapeh Qaleh”. There is little publish date on this palace, in 1976, Hambly discussed it, but this research has not treated studying the palace in much detail because it focused upon the European resource and ignored the Iranian ones. Anyway, one of the main obstacles in studying this palace is the lack of archaeological evidence, but on the other hand, the written sources can help us to find some answer about its historical context and its structure. Based on written sources, illustrated documents and archaeological survey, this paper attempts to show the historical background which leads to building this palace and also, to argue its architectural structure and inter-connected elements which depend on it. My main reason for choosing this topic is personal interest. In the summer of 2016, one of the writer (Feizi) conducted an archaeological survey in the Sultāniyya plain, and there she was very astonished to observe that such a magnificent palace- as we saw in illustrated documents- destroyed utterly. The essay has been organized in the following way. Firstly, we study the written sources as the primary resources to address the reason for which the Qajar had chosen Čaman Sultāniyya as a temporary place to stay. All of these sources are the historical texts and travelogues of the XIXth century. Secondly, to examine the different parts of the palace, in this section, in addition to written sources, archaeological evidence –although it does not efficient- and aerial photo which has taken in 60 decades have used. In the systematic archaeological survey, the trace of the Qanāts, other building and the foundations of the different part have been determined. The literature has emphasized the importance of the Sultāniyya plain in the XIXth century. The previous studies of Sultāniyya have only focused on the old city in the XIVth century, while in the XIXth century, the plain is regarded as an important region for political purpose and in travelogue and other written sources, we can find the precise details about its cultural landscape.   Conclusion    The main reason of Fatḥ‌ʿAlī‌Šāh to choose Sultāniyya as a summer residence was conducting the war against Russia and also training the army. In the years between the wars, he spent 6 summers in 11 ones in the grass (Čaman), but even in the years that there was no war, Fatḥ‌ʿAlī Šāh stayed in Sultāniyya to train the army. The first Fatḥ-ʿAlī Šāh’s residence in Sultāniyya was in 1804 with the start of war against Russia, and his last one was in 1828, this year coincided with the permission of war by Olamā (Ezn Jahad) which led to the advance of the Russia army and sign the agreement of Turkmān-chāy (Kavari Širāzī, 1380:194-614). He never returned to Sultāniyya after the war, because there was no reason to train the army there. During the residence of Fatḥ-ʿAlī Šāh in 1847-1847, a palace was built and named as “Imarat-e Sepehr Barin”. The palace consisted of several buildings which connected with various elements, including Hamam, Qanats, several small building around it and a small village that was named Sultan-Abad and located right next to it. The aerial photos and the result of archaeological survey also show that the palace consisted of several buildings and some related elements. According to written sources, this palace contained several Hamam which was situated inside and out sides the palace, several complicated yards, a pavilion (Kolah Farangi) for kings and his women to enjoys, a tower (Borj) as a safe place for king’s dormitory, an women’s house (Haram-sara) with several buildings and yards, a Divan Kaneh which was a place where king was observing maneuvers and also the camp and a Khalvat Kaneh which was probably an official meeting place of kings and the courtiers. Studying this palace beside the other contemporary buildings show that this building was not specified to the women (Haram), rather than it was constructed for political purpose. The Women’s apartment was only a part of this complex and other parts like Divan khāneh and Khalvat khāne was the places for kings and elites. دشت سلطانیه در سده‌ی 13 ه‍.ق./ 19 م.، به‌دلیل توان بالقوه‌ی طبیعی و موقعیت جغرافیایی ویژه‌ای چون نزدیکی به تهران، تبریز و مرزهای شمال‌غربی، به محلی پرتردد و بااهمیت بدل شد، گواه آن نیز حجم انبوه میراث مکتوبی است که جنبه‌های مختلف حیات فرهنگی دشت را در سده‌ی مذکور به تصویر می‌کشند. فتحعلی‌شاه شانزده تابستان را در چمن سلطانیه ساکن و در آنجا مجموعه عمارتی بنا نهاد که امروزه ویران‌شده و از آن تپه‌ی دو بخشی به‌نام «تپه قلعه» باقی‌مانده است. در پژوهش حاضر برآن‌ست تا با بررسی مدارک مکتوب، اسناد تصویری، عکس‌های هوایی و بررسی باستان‌شناسی به پرسش‌های ذیل پاسخ دهد بستر تاریخی-فرهنگی عمارت سلطانیه چگونه بوده است؟ عمارت از چه بخش‌هایی تشکیل‌شده و کارکرد آن چه بوده است؟ فرضیه‌ی مورد نظر چنین است که عمارت سلطانیه، تنها خاص زنان نبوده و کارکردهای مختلف داشته است. نتایج اولیه‌ی این پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که موقعیت جغرافیایی دشت سلطانیه، شرایط اقلیمی و مسئله‌ی جنگ با روسیه، سبب شد که فتحعلی‌شاه تابستان‌ها در سلطانیه ساکن و از آنجا به فرماندهی جنگ و سان ارتش بپردازد؛ به‌همین دلیل، او در سال 1227 ه‍.ق./1812 م. مجموعه عمارت موسوم به «سپهر برین» را در سلطانیه بنا نهاد. این عمارت متشکل از چندین بخش ساختمان زنان، برج، کلاه‌فرنگی، دیوان‌خانه و خلوت‌خانه بود که در ارتباط با عناصر هم پیوندی چون باغ، حیاط‌های مطبق، حمام‌ها، قنات‌ها، مسجد و تعدادی عمارات کوچک در اطرافش شکل گرفت؛ هم‌چنین ساخت این مجموعه با ایجاد روستای جدید سلطان‌آباد برای نگه‌داری از آن و تغییر در نظام اداری منطقه همراه بود. مطالعه‌ی تطبیقی بخش‌های مختلف عمارت با بناهای هم‌عصرش، نشان می‌دهد که این مجموعه تنها برای حرم ساخته نشد و حرم‌سرا بخشی از آن بوده؛ بخش‌های دیگر مجموعه عمارت، چون خلوت‌خانه و دیوان‌خانه، کارکردهایی متناسب با دلیل حضور شاه در سلطانیه، یعنی انجام سان ارتش و ارتباط با درباریان و افراد مختلف داشته است. به بیانی دیگر، این عمارت اقامتگاه خصوصی شاه بوده و در عین‌حال برخی وظایف حکومتی و مراسم‌های خاص در آن انجام شده است. https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_3192_766e428d1e232bbdd58664b41346196c.pdf

پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران 2345-5225 9 23 2020 01 21 A Comparative Comparison of Typology of the Space Organization and Physical Elements of the Qajar-Pahlavi Period with Traditional Houses in Kermanshah مقایسه‌ی تطبیقی گونه‌شناسی سازمان فضایی و عناصر کالبدی دوره‌های قاجار و پهلوی خانه‌های سنتی شهر کرمانشاه 149 168 3197 10.22084/nbsh.2019.18444.1895 FA فائزه طاهری سرمد دکتری، گروه معماری دانشکده هنر و معماری، واحد علوم و تحقیقات، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران. 0000-0003-0542-514X علیرضا عینی فر استاد دانشکده معماری، پردیس هنرهای زیبا، دانشگاه تهران. آزاده شاهچراغی دانشیار، گروه معماری دانشکده هنر و معماری، واحد علوم و تحقیقات، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران. Journal Article 2019 02 12 Traditional houses are important place for exposing the life style of past. Lack of recognizing and understanding the houses gradually lead houses construction into replacing by temporary house. Kermanshah is a city with rich history and historical parish had placed many of valuable houses but because of war, expansion, emigration, changing life style, the big part of issues and valuable houses was destroyed. This research explains the typology of Kermanshah historical houses in Qajar and Pahlavi Period. This  formal typology includes these subjects for instance formation disciplines, space organization, relation of  form, material, method of definition of space(closed space, covered space ,open space).The aim of this research is to study typology of houses for recovering valuable building and rescue them against creating  un normal building. The result of this research could lead us to analyzing the historical house according to characteristic of form. This article is trying to answer these two questions; how many types are in Historical houses in Kermanshah? What are the extracted pattern in Qajar and Pahlavi Period houses? The way of gathering information is documentary- and researching way is descriptive-analytic. The result show that construction of Qajar Period house in Kermanshah are introversion and in the Late Qajar Period are introversion -extroversion and in Pahlavi Period are extroversion that this transformation was effected by many factors, for example change in the pattern of architecture, effect of west architecture and transformation of social and historical construction, in this period. Also houses with one or two or three and four yards in Qajar Period turn into one-yard house in Pahlavi Period. Omitting vestibule  and  transferring  kitchen  from  basement and  with  having privacy  yard into  yard  with  direct relation with yard are the other changes in  Pahlavi Period. Transporting stairs from corner to major axes of building is the another changes in Pahlavi Period. Decreasing the closed space and increasing opened space are the other changes in Pahlavi Period and also three types of traditional and foreign and integrative was observed. <strong>Keywords: </strong>Traditional House, Typology, Qajar Period, Pahlavi Period, Courtyard.   Introduction Importance of typology were deduced  from the progress of changes in concept and space form before Qajar Period, because of some reasons ,it  accelerated .From pastime, houses were something more than shelter and spiritual aspect from building house till placing in it, that  were obvious. By attending on changes in recent century, traditional house was destroyed severely. Investigation shows that there are not many study on them and complete recognition on them. Thinking on them that are based on the Iranian human needs and environment were formed, can be useful for getting Iranian residential pattern. Kermanshah city is one of historical city that with attending on number of valuable historical house in this city, doing typology of historical house for placing similar sample in one group and investigating used pattern are necessary. The necessity of doing this research include below cases. The first Kermanshah historical house were part of identify of area and they mainly were registered in the title of national monument and have condition and standard of protecting and getting pattern of Building and spacing. The second cause is that, in the case of recognizing connected concepts and choosing suitable research method and using the obtained result and comparing with contemporary needs it can lead us to designing residential units so the question of this research is to introduce typology of valuable houses in Qajar and Pahlavi Period and to recognize the characteristic of them on the base of these two questions: How many typologies are there in Kermanshah traditional house? What are the extractive pattern of Qajar and Pahlavi Period? The number of 20 traditional houses in Kermanshah were observed at first time and then because of having the number of yards and placing the building around the yard, houses were classified and then from each classes one sample was chosen. On the whole 11sample (7sample from Qajar and 4 sample from Pahlavi Period) were selected. Then document of each house that were done manually, were crafted again. After this characteristic, which were obtain from research theory, were studied on the samples in the methods of quantity and qualified. Analysis of data had been done on the base of diagram and chart and quantity way and in the end result were done into qualified table.   