Bu Ali Sina UniversityArchaeological Research of Iran2345-5225112920210823Social Structure and Complexity of Central Western Iran During Neolithic and Chalcolithic PeriodSocial Structure and Complexity of Central Western Iran During Neolithic and Chalcolithic Period732410610.22084/nb.2020.20573.2049FASirvanMohammadi GhasrianPh.D. in Archeology, Department of Archeology, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran.0009-0004-8974-3392Journal Article20191211Central western Iran located just beside tow of the most important regions regarding social structure studies. These area are northern/southern Mesopotamia and southwestern Iran(Khuzestan). from the Neolithic period onwards, mentioned areas experienced continues complexity which reached the maximum level in Late Chalcolithic period and lead to Urbanization (fourth millennium B.C) finally. Although there are some rare evidences related to primary social complexity of Neolithic period societies of western Iran, but it is in late chalcolithic (Godin VII) period that exact and considerable documents of social complexity became clear. During this time, for the first time we see apparent issue concerning complex and hierarchical communities. This process was started by building those special structure of Godin VII period seems to have an industrial role in this period. it was continues and even more developed in succeeding period in Godin VI/1-V period. the complexity of central western Iran communities raised to its maximum level at the end of fourth millennium B.C. during Godin V period, those well-known circular compound structure of Godin Tepe was built. Although the central western Iran reached to extreme level of social complexity at the end of fourth millennium B.C, but they did not reach urbanization process at least. The main goal of current paper is investigation the social structure of central western Iran societies in Neolithic and chalcolithic period. comparing with neighboring areas and particularly northern and southern Mesopotamia and southwestern Iran, this paper want to know that central western communities of western Iran was at what level of complexity in Neolithic and chalcolithic period? to reach this goal, we study and analyzed archaeological documents like architecture, clay token and figurines, seals, burial custom and….at the end we concluded that beside geographical issues which has key role in urbanization process, role of religion, believe, communal structure and feast, should not be neglect also.
<strong>Keywords: </strong>Social Complexity, Chalcolithic, Mesopotamia, Urbanization.
Introduction
Peoples and society has a mutual relationship. The study of this mutual relation and also the role of people in forming the society and its evolutions has been studied by sociologists leading many theories in this regard (Hodder, 200; Service, 1964; Tilley, 1982). To demonstrated the relationship of people and society, the sociologist divided in to 2 main groups: Methodological Individualism and Structuralism. Methodological Individualism believe that each individuals are more important than own society but the Structuralism has a complete different view and believed that society and structure are more important than the peoples. This mentioned issue showing the main role of knowledge like sociology and philosophy in socio-archaeological studies (Tilley, 1982). Western Iran is located at the nearby of 2 main areas regarding of socio-archaeological studies (Mesopotamia and Khuzistan). Against this areas, the history of such research in western Iran is not so long. Just Recently the social structure and complexity of Neolithic period sites of western Iran have been investigated. (Darabi, 2017). in his paper, Darabi try to investigate the social structure of Neolithic period communities based on archaeological evidences like Architecture, clay token, figuring, burial and resulted that Neolithic communities of Western Iran had some primary administrative controlling goods, some intra/inter site cultural interaction and the sign of earliest private property but did not mentioned clearly to existence some things beyond simple societies and any rank communities (Darabi, 2017). Against the Neolithic period, the archaeology of chalcolithic period are mainly focused on reports for publishing the result of archaeological surveys and excavations. There was not exact information regarding social structure of chalcolithic period society in western Iran. the important issues regarding the social structure studies of prehistoric western Iran society like when they goes beyond simple society and enter hierarchical one? Why they did not reached urbanization process at the end of late chalcolithic period (end of fourth millennium B.C) the same as Mesopotamia and Khuzestan? In order to answer this questions, we collected the issue like Architecture, clay token, figuring, burial, seal and sealing, settlement pattern to investigated the social structure of Neolithic and chalcolithic period of western Iran. even Darabi reported some kind of primary complexity in Neolithic period, but it was at the started of late chalcolithic period (Godin VII period) that exact clues regarding the social complexity became appeared but it was not leading to the urbanization processes at the end of 4th millennium B.C. at the end we concluded that beside geographical issues which has key role in urbanization process, role of religion, believe, communal structure and feast, should not be neglect also.
Question, Theory and Research Method
A review to the archaeology of Neolithic and chalcolithic period studies of western Iran, it became clear that the main goal of such studies was focused to reported the results of various surveys and excavations carried out in west of Iran. In this way the studies like socio-archaeological studies, social structure, social complexity of Neolithic and particularly chalcolithic period has not pay attention. Just recently archaeologists like Darabi (Darabi, 2017) started such studies about Neolithic period studies. Using data like architecture, clay token, figuring, burial custom, He find interesting information regarding the social structure and social complexity of western Iran Neolithic period. But such studies did not continue to the chalcolithic period and there is not exact information regarding the social structure of Chalcolithic period of western Iran. generally speaking, the important issues regarding the social structure studies of prehistoric western Iran society like when they goes beyond simple society and enter hierarchical one? Why they did not reached urbanization process at the end of late chalcolithic period (end of fourth millennium B.C) the same as Mesopotamia and Khuzestan? remained without any exact answer. In order to answer this questions, we collected the issue like Architecture, clay token, figuring, burial, seal and sealing, settlement pattern and … to investigated the social structure of Neolithic and chalcolithic period of western Iran. in the following by comparison of western Iran with neighboring area like, south-west of Iran, Mesopotamia, North of Syria, Turkey and Levant it became clear that in west of Iran the role of issue like communal building, temple, feasting and similar issue are not so important the same as mentioned area. This issues has a key role in social complexity of mentioned areas and at least reaching them to urbanization. Future studies on Neolithic and Chalcolithic period of western Iran should pay attention to this issue regarding the social structure studies.
Conclusion
Today the role of cult, feasting, ritual, communal and cleric king is really essential to emergence of social complexity (Hyden, 2014). This mentioned issues was reported from Neighboring area of Central Western Iran and particularly Upper Mesopotamia. The communal buildings like temple has a key role in gathering the prehistoric people in one place. The management of this feasting and temple need someone to manage it. So those who manage this communal building and feasting become as an elite and eventually cleric king in Uruk period. but in Central Western Iran the lack of this communal building and feasting and totally different ideology of Central Western Iran compare to the Mesopotamia has a main role that this area remain as regional elite and did not arrive in urbanization. Beside the ecological and geographical limitation of western Iran that may have a great role did not arrive in urbanization, the role of issue like communal building, temple, feasting and similar issue should be considered at future Neolithic/Chalcolithic period studies in western Iran.Central western Iran located just beside tow of the most important regions regarding social structure studies. These area are northern/southern Mesopotamia and southwestern Iran(Khuzestan). from the Neolithic period onwards, mentioned areas experienced continues complexity which reached the maximum level in Late Chalcolithic period and lead to Urbanization (fourth millennium B.C) finally. Although there are some rare evidences related to primary social complexity of Neolithic period societies of western Iran, but it is in late chalcolithic (Godin VII) period that exact and considerable documents of social complexity became clear. During this time, for the first time we see apparent issue concerning complex and hierarchical communities. This process was started by building those special structure of Godin VII period seems to have an industrial role in this period. it was continues and even more developed in succeeding period in Godin VI/1-V period. the complexity of central western Iran communities raised to its maximum level at the end of fourth millennium B.C. during Godin V period, those well-known circular compound structure of Godin Tepe was built. Although the central western Iran reached to extreme level of social complexity at the end of fourth millennium B.C, but they did not reach urbanization process at least. The main goal of current paper is investigation the social structure of central western Iran societies in Neolithic and chalcolithic period. comparing with neighboring areas and particularly northern and southern Mesopotamia and southwestern Iran, this paper want to know that central western communities of western Iran was at what level of complexity in Neolithic and chalcolithic period? to reach this goal, we study and analyzed archaeological documents like architecture, clay token and figurines, seals, burial custom and….at the end we concluded that beside geographical issues which has key role in urbanization process, role of religion, believe, communal structure and feast, should not be neglect also.
<strong>Keywords: </strong>Social Complexity, Chalcolithic, Mesopotamia, Urbanization.
Introduction
Peoples and society has a mutual relationship. The study of this mutual relation and also the role of people in forming the society and its evolutions has been studied by sociologists leading many theories in this regard (Hodder, 200; Service, 1964; Tilley, 1982). To demonstrated the relationship of people and society, the sociologist divided in to 2 main groups: Methodological Individualism and Structuralism. Methodological Individualism believe that each individuals are more important than own society but the Structuralism has a complete different view and believed that society and structure are more important than the peoples. This mentioned issue showing the main role of knowledge like sociology and philosophy in socio-archaeological studies (Tilley, 1982). Western Iran is located at the nearby of 2 main areas regarding of socio-archaeological studies (Mesopotamia and Khuzistan). Against this areas, the history of such research in western Iran is not so long. Just Recently the social structure and complexity of Neolithic period sites of western Iran have been investigated. (Darabi, 2017). in his paper, Darabi try to investigate the social structure of Neolithic period communities based on archaeological evidences like Architecture, clay token, figuring, burial and resulted that Neolithic communities of Western Iran had some primary administrative controlling goods, some intra/inter site cultural interaction and the sign of earliest private property but did not mentioned clearly to existence some things beyond simple societies and any rank communities (Darabi, 2017). Against the Neolithic period, the archaeology of chalcolithic period are mainly focused on reports for publishing the result of archaeological surveys and excavations. There was not exact information regarding social structure of chalcolithic period society in western Iran. the important issues regarding the social structure studies of prehistoric western Iran society like when they goes beyond simple society and enter hierarchical one? Why they did not reached urbanization process at the end of late chalcolithic period (end of fourth millennium B.C) the same as Mesopotamia and Khuzestan? In order to answer this questions, we collected the issue like Architecture, clay token, figuring, burial, seal and sealing, settlement pattern to investigated the social structure of Neolithic and chalcolithic period of western Iran. even Darabi reported some kind of primary complexity in Neolithic period, but it was at the started of late chalcolithic period (Godin VII period) that exact clues regarding the social complexity became appeared but it was not leading to the urbanization processes at the end of 4th millennium B.C. at the end we concluded that beside geographical issues which has key role in urbanization process, role of religion, believe, communal structure and feast, should not be neglect also.
Question, Theory and Research Method
A review to the archaeology of Neolithic and chalcolithic period studies of western Iran, it became clear that the main goal of such studies was focused to reported the results of various surveys and excavations carried out in west of Iran. In this way the studies like socio-archaeological studies, social structure, social complexity of Neolithic and particularly chalcolithic period has not pay attention. Just recently archaeologists like Darabi (Darabi, 2017) started such studies about Neolithic period studies. Using data like architecture, clay token, figuring, burial custom, He find interesting information regarding the social structure and social complexity of western Iran Neolithic period. But such studies did not continue to the chalcolithic period and there is not exact information regarding the social structure of Chalcolithic period of western Iran. generally speaking, the important issues regarding the social structure studies of prehistoric western Iran society like when they goes beyond simple society and enter hierarchical one? Why they did not reached urbanization process at the end of late chalcolithic period (end of fourth millennium B.C) the same as Mesopotamia and Khuzestan? remained without any exact answer. In order to answer this questions, we collected the issue like Architecture, clay token, figuring, burial, seal and sealing, settlement pattern and … to investigated the social structure of Neolithic and chalcolithic period of western Iran. in the following by comparison of western Iran with neighboring area like, south-west of Iran, Mesopotamia, North of Syria, Turkey and Levant it became clear that in west of Iran the role of issue like communal building, temple, feasting and similar issue are not so important the same as mentioned area. This issues has a key role in social complexity of mentioned areas and at least reaching them to urbanization. Future studies on Neolithic and Chalcolithic period of western Iran should pay attention to this issue regarding the social structure studies.
Conclusion
Today the role of cult, feasting, ritual, communal and cleric king is really essential to emergence of social complexity (Hyden, 2014). This mentioned issues was reported from Neighboring area of Central Western Iran and particularly Upper Mesopotamia. The communal buildings like temple has a key role in gathering the prehistoric people in one place. The management of this feasting and temple need someone to manage it. So those who manage this communal building and feasting become as an elite and eventually cleric king in Uruk period. but in Central Western Iran the lack of this communal building and feasting and totally different ideology of Central Western Iran compare to the Mesopotamia has a main role that this area remain as regional elite and did not arrive in urbanization. Beside the ecological and geographical limitation of western Iran that may have a great role did not arrive in urbanization, the role of issue like communal building, temple, feasting and similar issue should be considered at future Neolithic/Chalcolithic period studies in western Iran.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4106_4ca9764c98c203d7bc747cbce9d9174f.pdfBu Ali Sina UniversityArchaeological Research of Iran2345-5225112920210823Investigation the Role of Gird Inclusion in Pottery to Improve the Process of Food Preparing; from Chalcolithic to Islamic PeriodInvestigation the Role of Gird Inclusion in Pottery to Improve the Process of Food Preparing; from Chalcolithic to Islamic Period3358410710.22084/nbsh.2020.19272.1954FASajjadAlibaigiAssistant Professor, Department of Archeology, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Razi University, Kermanshah, Iran.0000-0002-8258-7436Journal Article20190531Technical studies of pottery show that before the Late Chalcolithic period, potter used homogeneous and limited inclusion. But with the beginning of the late Chalcolithic period, potter used grit inclusion in making cocking pot intentionally. Producing cooking pot during a long time in a vast region of Iran, give this experience to them that using grit as inclusion can play a catalyzed role during the cooking process and improvement it. So from the Late Chalcolithic period, some typical smoke face ware called “Cooking Pot” appeared. In this study, based on investigation many cooking pots from Late Chalcolithic to Islamic periods from different parts of Iran, we would try to answer this question that is there any relation between, shape, inclusion, and function of cooking pot? Also, we would like to know for which reason the gird inclusion was used just in the cooking pot. Our investigation showing that round based ware disperses the heat better than others. Also, grit inclusion can play the absorbed and recession process influentially. This form and inclusion were used for cooking pot afterward and became a common technique gradually. Archaeological evidence demonstrated that potter knows about the advantages of girt inclusion during food preparing and used it intentionally during around 6 millenniums. Regarding using other inclusion in ware such as bowls, jars, and cup … that has not any relation with cooking, it becomes clear that gird inclusion used intentionally. This typical ware was made for a specific function, distinguished without laboratory analyses in archaeological contexts. It should be noted; we don’t mean that no other pots used for cooking. But it can be assured; the pot with girt inclusion is used only for food preparation. What reinforced this hypothesis is discovering many prehistoric hearth (Saaj) produced with repeated gravel layers and covered by clay plaster. The gravel used for absorbed heat slowly and uniformly, not as a temper to prevents cracking of hearth (Saaj)..
<strong>Keywords: </strong>Cooking, Cooking Pot, Gird Inclusion, Food, Clay Hearth (Saaj).