Identified Traces This typology was done on these factors: Formal organization:11type include one yard (one side, two sides, three sides), two yards (introversion, extroversion), three yard (several un even court yard, several even court yard), four yard (introversion, extroversion) The Method of Definition Space (closed, opened, covered) In closed Space Talar-Kitchen-Rooms were studied. Rooms in historical house have 3 types. In building with 3 spaces in sides. In these types one Orossi Talar with 5 door or without Orossi Talar or with 3 doors and a small room were observed. In building that the main side have 5 spaces, there are one Orossi Talar in middle with two stairs in two sides and two rooms in sides. In Pahlavi Period with placing one room with stairs in middle and two rooms in sides form of building were changed. Also about Talar 6 types (semi Crisscross with Orossi or without Orossi-rectangle with columned Ivan in front with or without Orossi-rectangle with Orossi-rectangle without Orossi) were seen. In typology of kitchen 4 types were observed. (with introversion and extroversion-with separated yard-and in introversion part-in basement level-without separated yard and in introversion yard) In Opened Space pattern of Nature was studied. The result shows we have 3types. (4 little garden with pond in middle-2little garden with pond in middle- Scattered) In covered Space Ivans were considered and 7types were observed. Another factor was Space Placing.The result shows variety of space in Qajar Period is more than Pahlavi Period. The last item was typology of formal relation. Pattern of accessing  to space were classified in 4 types .( placing one corridor in one side of two connected space-placing one corridor between two space-placing Ivan as entrance in front of space- placing stairs in yard in one side or two sides).     Conclusion Investigation shows that valuable historical Kermanshah houses can be classified into two groups. Houses in Qajar Period and houses in Pahlavi Period. Origins in these house are close to each other. Result shows that introversion pattern turn to extroversion pattern and rate of open space were increased in Pahlavi Period. Straight access to popular space, placing private place in the high level and Ivans for all houses are others characteristic of Qajar and Pahlavi historical houses. By investigating we can find three types in Kermanshah houses. خانه‌های سنتی مهم‌ترین مکان برای نشان دادن سبک زندگی در گذشته هستند. عدم شناخت و درک این ساختمان‌ها به‌تدریج ساختار خانه‌‌ها را به‌سمت جایگزینی این ساختمان‌ها با ساختمان‌های معاصر هدایت می‌‌کند. کرمانشاه شهری با تاریخچه‌ی غنی و محلات تاریخی روزگاری بسیاری از خانه‌های ارزشمند را در خود جای داده بود؛ اما به‌واسطه جنگ تحمیلی، توسعه، مهاجرت، تغییر سبک زندگی، بخش‌های وسیعی از بافت و خانه‌های ارزشمند شهر دچار تغییر شده است. این پژوهش به گونه‌شناسی خانه‌های تاریخی کرمانشاه در عهد قاجار و پهلوی می‌پردازد؛ این گونه‌شناسی شامل موضوعاتی ازجمله نظام کالبدی، چیدمان فضایی، ارتباطات کالبدی، شیوه‌های تعریف فضا (فضای باز، فضای پوشیده، فضای بسته) می‌باشد. هدف از این مطالعه و بررسی الگوشناسی ابنیه جهت بهبود این بناهای ارزشمند و نجات آن‌ها در برابر پیدایش بناهای غیرمتعارف است . برآیند این پژوهش امکان تفکیک و دسته‌بندی خانه‌های تاریخی شهر کرمانشاه را براساس ویژگی‌های شکل و فرم را فراهم می‌آورد. این مقاله به‌دنبال پاسخ‌گویی به دو پرسش است؛ خانه‌های سنتی در شهر کرمانشاه به چند گونه قابل دسته‌بندی هستند؟ الگوهای استخراج شده از خانه‌های دوره‌ی قاجار و پهلوی چیست؟ روش گردآوری اطلاعات به‌صورت میدانی و اسنادی (کتابخانه‌ای) و روش تحقیق توصیفی-تحلیلی است. نتایج به‌دست آمده نشان می‌دهد، خانه‌های دوره‌ی قاجار ساختاری درون‌گرا و در اواخر دوره‌ی قاجار به‌صورت درون‌گرا-برون‌گرا و در دوره‌ی پهلوی به‌صورت برون‌گرا بود که این تحول متأثر از بسیاری از فاکتورها از جمله تغییرات ناشی از دگرگونی الگوی معماری، تأثیرات معماری غرب و تحول در ساختارهای اجتماعی و فرهنگی جامعه در این دوران می‌شود؛ همچنین خانه‌ها در دوره‌ی قاجار به‌صورت یک‌حیاطه، دوحیاطه، سه‌حیاطه، و چهارحیاطه بوده‌اند، ولی در دوره‌ی پهلوی به یک‌حیاطه تغییر یافته‌اند. حذف تدریجی هشتی، انتقال آشپزخانه از زیرزمین و حیاط اختصاصی در دوره‌ی قاجار به حیاط و در ارتباط با آن در دوره‌ی پهلوی، انتقال راه‌پله از گوشه‌ها به محور اصلی بنا هم از دیگر تغییرات این دوره است. کاهش فضای بسته و افزایش فضای باز هم ازجمله تغییرات خانه‌های تاریخی در دوره‌ی پهلوی است؛ همچنین سه گونه‌ی سنتی، فرنگی و تلفیقی در این خانه‌ها مشاهده گردید. https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_3197_721e7285b298cde5b3d0c973ed8d7b63.pdf

پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران 2345-5225 9 23 2020 01 21 The Role of Waqf in Growth and Development of Urban Spaces in Qajar Period (Case Study: Historical Context of Kermanshah City) بررسی نقشِ وقف در توسعه و رشد فضاهای شهری در دوره‌ی قاجار (مطالعه‌ی موردی: بافت تاریخی شهر کرمانشاه) 169 188 3193 10.22084/nbsh.2019.17520.1836 FA محمدابراهیم زارعی استاد گروه باستان‌شناسی دانشگاه بوعلی‌سینا 0000-0002-6165-1312 یداله حیدری باباکمال استادیار گروه باستان‌شناسی، دانشکده هنرهای کاربردی، دانشگاه هنر اسلامی تبریز. 0000-0002-1682-7104 Journal Article 2018 10 19 The system of Waqf not only made many of the valuable spaces and elements of cities; but also has been closely links to religious affairs to the sustainability of urban spaces over time. The Continuity of Waqf with Islam caused considerable attention from society; as in the history of the Islamic period would be seen many schools, mosques, tekyes, caravansaries, baths and markets that product of Waqf. The influence of the waqf tradition on the development of Islamic cities is that sometimes most of the buildings in some cities are public and Waqfi; this is true of Kermanshah, which indicates the emergence of numerous monuments is Waqfi. By referring to the Qajar Waqfi documents and their periodic study and classification, one can gain valuable information on the evolution of cultural and social differences of this period in Kermanshah and obviously, regardless of the socio-cultural developments, urban development in Kermanshah cannot be followed; consequently, endowments can be seen as a valuable resource in this regard. In this respect, it can be said that the more interconnected the urban elements are both physically and functionally and the closer their location is to each other, Not only will their spatial organization be more significant, but their Waqfs and associated elements will be more efficient. In Kermanshah, the tendency to the Waqf more than the preceding periods has become popular; especially more prosperity with the coming of Mohammad Ali Mirza Dolshah and Emad Al-Dawlah sons and descendants of Fat Ali shah. According to the necessity, this research intends to use historical documents such as the endowments and written works of researchers who have studied in this regard, Analyzed the important elements of architecture and urbanization in city of Kermanshah during the Qajar period. Therefore, the fundamental question of research is Waqf as a religious factor, has played what role in the development and prosperity of the city of Kermanshah during the Qajar period? <strong>Keywords: </strong>Urban Spaces, Kermanshah City, Qajar Period, Waqf Not, Ownership.   