Introduction
The early produced ceramics was mainly plain and has simple form, but new ceramic forms were appeared afterwards. At first it seems that ceramics was produced for 2 main requirements; first for shortage and secondly for food preparation. Seemingly for a long time there was not any technical differences between kitchen ware and those used for routine requirements. Archaeological evidences showing that this process was changed in late chalcolithic period while ceramic produced by different techniques. It demonstrated that ancient people became familiar with row material used in ceramic production. From late chalcolithic period onwards, the feature like inclusion had a sharp influence on pottery production to cooking foods.
The present article is trying to evaluate a few ceramic assemblages based on descriptive-analytical methods. Regarding the key role of features like inclusion, fabric, technique, heat and etc. in final shape and forms of ceramic, the feature of inclusion among them has an important role and investigated in detail. At the end of this research, we would try to answer the main questions of research: 1-is there any relations between the form, inclusion and functions of kitchen wares used for cooking? And 2- whey girt tempered was used just in kitchen wares? In this article based on analysis of a few ceramics assemblages, we would try to show that there is sharp relation between what have used as inclusion in ceramic and the functions of them. In other words, by analyzing and evaluation of some ceramic types and assemblages and investigation their technical characterizes, would try to show that Iranian potter from 5500 years ago until yet understood that to do some special issues like food preparation and cooking they should produce particular from of wares using special inclusions.
The used archaeological evidences in this article unearthed from scientific archaeological excavation of some sites located in West, NW, North, Center, South, South- East and North-East of Iran. the number of shred used in this research are 500 one that regarding their potential for drawings and restoration, we choose them from the larger assemblage.
Girt Temper Pottery
From many archaeological sites of Iran and especially those dating from late chalcolithic period to Islamic time, Girt temper pottery was reported. The fabric of this pottery is brown and in cases are grey and over fired. The size of this Girt temper pottery ranges from middle to large size and the capacity of them are 5 to 10 liters. Their thickness is between 1 to 1/5cm and have both hand and wheel made ones. Regarding using dense girt as an inclusion, these ceramic are coarse and heavy. All types of girt temper ceramic have common characterizes like: coarse fabric, middle to large size, rounded base, mineral temper comprising girt, plain and smoke faced. All of this characterizes is related to their function.
Kitchen ware with girt temper in addition to their potential to overcome the heat shocks, they could have absorbed the warmth and stored it for a long time. Against clay inclusion ore dense sandstone one, using girt and combing it with chaff as inclusion can absorb more warm and convey it to the ware and its containers. This method is an innovative strategy and used to cook those so called mellow foods that needed more continues heat.
Using sandstone in production of Sajj in prehistory is an interesting indicator of importance of girt to absorb the heat. Generally speaking, it seems that using a layer of sandstone ore girt covered by clay coating in production of prehistoric Sajj exactly has the same function as using girt as an inclusion in cooking Potts. They can absorb the heat continuously and return it gradually.
Conclusion
The present evidences showing that Iranian potter and cooker from late Chalcolithic period onwards understood about the key role of girt as inclusion to produced cooking pottes. from 5500 years ago to now, they used this girt tempered ceramic to develop and improve the cooking strategies. Apparently if there is not any specific relation between the form of wares, their archaeological context and their functions, we should see this inclusion in all ceramic types like bowl, jar, baker, and… But in reality this kind of inclusion just identified in cooking wares that discovered in context like kitchens. Obviously girt inclusion was used just in those cooking potts that used for cooking and are in sharp contact with fire. Our proposed hypothesis is reinforced by discovering some prehistoric Sajj characterized by continual coating layers of girt and clay not to improvement their resistant, but to absorbed heat slowly and uniformly.Technical studies of pottery show that before the Late Chalcolithic period, potter used homogeneous and limited inclusion. But with the beginning of the late Chalcolithic period, potter used grit inclusion in making cocking pot intentionally. Producing cooking pot during a long time in a vast region of Iran, give this experience to them that using grit as inclusion can play a catalyzed role during the cooking process and improvement it. So from the Late Chalcolithic period, some typical smoke face ware called “Cooking Pot” appeared. In this study, based on investigation many cooking pots from Late Chalcolithic to Islamic periods from different parts of Iran, we would try to answer this question that is there any relation between, shape, inclusion, and function of cooking pot? Also, we would like to know for which reason the gird inclusion was used just in the cooking pot. Our investigation showing that round based ware disperses the heat better than others. Also, grit inclusion can play the absorbed and recession process influentially. This form and inclusion were used for cooking pot afterward and became a common technique gradually. Archaeological evidence demonstrated that potter knows about the advantages of girt inclusion during food preparing and used it intentionally during around 6 millenniums. Regarding using other inclusion in ware such as bowls, jars, and cup … that has not any relation with cooking, it becomes clear that gird inclusion used intentionally. This typical ware was made for a specific function, distinguished without laboratory analyses in archaeological contexts. It should be noted; we don’t mean that no other pots used for cooking. But it can be assured; the pot with girt inclusion is used only for food preparation. What reinforced this hypothesis is discovering many prehistoric hearth (Saaj) produced with repeated gravel layers and covered by clay plaster. The gravel used for absorbed heat slowly and uniformly, not as a temper to prevents cracking of hearth (Saaj)..
<strong>Keywords: </strong>Cooking, Cooking Pot, Gird Inclusion, Food, Clay Hearth (Saaj).
Introduction
The early produced ceramics was mainly plain and has simple form, but new ceramic forms were appeared afterwards. At first it seems that ceramics was produced for 2 main requirements; first for shortage and secondly for food preparation. Seemingly for a long time there was not any technical differences between kitchen ware and those used for routine requirements. Archaeological evidences showing that this process was changed in late chalcolithic period while ceramic produced by different techniques. It demonstrated that ancient people became familiar with row material used in ceramic production. From late chalcolithic period onwards, the feature like inclusion had a sharp influence on pottery production to cooking foods.
The present article is trying to evaluate a few ceramic assemblages based on descriptive-analytical methods. Regarding the key role of features like inclusion, fabric, technique, heat and etc. in final shape and forms of ceramic, the feature of inclusion among them has an important role and investigated in detail. At the end of this research, we would try to answer the main questions of research: 1-is there any relations between the form, inclusion and functions of kitchen wares used for cooking? And 2- whey girt tempered was used just in kitchen wares? In this article based on analysis of a few ceramics assemblages, we would try to show that there is sharp relation between what have used as inclusion in ceramic and the functions of them. In other words, by analyzing and evaluation of some ceramic types and assemblages and investigation their technical characterizes, would try to show that Iranian potter from 5500 years ago until yet understood that to do some special issues like food preparation and cooking they should produce particular from of wares using special inclusions.
The used archaeological evidences in this article unearthed from scientific archaeological excavation of some sites located in West, NW, North, Center, South, South- East and North-East of Iran. the number of shred used in this research are 500 one that regarding their potential for drawings and restoration, we choose them from the larger assemblage.
Girt Temper Pottery
From many archaeological sites of Iran and especially those dating from late chalcolithic period to Islamic time, Girt temper pottery was reported. The fabric of this pottery is brown and in cases are grey and over fired. The size of this Girt temper pottery ranges from middle to large size and the capacity of them are 5 to 10 liters. Their thickness is between 1 to 1/5cm and have both hand and wheel made ones. Regarding using dense girt as an inclusion, these ceramic are coarse and heavy. All types of girt temper ceramic have common characterizes like: coarse fabric, middle to large size, rounded base, mineral temper comprising girt, plain and smoke faced. All of this characterizes is related to their function.
Kitchen ware with girt temper in addition to their potential to overcome the heat shocks, they could have absorbed the warmth and stored it for a long time. Against clay inclusion ore dense sandstone one, using girt and combing it with chaff as inclusion can absorb more warm and convey it to the ware and its containers. This method is an innovative strategy and used to cook those so called mellow foods that needed more continues heat.
Using sandstone in production of Sajj in prehistory is an interesting indicator of importance of girt to absorb the heat. Generally speaking, it seems that using a layer of sandstone ore girt covered by clay coating in production of prehistoric Sajj exactly has the same function as using girt as an inclusion in cooking Potts. They can absorb the heat continuously and return it gradually.
Conclusion
The present evidences showing that Iranian potter and cooker from late Chalcolithic period onwards understood about the key role of girt as inclusion to produced cooking pottes. from 5500 years ago to now, they used this girt tempered ceramic to develop and improve the cooking strategies. Apparently if there is not any specific relation between the form of wares, their archaeological context and their functions, we should see this inclusion in all ceramic types like bowl, jar, baker, and… But in reality this kind of inclusion just identified in cooking wares that discovered in context like kitchens. Obviously girt inclusion was used just in those cooking potts that used for cooking and are in sharp contact with fire. Our proposed hypothesis is reinforced by discovering some prehistoric Sajj characterized by continual coating layers of girt and clay not to improvement their resistant, but to absorbed heat slowly and uniformly.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4107_2297607a5db8576d5ad6bbd83696ff60.pdfBu Ali Sina UniversityArchaeological Research of Iran2345-5225112920210823A Study on the Late Iron Age Pottery in Northwestern Iran, Based on a Typical Pottery Called “Triangle Ware”A Study on the Late Iron Age Pottery in Northwestern Iran, Based on a Typical Pottery Called “Triangle Ware”5980410810.22084/nbsh.2019.19660.1982FAAbbasRazmpoushPh.D. in Archeology, Department of Archeology, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Mohaghegh Ardabili, Ardabil, Iran.KarimHajizadeh BastaniAssociate Professor, Department of Archeology, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Mohaghegh Ardabili, Ardabil, Iran.RezaRezalooProfessor, Department of Archeology, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Mohaghegh Ardabili, Ardabil, Iran.0000-0001-7067-1916BehrouzAfkhamiAssociate Professor, Department of Archeology, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Mohaghegh Ardabili, Ardabil, Iran.0000-0003-0586-6949Journal Article20190720The matter of the pottery tradition so-called “Triangular Ware” of the late Iron Age and its dating, despite numerous re-examinations and revision by the scholars, still has some ambiguities and inconsistencies. This causes an incongruity of dating the Iron Age sites of this region. This paper presents a new insight into the Iron Age Triangle Ware of the region and reviews all aspects of this pottery tradition. The main question is in which periods and how long this pottery tradition was common in Northwestern Iran and what is the position of this special ware among the pottery assemblages of the late Iron Age in this region? Based on the typology of the Triangle Ware found at the sites of Hasanlu, Ziwiyeh and Bukan area, we found out that these potteries belong to some diagnostic types of wares in consecutive historical periods from the late 7th to the 4th and 3rd centuries BC. The beginning and the end of this date corresponds to the time span attributed to 350 years erosion deposits of Hasanlu IIIa, indicating the presence of three pottery styles in this layer. The final results of the study are proposed as follows: First, the Classic Triangle pottery (Mannaean pottery) which was common in the southern part of the Lake Urmia basin dates back to the late 7th and early 6th century BC. Second, Yellow-Brown-Orange Pottery in Median-Early-Achaemenid period, and at the same time, the monochrome and bichrome “Triangle-Festoon Ware” that is introduced as a latest kind of the Triangle Ware, are traced back to Late Median and Early to Middle-Achaemenid period in Western Iran. Third, Western Triangle Ware (non-Classic Triangle Ware), is prevailing in the mid-late Achaemenid period, and lasts until 275 BC. Identifying this pottery with the Classic Triangle-Festoon Ware in the Western Iran shows an overlap between them in the early 5th century B.C.
<strong>Keywords: </strong>Late Iron Age, Painted Ware, North Western Iran, Hasanlu, Ziwiyeh.
Introduction
The matter of the dating and style of the Triangle Ware, found at Late Iron Age settlements in Northwest of Iran is very ambiguous and causes an incongruity of dating the Iron Age sites of this region. Ziwiyeh and Hasanlu III are among the few settlements containing this type of pottery, but unfortunately the associated stratigraphic contexts and strata of these two sites are confused and unreliable. One of the major consequences of the disruption of these strata and intermingling of their potteries in Hasanlu and Ziwiyeh sites is to remain abstruse the diversity of the pottery of these layers that finally has led to an inaccurate understanding of their settlement subsequences. Hasanlu’s painted Triangular Ware has so far been attributed to different contexts and phases, including “IIIb”, “lower and upper IIIb”, “IIIa” and “IIIa/ II” and consequently, has taken different chronologies including the Urartian, Mannaean, Median or Achaemenid periods. Although Dyson’s two articles in 1999 and his thorough review of Hasanlu’s Triangular Ware and the layer III with the aim of putting an end to the controversy over Triangular Ware have led to a consensus on the chronology of the pottery, some incongruities remained unexplained. In such a situation the current paper tries to present a new research on the Iron Age Triangle Ware of the Northwestern Iran and aims to review all aspects of this pottery tradition. Regarding this, the main question is how long and in which periods the Triangle Ware was common in Northwestern Iran and how many subspecies of this kind of pottery have emerged at this time span in the region? The other question is what is the position of this special ware among the pottery assemblages of the late Iron Age in this region? The relevant hypotheses for this questions are: There are at least three types of Triangular Ware including Classic Triangular Ware, a newly-introduced Classic Triangular Ware that is similar to the Festoon Ware in the term of its painted decorations, and finally the well-known Western Triangular Ware. These three types of Triangular Ware encompass about 350 years in late Mannaean, late Median and entire Achaemenid periods. To evaluate the above-mentioned hypotheses this study starts with the short introduction of the formations of the previous theories and views, and tries to revise the context of the Triangle Ware in Hasanlu. Afterwards it suggests a comparative typology and new choronology for the Triangle Ware style.
Identified Traces
Although, Dyson (1999b: 134-137) acknowledged that the deposits containing the triangular pottery in Hasanlu is not a distinct archaeological layer, still seeks to assign this potteries to an established certain settlement layer. As Kroll shows in his detailed discussions (In Press: 9; 2010: 24) the lack of architecture for Hasanlu IIIA, clearly points in one direction: Hasanlu IIIA is a waste layer, a rubbish heap and a “Midden”. By embracing Kroll’s stratigraphic information and dating views, and by taking into account all the heterogeneous information and opinions of Dyson it can be concluded that Hasanlu IIIa is not a cultural layer belonging a certain historical point, but rather it is “almost a meter of erosion deposits produced by the filling in of the standing ruins” (In Press: 2010: 24) which is composed of multiple stratum of a period of about 350 years. This period begins after layer IIIb and continues until layer II and contains some heterogeneous secondary cultural material. On the other hand, based on the typology of Triangular Ware of Hasanlu III, Ziwiyeh and Bukan, these potteries are distinguished into three distinct types, including “Classic Triangle Ware” (have two subspecies with different Triangular and Festoon motifs), “Western Triangle Ware” and “Festoon Ware”. These potteries belong to three successive historical periods, the beginning and the end of which correspond to the time span attributed to Hasanlu IIIa. Some of Classic Wares that have all the features of Classic Ware in one hand, and applies similar motifs as the Festoon Ware on the other hand, can be classified as a distinct sub-type that is called “Classic Triangle-Festoon Ware” here. This pottery has a restricted distribution in the western part of Azerbaijan in the 6th century BC and its shapes include a number of Classis Ware’s shapes, fine monochrome or bichrome carinated bowls with high quality and polished surfaces from Bukan Aand Ziwiyeh that have a close resemblance with the late Iron Age pottery assemblages specially with the Mannaean one.