Introduction This research has been done using a historical-analytical method; for this purpose the research resources in the form of written sources have been collected in the form of libraries. The data collected include first-hand historical documents, Waqfi documents of the monuments of the Qajar period in Kermanshah, and written works of scholars who have researched in this regard, The data are then analyzed and their conceptual coherence to formulate new ideas. Considering above issue, it is assumed with the support of the Qajar princes from the waqf system and the economic prosperity created during this period, the waqf of numerous monuments is expanding considerably, as important buildings of the city such as mosques, tekyes, shops and caravansaries have been dedicated. The Waqfs of the city of Kermanshah have played a significant role in the prosperity and development of the city during the Qajar period. During this period, Donors has devoted a lot of buildings that if we remove these buildings from the urban context of Kermanshah, virtually no remarkable building will remain. The only material presence in the form of a mosque, shrine, market or caravanserai is not important; But their significance for the city even more because of their presence as important social and economic institutions. The only positive point of the waqf situation in the Qajar period after recovering in the state of the quantity of the waqf, the removal of tax has been from the Waqfs. This situation has manifested in the city of Kermanshah. According to the information obtained from the documents of the Waqfs of Kermanshah city during the Qajar period, it was carried out in two main directions: the preservation of religion and meeting the needs of the poor people. In other words, in the implementation of religious ceremonies especially during the months of Ramazan and Muharram, all ceremonies were linked to the Waqfs. Other research results show that most of the Waqfs of Kermanshah have been carried out by Mohammad Ali Mirza Dostashah and his son Emad al Dawlah. These two princes, in pursuance of their construction goals, devoted a lot of buildings and built up the city’s prosperity and development. However, the effective existence of landowners and landlords alongside the Qajar princes is undeniable. One of the important results of the research is this The Waqf in Kermanshah in addition to building urban infrastructure such as mosque, caravanserai, bathroom, school or shop, have had important factors in creating half-time and full-time jobs. An important factor affecting the durability of Waqfi buildings in Kermanshah, is their dedication; because their revenues have been initially spent for the sustainability of the Waqfs and then for the general public. On the other hand, it became clear that waqfs were one of the main pillars of each neighborhood and finally, according to the needs of the people, their number have been increased and led to the prosperity and development of the city during the Qajar period. One of the most profitable and infrastructural structures of Kermanshah city during the Qajar period, is the water canal and aqueduct to provide citizens with drinking water. Since most of Kermanshah residents were supplied with water through the wells and the use of Qanat and ditches was limited, only one Qanat and two dugout ditches were created in the Qajar period in the neighborhoods.   Conclusion Mosques are also the most abundant among religious Waqfi and religious places; these mosques, which are generally neighborhood mosques, demonstrate their importance in developing neighborhoods and creating a sense of identity and internal integration in the neighborhoods of Kermanshah during the Qajar period. Based on the information obtained from the Kermanshah city Waqfi documents of the Qajar period, consisting of five neighborhoods; Chennani neighborhood with two buildings, Faizabad with 4, Alafqaneh with 4, and Toopkhaneh (Tooye Shahr) with 5 and Barzehdamagh (Abshuran) with 14 buildings or property with the most Waqfi buildings respectively. Of these, Borzadaghmagh with 48% had the highest and Chenani with 7% the least. Most of the Waqfs of Muhammad Ali Mirzaei Dolatshah were in the Barzehdamagh neighborhood and this has led to the further development of this neighborhood over other neighborhoods. In each neighborhood of Kermanshah, Waqfs are spatially, physically, and functionally interconnected in historical context, and concentrated in neighborhoods. Forming and interconnecting generally include mosques, commercial shops, inns, Hosseiniyas and Takayas. Another important point to note is that, due to the unchangeable nature of the Waqfi monuments, most of the buildings studied in the Pahlavi period continued to exist. However, as their repairs began to diminish, especially in the market place, most of the shops and shops along the market route became warehouses. The reason for this can be attributed to the boom of Kermanshah after the Qajar period due to the loss of important business role in the market and lack of government support in repairing and building monuments, which in turn led to the passage of commercial caravans and use. Most of the monumental buildings with commercial function were reduced. نظام وقف، نه‌تنها موجد ساختِ بسیاری از فضاها و عناصر باارزش شهرها بوده است؛ بلکه پیوند نزدیک موقوفات با امور مذهبی، سبب ماندگاری فضاهای موقوفه‌ی شهری طی زمان شده است. پیوستگی وقف با اسلام باعث شده که توجه شایانی از سوی جامعه نسبت به آن به‌عمل آید؛ به‌طوری‌که در تاریخ دوره‌ی اسلامی مدارس علمیه، مساجد، تکایا، کاروانسراها، حمام‌ها و بازارچه‌های بسیاری دیده می‌شود که محصول وقف هستند. در شهر کرمانشاه گرایش به وقف در دوره‌ی قاجار بیشتر از دوره‌های قبل مورد توجه عمومی واقع می‌شود؛ به‌ویژه با روی کار آمدن «محمد‌علی میرزای دولتشاه» و «عماد‌الدوله» از فرزندان و نوادگان فتحعلی‌شاه رونق بیشتری می‌یابد. با توجه به ضرورت گفته شده‌، این پژوهش درنظر دارد تا با استفاده از اسناد دستِ اول تاریخی، اعم از موقوفه‌ها و رقبات و آثار مکتوب پژوهشگرانی که در این رابطه پژوهش نموده‌اند، عناصر مهم معماری و شهرسازی کرمانشاه را در دوره‌ی قاجار تجزیه و تحلیل کند؛ از این‌رو مسئله‌ی اساسی پژوهش این‌ست که وقف به‌عنوان یک عامل مذهبی، چه نقشی در توسعه و رونق شهر کرمانشاه در دوره‌ی قاجار داشته است؟ فرض مورد نظر آن‌ست که با حمایت شاهزادگان قاجاری از نظام وقف و رونق اقتصادی ایجاد شده در این دوره، وقف بناهای متعدد به میزان قابل‌توجهی توسعه می‌یابد؛ چنان‌که بناهای مهم شهر از قبیل: مساجد، تکایا، دکان‌ها و کاروانسراها، حاصل وقف بوده‌اند. نتایج پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که بناهای موقوفه باعث محافظت و پایداری بناهای شهر کرمانشاه تا به امروز شده است. این بناها با واقع‌شدن در نقاط کلیدی شهر اعم از مرکز محلات (مساجد)، بازار و محدوده‌ی ارگ سلطنتی، توانسته‌اند نقش قابل‌توجهی در رونق و توسعه‌ی شهر در دوره‌ی قاجار داشته باشند. https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_3193_68a9750337a418a86fe06c1991a1d64c.pdf

پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران 2345-5225 9 23 2020 01 21 Archaeological Analysis of Some of Cold Arms with a Short Blade (Dagger, Knife and PishQabz) in the Qajar Period واکاوی باستان شناسانه‌ی سلاح‌های سرد با تیغه‌ی کوتاه (خنجر، کارد و پیش‌قبض) در دوره‌ی قاجار 189 206 3194 10.22084/nbsh.2019.17664.1846 FA پرستو قاسمی دانشجوی کارشناسی‌ارشد باستان‌شناسی دوره‌ی اسلامی دانشگاه شهرکرد میترا شاطری استادیار گروه باستان‌شناسی دانشگاه شهرکرد 0000-0001-7210-7171 عباسعلی احمدی استادیار گروه باستان‌شناسی دانشگاه شهرکرد. Journal Article 2018 11 10 After developments in military technologies in Qajard period, the importance of warm weapons was added and cold weapons found less use in wars, but their production continued in limitted quantity because of other side applications. During this period, various kinds of cold weapons were used in battlefields, such as bladed weapons, knockers and pounders, throwing wapons, and some tools for capturing castles. The focus of research is on daggers, knives and PishQabzes which all of them have sharped bladed but short ones. The main purpose of this article is investigating features of the daggers, knives and PishQabzes, and function of these weapons, the possible relationship between their decorations and their warlike or ceremonial functions, in order to have better understanding and recognition all of these weapons and their evolutions during Qajar period. In this regard, answering these questions was considered: what are the characteristics of forms; motifs, themes and techniques decorations in the daggers, knives and PishQabsez in Qajar period? How is the relationship between the quality and quantity of decorations with the function of those weapons? This research was conducted by a historical-descriptive and analytical approach; and the founding methodology based on library resources and field studies. The results of research show that these weapons vary by scales and levels of curvature of blades. The various parts of these weapons are decorated with vegetal-geometrical, human-animal and inscriptive motifs, and decorated mostly by gilded and metal emboss working and enamel techniques. Vegetable-geometrical and human-animal motifs have feast and party themes and inscriptive motifs have religious, diatribe, charm and literary themes.The execution of decorations motifs mostly by costly and magnificent techniques such as enameling or inlaying on daggars and knives(which didn’t use these techniques on PishQabzes) suggests that these two weapons were used mostly for decoration and not for real use on battlefields in Qajar period. <strong>Keywords: </strong>Qajar Period, Cold Weapons, Daggar, Knife, PishQabz.   Introduction Weapons obtained from various historical periods are important and valuable archaeological data for investigating artistic, industrial and military developments. During the Qajar period, the expansion of military, commercial and cultural relations with Europe affected various aspects of Iranian life, one of which was the increase in the import of new warm arms into Iran as a result of the widespread presence of foreign ambassadors in this period. However, the manufacture of the past cold weapons continued and was used in pitched battles. During this period, the quality of the reduced steel consumed, the appearance and decoration of the weapons became more and more attention and found a decorative aspect (Alexander, 1387: 7; Towhidi, 1364: 170). In the present study, three bladed cold arms; daggers (17 samples), knives (17 samples), and three PishQabzes (3 samples) of this period, which have relatively shorter blades in Compared with swords, Qame and Qaddareh, will be examined. Selected items are among the distinctive samples from the Qajar period, which are mainly kept in domestic museums and also museums and private collections abroad. Unfortunately, there are very few PishQabsez that belong to this period, which limited the selected samples of this weapon in this article. These weapons are studied in order to understand the characteristics of their form, shape and types of their motifs and decorative techniques, as well as the type of use of these weapons and their possible relevance to military and ceremonial uses with an archaeological approach. For these purposes, two questions were raised: what are the characteristics of forms; motifs, themes and techniques decorations in the daggers, knives and PishQabsez in Qajar period? How is the relationship between the quality and quantity of decorations with the function of those weapons? Survey part of the Qajar artifact that in known less than the other periods, is one of the necessities of this research.     