Conclusion
The final results of the study in the format of consequences of pottery types and horizons of Triangle Ware and other kind of potteries of Northwestern Iran in the late Iron Age are as the follows: (1) Classic Triangular Ware dating to (late?) 7th and early 6th century BC that is prevalent in the southern part of Lake Urmia Basin matching with Mannaean region, and its examples come from Ziwiyeh and Hasanlu IIIa. Second: Classic monochrome and bichrome Triangular-Festoon Ware that was prevalent about 600 to 450 BC in the late Median and early to Mid-Achaemenian periods in northwestern Iran and some of them reached western and southwestern Iran. (3) Western Triangular Ware that was prevailing in the mid-late Achaemenid period and probably lasts to the Seleucid period around 275 BC. This pottery occurs with the Classic Triangular-Festoon Ware in the central and western Iran and the identification of some of their motifs indicates an overlap between them in the early 5th century BC. In general, now we understand that Hasanlu IIIa’s potteries have indications of the periods after Urartu to Seleucid and in addition to the known potteries of the Mannaean culture, there are also some pottery examples of late Iron Age III at Ziwiyeh.The matter of the pottery tradition so-called “Triangular Ware” of the late Iron Age and its dating, despite numerous re-examinations and revision by the scholars, still has some ambiguities and inconsistencies. This causes an incongruity of dating the Iron Age sites of this region. This paper presents a new insight into the Iron Age Triangle Ware of the region and reviews all aspects of this pottery tradition. The main question is in which periods and how long this pottery tradition was common in Northwestern Iran and what is the position of this special ware among the pottery assemblages of the late Iron Age in this region? Based on the typology of the Triangle Ware found at the sites of Hasanlu, Ziwiyeh and Bukan area, we found out that these potteries belong to some diagnostic types of wares in consecutive historical periods from the late 7th to the 4th and 3rd centuries BC. The beginning and the end of this date corresponds to the time span attributed to 350 years erosion deposits of Hasanlu IIIa, indicating the presence of three pottery styles in this layer. The final results of the study are proposed as follows: First, the Classic Triangle pottery (Mannaean pottery) which was common in the southern part of the Lake Urmia basin dates back to the late 7th and early 6th century BC. Second, Yellow-Brown-Orange Pottery in Median-Early-Achaemenid period, and at the same time, the monochrome and bichrome “Triangle-Festoon Ware” that is introduced as a latest kind of the Triangle Ware, are traced back to Late Median and Early to Middle-Achaemenid period in Western Iran. Third, Western Triangle Ware (non-Classic Triangle Ware), is prevailing in the mid-late Achaemenid period, and lasts until 275 BC. Identifying this pottery with the Classic Triangle-Festoon Ware in the Western Iran shows an overlap between them in the early 5th century B.C.
<strong>Keywords: </strong>Late Iron Age, Painted Ware, North Western Iran, Hasanlu, Ziwiyeh.
Introduction
The matter of the dating and style of the Triangle Ware, found at Late Iron Age settlements in Northwest of Iran is very ambiguous and causes an incongruity of dating the Iron Age sites of this region. Ziwiyeh and Hasanlu III are among the few settlements containing this type of pottery, but unfortunately the associated stratigraphic contexts and strata of these two sites are confused and unreliable. One of the major consequences of the disruption of these strata and intermingling of their potteries in Hasanlu and Ziwiyeh sites is to remain abstruse the diversity of the pottery of these layers that finally has led to an inaccurate understanding of their settlement subsequences. Hasanlu’s painted Triangular Ware has so far been attributed to different contexts and phases, including “IIIb”, “lower and upper IIIb”, “IIIa” and “IIIa/ II” and consequently, has taken different chronologies including the Urartian, Mannaean, Median or Achaemenid periods. Although Dyson’s two articles in 1999 and his thorough review of Hasanlu’s Triangular Ware and the layer III with the aim of putting an end to the controversy over Triangular Ware have led to a consensus on the chronology of the pottery, some incongruities remained unexplained. In such a situation the current paper tries to present a new research on the Iron Age Triangle Ware of the Northwestern Iran and aims to review all aspects of this pottery tradition. Regarding this, the main question is how long and in which periods the Triangle Ware was common in Northwestern Iran and how many subspecies of this kind of pottery have emerged at this time span in the region? The other question is what is the position of this special ware among the pottery assemblages of the late Iron Age in this region? The relevant hypotheses for this questions are: There are at least three types of Triangular Ware including Classic Triangular Ware, a newly-introduced Classic Triangular Ware that is similar to the Festoon Ware in the term of its painted decorations, and finally the well-known Western Triangular Ware. These three types of Triangular Ware encompass about 350 years in late Mannaean, late Median and entire Achaemenid periods. To evaluate the above-mentioned hypotheses this study starts with the short introduction of the formations of the previous theories and views, and tries to revise the context of the Triangle Ware in Hasanlu. Afterwards it suggests a comparative typology and new choronology for the Triangle Ware style.
Identified Traces
Although, Dyson (1999b: 134-137) acknowledged that the deposits containing the triangular pottery in Hasanlu is not a distinct archaeological layer, still seeks to assign this potteries to an established certain settlement layer. As Kroll shows in his detailed discussions (In Press: 9; 2010: 24) the lack of architecture for Hasanlu IIIA, clearly points in one direction: Hasanlu IIIA is a waste layer, a rubbish heap and a “Midden”. By embracing Kroll’s stratigraphic information and dating views, and by taking into account all the heterogeneous information and opinions of Dyson it can be concluded that Hasanlu IIIa is not a cultural layer belonging a certain historical point, but rather it is “almost a meter of erosion deposits produced by the filling in of the standing ruins” (In Press: 2010: 24) which is composed of multiple stratum of a period of about 350 years. This period begins after layer IIIb and continues until layer II and contains some heterogeneous secondary cultural material. On the other hand, based on the typology of Triangular Ware of Hasanlu III, Ziwiyeh and Bukan, these potteries are distinguished into three distinct types, including “Classic Triangle Ware” (have two subspecies with different Triangular and Festoon motifs), “Western Triangle Ware” and “Festoon Ware”. These potteries belong to three successive historical periods, the beginning and the end of which correspond to the time span attributed to Hasanlu IIIa. Some of Classic Wares that have all the features of Classic Ware in one hand, and applies similar motifs as the Festoon Ware on the other hand, can be classified as a distinct sub-type that is called “Classic Triangle-Festoon Ware” here. This pottery has a restricted distribution in the western part of Azerbaijan in the 6th century BC and its shapes include a number of Classis Ware’s shapes, fine monochrome or bichrome carinated bowls with high quality and polished surfaces from Bukan Aand Ziwiyeh that have a close resemblance with the late Iron Age pottery assemblages specially with the Mannaean one.
Conclusion
The final results of the study in the format of consequences of pottery types and horizons of Triangle Ware and other kind of potteries of Northwestern Iran in the late Iron Age are as the follows: (1) Classic Triangular Ware dating to (late?) 7th and early 6th century BC that is prevalent in the southern part of Lake Urmia Basin matching with Mannaean region, and its examples come from Ziwiyeh and Hasanlu IIIa. Second: Classic monochrome and bichrome Triangular-Festoon Ware that was prevalent about 600 to 450 BC in the late Median and early to Mid-Achaemenian periods in northwestern Iran and some of them reached western and southwestern Iran. (3) Western Triangular Ware that was prevailing in the mid-late Achaemenid period and probably lasts to the Seleucid period around 275 BC. This pottery occurs with the Classic Triangular-Festoon Ware in the central and western Iran and the identification of some of their motifs indicates an overlap between them in the early 5th century BC. In general, now we understand that Hasanlu IIIa’s potteries have indications of the periods after Urartu to Seleucid and in addition to the known potteries of the Mannaean culture, there are also some pottery examples of late Iron Age III at Ziwiyeh.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4108_b2b7c555125ecacf4bb7678d9dc39a21.pdfBu Ali Sina UniversityArchaeological Research of Iran2345-5225112920210823The Tradition of Sacrifice in the First Millennium B.C. Based on Evidence the Burial Obtained from the Gohar TepeThe Tradition of Sacrifice in the First Millennium B.C. Based on Evidence the Burial Obtained from the Gohar Tepe8196410910.22084/nbsh.2020.21405.2113FAAtefehRasouliPh.D. in Prehistoric Archeology, Department of Archeology, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.MeysamMiri AhoodashtiPh.D. in Prehistoric Archeology, Department of Archeology, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.Journal Article20200411Burial of animals along with their owners is a tradition that is common in the late second millennium and early first millennium BC in different parts of the Iranian plateau, especially in the north and northwest of Iran. In this study, human burial studied along with the burial of a dog, which obtained from Gohar Tepe site located in Behshahr city of Mazandaran province. The dog in squatted form, buried inside a jar, which placed at the bottom of the skeleton. The purpose of this study is to explain the tradition of animal sacrifice to high-level individuals in the Iron Age society because little research has done on the tradition of the sacrificial Iron age in the North of Iran. The questions that can express in this research are why the dog was beheaded, and it was buried in the form of human burial and buried inside a jar with burial vessels? The current research hypothesis is that the dog’s head was cut off during the burial, indicating a sacrificial tradition. Also, the burial of a dog in a jar and fetal posture shows that the owner has a high value in society. In this research, dog burial discovered from Gohar Tepe site investigated using a field study method. The results show that the dog placed in a jar without a head, and according to the available evidence, can be said that the dog was sacrificed and buried within its owner, this unique burial shows the type of sacrifice tradition in the first millennium BC in the North of Iran. In this research, using fieldwork and objective observations, the dog’s burial has been studied and compared with other animal burials in this area. The results show that this burial is a kind of sacrificial tradition in the first millennium B.C.<br /><strong>Keywords: </strong>Sacrifice Tradition, Animal’s Burial, Gohar Tepe.<br /> <br />Introduction<br />According to archaeological studies, in the late second millennium BC, due to the migration from the Caucasus to the Iranian plateau, various developments are formed. such as a cemetery tradition, metalworking, and pottery in the Iron Age sites, especially in the North and Northwest of Iran, which one of these developments is the burial tradition (Negahban, 1341: 31-41). “Based on studies and excavations carried out in the Iron Age sites in the Northern and Northwestern regions of Iran, some graves and Gurkan (a type of grave) founded, in which the high-level members of the society buried with their animals, most of the animals are horses”(Parzinger, 2006: 20-23). Based on studies and excavations carried out in the Iron Age sites in the Northwest of Iran, especially in Khorramabad Ardabil Cemetery, some graves and Gurkan have been found skeleton belongs to the rich people of the community, and their animals buried beside them. Among the dog burial tradition, we can mention Narges Tepe in Gorgan, Gohar Tepe, and Taleghani Tepe in Mazandaran and Khorramabad Ardabil Cemetery provinces. These burials the main point is that dog corpses buried either alone or next to the human skeleton (owner) found entirely. In none of these cases, dog corpses were in the jar and Not available with funeral gifts for dogs. However, the unique burial found in the Gohar Tepe of Behshahr, in Mazandaran province, shows a kind of sacrificial tradition. The main issue is the dog’s burial style, which has buried with its head cut off and squatted in a jar next to its owner. Like this burial has not found in other Iron Age sites of Iran, and the primary purpose in this regard, in addition to introducing it to the archaeological community, is to determine the current sacrifice traditions in the Iron Age sites in the North of Iran. The lack of knowledge in this research is the little research that has done on the animal sacrifice tradition in the Iron Age. The purpose of this study is to explain the tradition of animal sacrifice to high-level individuals in the Iron Age society because little research has done on the tradition of the sacrificial Iron age in the North of Iran. The questions that can express in this research are why the dog was beheaded, and it was buried in the form of human burial and buried inside a jar with burial vessels? The current research hypothesis is that the dog’s head was cut off during the burial, indicating a sacrificial tradition. Also, the burial of a dog in a jar and fetal posture shows that the owner has a high value in society.<br /> <br />The Tradition of Burial Animals in the Northern and Northwestern of Iran in the Iron Age<br />“One of the oldest excavations and investigations in this regard is the Hasanlu site in West Azerbaijan. Following the excavations carried out in 1334 by Robert Dyson, some tombs from the Iron Age founded inside Remains of a horse skeleton were found buried next to the owner of the tomb” (Dyson, Muscarella, 1989: 1-27). Subsequent studies on animal burial in Iron Age tombs were carried out by Mehdi Churi in 1382 at Yasan Cemetery in Deilaman. In 1386, some Gurkan depended to the Iron Age were found in Larijan Cemetery near Khodaafarin. According to many archaeologists, the main reason for these developments is the Scythians arrival in the Northwestern of Iran. The Scythians, as one of the most important tribes in the late second millennium and early first millennium BC, are of great importance in historical and archaeological studies of Iran. According to the burials and Gurkan graves that have been obtained, especially in the Northwestern region of Iran, it can be said that the Northwest region is the main origin of this type of burial and extends from this region to the North and other regions of the Iranian plateau. These discoveries show that Herodotus’ remarks about the glorious Scythian burial rite were also common in Iran. It also shows the dominance of the Scythians over West Asia, so the results of these discoveries can be compared with the results of other discoveries of the Scythian burial ceremonies in different parts of the world” (Rezalu, 1394: 26-24).<br /> <br />Conclusion<br />As mentioned, at the end of the second millennium and the beginning of the first millennium BC, the tradition of burying animals as victims along with their owners became very popular. Undoubtedly, this tradition was a Scythian tradition, that becoming popular based on migrations from the Caucasus to the Iranian plateau, especially in the North and Northwest. According to the content mentioned, can be concluded that burying horse’s tradition in graves with the dead in the Iron Age is one of the features of the grave of some sites in this period, which is similar to Saka cemeteries. Moreover, it has a Scythian origin. However, the remarkable thing is that burying the horse with the saddle and their harness or burying the horse with the owner of the grave, which discovered from different areas, is entirely different from burying the dog that founded in Gohar Tepe. Because in most graves, horses buried with saddles and harnesses, which means that they are buried with horses to be used by their owner in another world. Also, most of the skeletons of the discovered horses were buried as usual. However, dog’s burial, which founded in Gohar Tepe, was buried in a jar in fetal posture, including two pottery vessels were placed next to the dog as burial gifts. However, the dog’s head has cut off, and it is possible that the animal’s head treated according to special rituals in animal sacrifices, and the reason for the low number of this type of burial may be due to the small size of the excavation. Second, animal sacrifice has been made possible for a small number of individuals in a particular society or the highest individual in a society in terms of social status.Burial of animals along with their owners is a tradition that is common in the late second millennium and early first millennium BC in different parts of the Iranian plateau, especially in the north and northwest of Iran. In this study, human burial studied along with the burial of a dog, which obtained from Gohar Tepe site located in Behshahr city of Mazandaran province. The dog in squatted form, buried inside a jar, which placed at the bottom of the skeleton. The purpose of this study is to explain the tradition of animal sacrifice to high-level individuals in the Iron Age society because little research has done on the tradition of the sacrificial Iron age in the North of Iran. The questions that can express in this research are why the dog was beheaded, and it was buried in the form of human burial and buried inside a jar with burial vessels? The current research hypothesis is that the dog’s head was cut off during the burial, indicating a sacrificial tradition. Also, the burial of a dog in a jar and fetal posture shows that the owner has a high value in society. In this research, dog burial discovered from Gohar Tepe site investigated using a field study method. The results show that the dog placed in a jar without a head, and according to the available evidence, can be said that the dog was sacrificed and buried within its owner, this unique burial shows the type of sacrifice tradition in the first millennium BC in the North of Iran. In this research, using fieldwork and objective observations, the dog’s burial has been studied and compared with other animal burials in this area. The results show that this burial is a kind of sacrificial tradition in the first millennium B.C.