Dagger The dagger is a bladed-cutting arm. It’s a great alternative when the sword doesn’t have the speed to act on the battlefield. The dagger is a double-edged arm with a curved blade. Most of the Qajar daggers have   shaped handles. The blades are divided into two groups according to the degree of curvature, high curvature blades and low curvature blades. In addition to the curvature, the blades can be classified into three groups of simple, serrated and multi-branch blades in the form of edges. The dagger motifs can generally be classified into three main categories, including: 1- Vegetable-geometrical motifs 2- Inscription motifs 3- Human-animal motifs.   Knife The knife, a short-bladed weapon, has been a good fit for close combat. The knives blades of the Qajar period are more of an edge; however, few examples of double-edged blades have been obtained. Rare samples also have low-curvature blades (approximately S-shaped); according to the written sources and pictures of the Qajar period, the use of knives in ceremonial and court ceremonies of this period is frequently observed. The ornamental motifs of knives can generally be classified into three main categories: 1- Vegetable-geometrical motifs 2- Inscription motifs 3- Human-animal motifs.   PishQabz The PishQabz is a cold arm with short-cutting blade that has a unique shape; three quarters of the back of the blade is nearly sharp and the biginning of the blade is concave and then convex at the bottom. The tip of the blade is very delicate, so to reinforce it, in some cases its head is made of a conical button. Unfortunately, There are very few dated PishQabzes that they belong to the Qajar period. Decorative motifs of the PishQabzes are classified into three categories: 1- Geometrical motifs 2- Human-animal motifs 3- Inscription motifs.   Conclusion Daggers, knives and PishQabzes, as bladed arms, have sharpening functions that are suitable for close and pitched wars. The blades of daggers are double-edged; and the blades of knives and PishQabzes are both one-edged and double-edged. The decorative motifs of these three arms can be classified into three main groups: vegetable-geometrical, inscription and human-animal motifs. vegetable-geometrical motifs are the most widely used motifs in the decoration of these weapons. Human-animal motifs have mythical and festival themes and the inscriptions motifs have religious, talisman, and literary themes, written with the script of naskh, thulth, and nasta’liqe. The dagger and knife have ceremonial-symbolic and military functions. It should be noted that the functional aspect of the ceremonial arms can’t be denied, but their difference with the military patterns is in their decoration (enamelling and inlaying techniqes). According to the available evidences of the Qajar period, PishQabzes aren’t a ceremonial, and we couldn’t find this use of them in the paintings and images. They are also much more simpler than the daggers and knives in decorative motifs. This research can be useful in depth studies of the evolution of daggers, knives and PishQabzes making in Iran, or the Islamic era in general. در پی تحولات فناوری‌های نظامی دوره‌ی قاجاریه، بر اهمیّت سلاح‌های گرم افزوده شد و سلاح‌های سرد کاربرد کمتری در جنگ‌ها پیدا کردند؛ اما تولیدشان به‌واسطه‌ی‌ کاربرد‌های جانبی دیگر، همچنان با کمیتی اندک‌تر ادامه یافت. در این دوره، به‌هنگام نبرد‌ از انواع سلاح‌های سرد همچون سلاح‌های تیغه‌دارِ بُرنده، کوبنده، پرتابی و برخی ابزارهای قلعه‌گیری استفاده می‌شد. تمرکز پژوهش حاضر برروی خنجر، کارد و پیش‌قبض‌ها است که هر سه از انواع سلاح‌های تیغه‌دار و بُرنده هستند. هدف از این مقاله، بررسی ویژگی‌‌های شکلی و تزیینی خنجر، کارد و پیش‌قبض‌ها، هم‌چنین کاربرد این سلاح‌ها و ارتباط احتمالی تزئیناتشان با کاربری‌های جنگی و یا تشریفاتی آن‌ها است که به‌منظور شناخت بهتر و همه‌جانبه‌ی این سلاح‌ها و روند تحول آن‌ها در دوره‌ی قاجار صورت گرفت. در این راستا، پاسخ‌گویی به این پرسش‌ها مدنظر قرار گرفت؛ خنجر، کارد و پیش‌قبض‌های دوره‌ی قاجار از لحاظ فرم، نقوش، مضامین و فنون تزئینی چه ویژگی‌هایی دارند؟ و میزان و کیفیت تزیینات روی سلاح‌های یاد شده چه ارتباطی می‌تواند با کاربرد آن‌ها داشته باشد؟ این پژوهش با رویکرد تاریخی-توصیفی و تحلیلی، و با روش یافته‌اندوزی از خلال منابع کتابخانه‌ای و بررسی‌های میدانی روی 17 خنجر، 17 کارد و 3 پیش‌قبض که عمدتاً از آثار موزه‌های داخل و خارج از کشور هستند، صورت گرفته است. یافته‌های حاصل از پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که این سلاح‌ها از نظر میزان انحنای تیغه متفاوت هستند. بخش‌های مختلف این سلاح‌ها با نقوش گیاهی-هندسی، انسانی-جانوری و کتیبه‌ای؛ و بیشتر با فنون طلاکوبی، قلمزنی و میناکاری آراسته شده‌اند. نقوش گیاهی-هندسی و انسانی-جانوری مضامین بزمی و نقوش کتیبه‌ای مضامینی مذهبی- تعویذی و ادبی دارند. اجرای نقوش تزئینیِ بیشتر با فنون پرهزینه و مجلّلی چون میناکاری و یا ترصیع‌کاری روی خنجر و کارد (بر پیش‌قبض‌ها از این فنون استفاده نشده)، نشان از این دارد که این دو سلاح در دوره‌ی قاجاریه بیشتر به‌منظور تزئین مورد استفاده قرار گرفته‌اند تا برای استفاده‌ واقعی در میدان نبرد. https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_3194_563ca5e068bc78b807910338bb4d4279.pdf

پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران 2345-5225 9 23 2020 01 21 Cognitive Niche Construction and Archaeological Poetics; An Introduction to Dwelling Theory in Archaeology کنام سازی شناختی و بوطیقای باستان‌شناختی؛ درآمدی بر نظریه‌ی مأواگزینی در باستان‌شناسی 207 227 3195 10.22084/nbsh.2020.17005.1789 FA وحید عسکرپور استادیار گروه باستانشناسی و باستانسنجی دانشکده هنرهای کاربردی دانشگاه هنرِ اسلامیِ تبریز. 0000-0002-5027-0987 Journal Article 2018 08 04 The study concerned with “the archaeology of dwelling” as a new theoretical approach with its own problematics and thematics. Dwelling perspective in archaeology is the product of some epistemological lack in the discipline; the lack of research in those kinds of phenomena which could be marked truly as cultural/cognitive; Phenomena unexplainable in ecological, environmental, geographical and anthropological terms. This weakness comes from such a consideration in conventional view of archaeology as a discipline unable to investigate past meanings through material remains. According to epistemological basis of the study, it has been emphasized that meanings have inevitably materiality’s of their own kind, making it impossible to distinguish material and mental, locating each of them in the opposite pole. The problematics of the study was to recover a kind of credit for archaeology in that, it can approach factors beyond ecological, geographical or anthropological, without losing its archaeological accurateness; factors such as cognitive, metaphysical, semiotic, and conceptual. The study defined dwelling philosophically, anthropologically and archaeologically to build up three levels of archaeological facts, each of them with their own problematics and thematics. At last, archaeological dwelling is concerned with a level of human material facts which were hidden systematically from the discipline under the terms such as “mental”, “psychic”, “unreachable” or “without evidence” until recently. A case of Sarfiroozabad used as an explanation of its practical applicability.  <strong>Keywords: </strong>Paradigm, Dwelling, Cognitive Niche Construction, Poetics, Sarfiroozabad.   Introduction This study is concerning with those aspects of Humanity which were neglected within the most parts of anthropological or environmental archaeology. These neglected aspects could be discussed under the rubric of “dwelling theory”, through of which it will be possible to take into account some level of phenomena which hadn’t have any place in problematics of mainstream archaeology most of the time. Niche construction theory (Odling-Smee, Laland et al. 2013) and its higher level in terms of human being, known as “cognitive niche construction” (Clark and Chalmers 2007) pave some new way into a kind of attitude according to which not only synchronic structures and diachronic systems come together, but also beyond environmental-ecological, geographic and anthropological facts, a poetic kind of archaeological facts could be discussed. There are three critical elements in ecological paradigm as an approach which consider every living being as an interwoven entity within a particular ecosystem, and every ecosystem as an assembly of organisms inhabited in a geographic area: material flow, energy flow and information flow or communicative signals. Cultural ecology as a branch of it concerns with mechanisms by which human beings control energy flow (subsistence), material exchange and information essential for survival. In this respect every kind of material culture is indeed a mediator for optimized adaption of man to its environment. Besides natural environment, archaeological findings have another place-related aspect called “human spaces”. Geographic paradigm is dedicated to the study of human spaces, main issues of which include analysis of mechanisms and patterns underlying formation, transformation and collapse of social spaces. Settlement archaeology is one of the basic branches of the paradigm. What is common between these two paradigms is primarily an implicit solid duality of nature vs. culture. According to both of them all of man’s living system is affected by ecological factors. Man’s livelihood is more than anything else dedicated to producing and maintaining some socio-economic system which would be in perfect harmony with possibilities, potentialities and limits of environment. The culture just means that man has an active role in choosing between options already taken by environment and natural selection. Cultural levels in this respect are merely just settlement and landscape (in fact, built environment) functioning as a ground to build up socio-economic structures. On the top of this kind of hierarchy stands the weakest last level called ideological-metaphysical facts (Harris, 1979). Things as motifs painted on the pottery, artistic representations, monuments etc. belong mainly to this level. This level is the main subject of anthropological paradigm to be studied according to some culturological laws and formula. Together, environmental-ecological, geographic and anthropological paradigms are basic components of “processual” archaeologies. Whereas the relation among these factors and parameters (ecological, geographic, anthropological) is not hierarchical-vertical within the framework of “post-processual” archaeologies, but some horizontal, interwoven and complicated.   Identified Traces- Discussion Beyond of this reductionist view overwhelming in archaeological paradigms, lies a fundamental separation of human being from all other creatures, primarily thanks to his capability to possess language and dwell within it. The Heideggerian phenomenological approach to this existential separation is formulated under the rubric of Dwelling of Dasein in the world. Contrary to animal, man does not have any kind of already given environment to become perfect within it right after birth. He is obliged to establish a world of his dwelling through logos (language) and techne (skill). Logos and aesthetics are two basic potential of man to establish a world consisting two interwoven levels of landscape and task-scape. Man is a self-domesticated creature (Bednarik, 2011). Unlike other animals, especially higher-level ones, who are constantly on the influence of natural selection and their active roles in environments known as “niche construction”, both of which come together on behalf of well-being of them in the world, man has another extra condition; namely his cultural heritage or his cognitive niche construction. It means that man is basically influenced by his cultural choices in his formation and evolutionary processes. Man’s self-domestication is fundamentally due