<br /><strong>Keywords: </strong>Sacrifice Tradition, Animal’s Burial, Gohar Tepe.<br /> <br />Introduction<br />According to archaeological studies, in the late second millennium BC, due to the migration from the Caucasus to the Iranian plateau, various developments are formed. such as a cemetery tradition, metalworking, and pottery in the Iron Age sites, especially in the North and Northwest of Iran, which one of these developments is the burial tradition (Negahban, 1341: 31-41). “Based on studies and excavations carried out in the Iron Age sites in the Northern and Northwestern regions of Iran, some graves and Gurkan (a type of grave) founded, in which the high-level members of the society buried with their animals, most of the animals are horses”(Parzinger, 2006: 20-23). Based on studies and excavations carried out in the Iron Age sites in the Northwest of Iran, especially in Khorramabad Ardabil Cemetery, some graves and Gurkan have been found skeleton belongs to the rich people of the community, and their animals buried beside them. Among the dog burial tradition, we can mention Narges Tepe in Gorgan, Gohar Tepe, and Taleghani Tepe in Mazandaran and Khorramabad Ardabil Cemetery provinces. These burials the main point is that dog corpses buried either alone or next to the human skeleton (owner) found entirely. In none of these cases, dog corpses were in the jar and Not available with funeral gifts for dogs. However, the unique burial found in the Gohar Tepe of Behshahr, in Mazandaran province, shows a kind of sacrificial tradition. The main issue is the dog’s burial style, which has buried with its head cut off and squatted in a jar next to its owner. Like this burial has not found in other Iron Age sites of Iran, and the primary purpose in this regard, in addition to introducing it to the archaeological community, is to determine the current sacrifice traditions in the Iron Age sites in the North of Iran. The lack of knowledge in this research is the little research that has done on the animal sacrifice tradition in the Iron Age. The purpose of this study is to explain the tradition of animal sacrifice to high-level individuals in the Iron Age society because little research has done on the tradition of the sacrificial Iron age in the North of Iran. The questions that can express in this research are why the dog was beheaded, and it was buried in the form of human burial and buried inside a jar with burial vessels? The current research hypothesis is that the dog’s head was cut off during the burial, indicating a sacrificial tradition. Also, the burial of a dog in a jar and fetal posture shows that the owner has a high value in society.<br /> <br />The Tradition of Burial Animals in the Northern and Northwestern of Iran in the Iron Age<br />“One of the oldest excavations and investigations in this regard is the Hasanlu site in West Azerbaijan. Following the excavations carried out in 1334 by Robert Dyson, some tombs from the Iron Age founded inside Remains of a horse skeleton were found buried next to the owner of the tomb” (Dyson, Muscarella, 1989: 1-27). Subsequent studies on animal burial in Iron Age tombs were carried out by Mehdi Churi in 1382 at Yasan Cemetery in Deilaman. In 1386, some Gurkan depended to the Iron Age were found in Larijan Cemetery near Khodaafarin. According to many archaeologists, the main reason for these developments is the Scythians arrival in the Northwestern of Iran. The Scythians, as one of the most important tribes in the late second millennium and early first millennium BC, are of great importance in historical and archaeological studies of Iran. According to the burials and Gurkan graves that have been obtained, especially in the Northwestern region of Iran, it can be said that the Northwest region is the main origin of this type of burial and extends from this region to the North and other regions of the Iranian plateau. These discoveries show that Herodotus’ remarks about the glorious Scythian burial rite were also common in Iran. It also shows the dominance of the Scythians over West Asia, so the results of these discoveries can be compared with the results of other discoveries of the Scythian burial ceremonies in different parts of the world” (Rezalu, 1394: 26-24).<br /> <br />Conclusion<br />As mentioned, at the end of the second millennium and the beginning of the first millennium BC, the tradition of burying animals as victims along with their owners became very popular. Undoubtedly, this tradition was a Scythian tradition, that becoming popular based on migrations from the Caucasus to the Iranian plateau, especially in the North and Northwest. According to the content mentioned, can be concluded that burying horse’s tradition in graves with the dead in the Iron Age is one of the features of the grave of some sites in this period, which is similar to Saka cemeteries. Moreover, it has a Scythian origin. However, the remarkable thing is that burying the horse with the saddle and their harness or burying the horse with the owner of the grave, which discovered from different areas, is entirely different from burying the dog that founded in Gohar Tepe. Because in most graves, horses buried with saddles and harnesses, which means that they are buried with horses to be used by their owner in another world. Also, most of the skeletons of the discovered horses were buried as usual. However, dog’s burial, which founded in Gohar Tepe, was buried in a jar in fetal posture, including two pottery vessels were placed next to the dog as burial gifts. However, the dog’s head has cut off, and it is possible that the animal’s head treated according to special rituals in animal sacrifices, and the reason for the low number of this type of burial may be due to the small size of the excavation. Second, animal sacrifice has been made possible for a small number of individuals in a particular society or the highest individual in a society in terms of social status.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4109_6f67057b6a3671fe882f6d4f27d547be.pdfBu Ali Sina UniversityArchaeological Research of Iran2345-5225112920210823Explaining of the Concepts and Social Symbols (Social Structure) of the Iron Age Societies; Case Study: Tabriz Blue Mosque CemeteryExplaining of the Concepts and Social Symbols (Social Structure) of the Iron Age Societies; Case Study: Tabriz Blue Mosque Cemetery97118411010.22084/nbsh.2020.19620.1978FAAli RezaHejebri NobariProfessor, Department of Archeology, Faculty of Humanities, Tarbiat Modares University, Tehran, Iran.HosseinNaseri SomeehPh.D. in Archeology, Department of Archeology, Faculty of Humanities, Tarbiat Modares University, Tehran, Iran.0000-0002-6345-7150FatemehMokhtaripourGraduate of Archeology, Department of Archeology, Faculty of Humanities, Tarbiat Modares University, Tehran, Iran.BehzadMehdizadehGraduate of Archeology, Department of Archeology, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran.Journal Article20190714Social Archaeology is a branch of Archaeology that discusses on data from the perspective of sociology, and studies the structure of past societies and their evolutionary process. In the Iron Age, due to the prevalence of the cemeteries in most parts of Iran, discussions about the kind of community, beliefs and religion of the people of that societies are also gaining strength. In these cemeteries, the structure of the graves and objects inside them (grave goods) has concepts and symbols that can resolve some of the existing confusion about the culture of the peoples of the Iron Age. The cemetery of Blue Mosque (locally called Göy Meçid or Kabood Mosque) is one of the most important of these cemeteries. The objects which obtained from this cemetery graves due to the variety in type and the difference in theire Abundance, represent the social distinctions of buried persons. Comparison of the structure of graves and of the graves goods indicated that some of them have more valuable and objects than other graves, and as a result their social status is high, while in some graves no objects have been placed. Based on these cases, they can indicated to socially ranked and referred to the criteria used to determine the rank of individuals in their lifetime.<br /><strong>Keywords: </strong>Iron Age, Blue Mosque Cemetery, Concepts and Symbols, Social Rankings.