to his cognitive potentialities. So, such cognitive factors as aesthetic-techne and language-logos produce a kind of niche construction abilities in human beings which is known as cognitive niche construction. Every cognitive niche is a built physical structure by the organism to transform one or more problem spaces so that can be helping in thinking and inferencing on one or more target domain. Here, language or material symbols as a whole are considered as main axis of niche constructive acts in human beings. Now, by putting aside reductionist paradigms predominant in archaeological thought and taking this alternative theoretical perspective into account, we are facing with three separated yet interwoven and complementary levels of archaeological facts, all of which call for their own scientific and verifying imperatives. These levels include genetic-phylogenetic natural inheritance; ecological inheritance; cultural-cognitive inheritance. Conclusion First level of facts: Genetic- Physic- Physiologic inheritance; every organism is a set of attributes, traits and faculties hardwired within them. Form of organisms, their organs as well as position of them, neurotic, sensual and motivational relationships among them are governed by genetic capabilities. In humans, upright posture has created a particular condition affecting whole of his biological and evolutionary destiny. Free hands and encephalization are among the main consequences of his upright posture which paved the way for achieving high levels of cognitive developments (Coolidge and Wynn 2009, Pinker 2009, Barash 2012, Bednarik 2014). Second level of facts: ecological inheritance; genetic structures and physical-physiological capacities are just possibilities for occurring existing behaviors or habits, but not the sufficient causalities of them. Organisms act actively and choose some features of their environment (both internal and external to their bodies) in place of the others. They change their environment to the best of themselves. Every organism has its own settlement, subsistence and communication systems built out of its biological inherited structure plus the special capacities of its immediate environment. It is the level of making comfort, extracting energy and producing cooperative as well as competitive signals. Third level of facts: poetic domain; as mentioned above, man is apart from other creatures by his possession of language. Language is not a form of communication system, but the only representational one which is absolutely limited to Homo (Bickerton, 2009). The basic characteristic of language is its intrinsic ability to equip man with concepts and conceptual realities. Man is primarily dwelt in its representational products as a result of that. Language makes a kind of cognitive niche on the man’s ecological niche, art, religion and philosophy being principal forms and manifestations of it; all of which are poetic in character, if we consider poetic, following ancient Greeks, as “revealing the truth”. Only in humans changes in their environment, at any rate, could be made out of poetic truths congruent with perfectionism (even in most concrete domains such as economy). All of the abovementioned levels should be investigated archaeologically and there would be different archaeological facts for every of them. It is true of all forms of archaeological investigations and as is shown in this paper, the poetic facts could be dealt with and studied archaeologically even in most preliminary observations such as systematic archaeological surface surveying. At least surveying of Sarfiroozabad, Kermanshah, provided us with a good example of that possibility. این پژوهش درآمدی به باستان‌شناسی مأواگزینی است و به طرح آن به ‌عنوان یک افق پژوهشی تازه با اصول موضوعی و مسئله‌شناختی مشخص و منحصر به‌خود اختصاص دارد. منظر مأواگزینی در باستان‌شناسی، محصول یک فقدان در اصول معرفت‌شناختی این رشته است؛ فقدان مطالعه و پژوهش در آن‌دسته پدیده‌هایی که به‌واقع شاخصه‌های شناختی/فرهنگی محسوب می‌شوند؛ پدیده‌هایی که نمی‌توان آن‌ها را در زمینه‌های بوم‌شناختی-محیطی، جغرافیایی و انسان‌شناختی توضیح داد. این ضعف معرفت‌شناختی از آنجا ناشی می‌شود که به‌طور سنتی باستان‌شناسی را ناتوان از پل زدن از جانب مادّیات به معانی دور از دسترس تلقّی می‌کرد. بنیان معرفت‌شناختی این پژوهش آن است که برعکس، معناهای انسانی مادّیت دارند و ذهن و مادّه را نمی‌توان در دو قطب مخالف یکدیگر جای داد. مسئله‌ی اصلی این پژوهش بازگرداندن نوعی از اعتبار به باستان‌شناسی است که ورای در اختیار گذاشتن شروح بوم‌شناختی-محیطی، جغرافیایی و انسان‌شناختی پیرامون مدارک و شواهد باستانی، بتواند بر مؤلفه‌هایی انگشت گذارد که به‌طور رایج خارج از حیطه‌ی سیطره‌ی آن به‌شمار آمده است؛ همچون مؤلفه‌های شناختی، متافیزیکی، نشانه‌شناختی و مفهومی-زبانی. در این پژوهش ضمن تعریف و شرح مأواگزینی از سه منظر فلسفی، انسان‌شناختی و باستان‌شناختی، مفاهیم نظری و روش‌شناختی ویژه‌ای برای این منظر برساخته و پیشنهاد شد. برمبنای مفاهیم نظری مورد بحث، سطوح واقعیّات زیستی انسان از لحاظ باستان‌شناختی ترسیم و پیشنهاد شد. درنهایت، باستان‌شناسی مأواگزینی بر سطحی از واقعیّات مادّی انسانی اشاره می‌رود که تاکنون ذیل عباراتی همچون «ذهنی»، «دست‌نیافتنی» یا «فاقد شواهد مادّی» انکار، رد یا به‌شکلی سیستماتیک از نظرها پنهان می‌شد. برای نشان‌دادن کاربرد عملی این چارچوب، بررسی‌های باستان‌شناختی سرفیروزآباد کرمانشاه موردکاوی شد. موردکاوی نشان می‌دهد حتی بررسی‌های سطح‌الارضی نیز می‌توانند شواهدی را از واقعیّت‌های رده‌بالاتر یا چنان‌که در این مقاله مورد نظر است، واقعیّت‌های بوطیقایی در خود داشته‌باشند؛ تنها اگر پژوهشگر از پیش، خود را آماده‌ی پذیرش آن واقعیت‌ها کرده باشد. پرسش اصلی این پژوهش آن است که آیا می‌توان سطح مؤلفه‌های فرهنگی را به عنوان یک سطح مطالعاتی معنادار وارد مراحل مختلف پژوهش‌های باستان‌شناختی کرد؟ این مؤلفه‌ها کدام و بر چه مبانی معرفت‌شناختی استوار هستند؟ فرضیات عبارت‌ست از: شواهد مربوط به سطح مؤلفه‌های فرهنگی در همه‌ی سطوح پژوهش‌های باستان‌شناختی وجود دارد و تنها مانع درنظر گرفتن آن‌ها، پیش‌پنداشت‌ها و انگاره‌های معرفت‌شناختی نادرست است. https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_3195_7f01c939761597f9b832694d4c381512.pdf