<br /> <br />Introduction<br />One of the ways to identify the social status of individuals is to study the physical remains of humans, including their skeleton and the objects buried with them. The present research, which is aimed at analyzing the burial patterns in the cemetery of the Blue Mosque of Tabriz, seeks to answer the following question: What are the indications for the existence of a ranking system or social classes in the Iron Age cemetery of the Blue Mosque of Tabriz? The hypothesis raised in relation to the above question is that the differences in the architectural structure of the graves in terms of form and materials, diversity and multiplicity of objects and their arrangement within the graves are indications for the relative classification of social ranks in this cemetery. The research method in this study was a field study in the first place, and in the second place, it has been attempted to study the collection by a descriptive-statistical method based on the collected and documented data obtained from the first stage as well as library sources. And then, with a social archeology approach, it was attempted to answer the research question that defines the social classes in the cemetery of the Blue Mosque.<br /> <br />Theoretical Foundations of the Research<br />Social archeology is a branch of archeology that studies the social structure and organization of past societies and their evolutionary process. Social archeology examines how social and political structures are formed from basic units such as clan and group. Social groups and classes exhibit different attitudes and behaviors with regard to people’s age, class type, gender, wealth, power and social status that these behaviors undergo changes in the evolutionary process of society (Grant & et al. 2002: 236). <br />The most important and common models and methods for reconstruction of social structure can be stated as follows:<br />1- Reconstruction of the social structure based on settlement sites, residences and architectural remains.<br />2- Reconstruction of the social structure based on the remaining objects, tools, and artifacts.<br />3- Reconstruction of the social structure based on graves, burial methods, contents of the graves and materials.<br />Reconstruction of the social structure according to study, examination and inference based on burial patterns and contents of graves is a method that is considered in almost all schools of archeology despite differences in the type of inference (Yadollahi, 2004: 20). <br />In this method, anthropologists consider burial features such as objects inside or around the graves, the shape or size of the tombs, the general design or location of the cemetery; and then accordingly, the social class or status of those who are buried is taken into account. Therefore, the location of the graves, the objects inside the graves, the pre-funeral rituals and abundant types of burials all imply the differences existing in a society (Pollock 1999: 206). In determining the class or ranking of individuals, the role of the quantity and quality of objects inside the graves as well as their possible role in determining social hierarchy should also be taken into account. In this context, the material of the objects, abundance or scarcity of the materials that the objects are made of, and the time it takes to construct the objects must be considered (Dark, 2000: 117). <br /> <br />The Cemetery of the Blue Mosque of Tabriz<br />The Iron Age cemetery of the Blue Mosque of Tabriz is located in the old texture of Tabriz city which was discovered in 1997 by accident and after construction activities. The area of this site is estimated to be 28290 square meters. According to the study of the structure and status of the objects within the graves, it can be concluded that various factors have been implicated in different burial methods, the most important of which are: the development of burial traditions in different eras, the age, gender, and social status of individuals and so on.<br />In terms of structure and architecture, the graves are divided into three groups: 1. Simple pit-shape graves 2- Graves with a horseshoe structure (made of stone, adobe and clay wall). 3- Graves with adobe structures exclusively for children (Hejebri Nobari, 2001: 5). All skeletons are buried as embryos or with a squatted gesture and the bodies and faces of the corpses are placed in different directions. Next to the corpses, a variety of funeral gifts, including 511 pottery wares, 397 metal objects, and about 2000 stone beads, have been obtained.<br /> <br />Conclusion<br />The most important method that can be used to investigate the social status of individuals based on burial in the cemetery of the Blue Mosque of Tabriz is to consider the quantity and quality of burial objects, in such a way that those burials which are rich in terms of objects are often regarded as the graves of wealthy individuals with a superior social base.<br />In this cemetery, there is not a significant relationship between the structure of the graves and the status of the people, and one cannot discern the difference of the individuals’ position according to the structure and dimensions of the graves. <br />In the cemetery of the Blue Mosque, women, like men, had equal privileges based on the quantity and quality of the burial objects. Therefore, we are faced with a society in which women have the same social privilege as men, and perhaps they have been higher than men. In some cases, objects such as bronze daggers or arrows are seen in the graves of women just like men, perhaps indicating their role in the society or their special status in relation to others and these objects may have been placed in their graves in order to protect them. Children and infants in this site have had the privilege of being buried with objects as adults.<br /> <br /> Social Archaeology is a branch of Archaeology that discusses on data from the perspective of sociology, and studies the structure of past societies and their evolutionary process. In the Iron Age, due to the prevalence of the cemeteries in most parts of Iran, discussions about the kind of community, beliefs and religion of the people of that societies are also gaining strength. In these cemeteries, the structure of the graves and objects inside them (grave goods) has concepts and symbols that can resolve some of the existing confusion about the culture of the peoples of the Iron Age. The cemetery of Blue Mosque (locally called Göy Meçid or Kabood Mosque) is one of the most important of these cemeteries. The objects which obtained from this cemetery graves due to the variety in type and the difference in theire Abundance, represent the social distinctions of buried persons. Comparison of the structure of graves and of the graves goods indicated that some of them have more valuable and objects than other graves, and as a result their social status is high, while in some graves no objects have been placed. Based on these cases, they can indicated to socially ranked and referred to the criteria used to determine the rank of individuals in their lifetime.<br /><strong>Keywords: </strong>Iron Age, Blue Mosque Cemetery, Concepts and Symbols, Social Rankings.<br /> <br />Introduction<br />One of the ways to identify the social status of individuals is to study the physical remains of humans, including their skeleton and the objects buried with them. The present research, which is aimed at analyzing the burial patterns in the cemetery of the Blue Mosque of Tabriz, seeks to answer the following question: What are the indications for the existence of a ranking system or social classes in the Iron Age cemetery of the Blue Mosque of Tabriz? The hypothesis raised in relation to the above question is that the differences in the architectural structure of the graves in terms of form and materials, diversity and multiplicity of objects and their arrangement within the graves are indications for the relative classification of social ranks in this cemetery. The research method in this study was a field study in the first place, and in the second place, it has been attempted to study the collection by a descriptive-statistical method based on the collected and documented data obtained from the first stage as well as library sources. And then, with a social archeology approach, it was attempted to answer the research question that defines the social classes in the cemetery of the Blue Mosque.<br /> <br />Theoretical Foundations of the Research<br />Social archeology is a branch of archeology that studies the social structure and organization of past societies and their evolutionary process. Social archeology examines how social and political structures are formed from basic units such as clan and group. Social groups and classes exhibit different attitudes and behaviors with regard to people’s age, class type, gender, wealth, power and social status that these behaviors undergo changes in the evolutionary process of society (Grant & et al. 2002: 236). <br />The most important and common models and methods for reconstruction of social structure can be stated as follows:<br />1- Reconstruction of the social structure based on settlement sites, residences and architectural remains.<br />2- Reconstruction of the social structure based on the remaining objects, tools, and artifacts.<br />3- Reconstruction of the social structure based on graves, burial methods, contents of the graves and materials.<br />Reconstruction of the social structure according to study, examination and inference based on burial patterns and contents of graves is a method that is considered in almost all schools of archeology despite differences in the type of inference (Yadollahi, 2004: 20). <br />In this method, anthropologists consider burial features such as objects inside or around the graves, the shape or size of the tombs, the general design or location of the cemetery; and then accordingly, the social class or status of those who are buried is taken into account. Therefore, the location of the graves, the objects inside the graves, the pre-funeral rituals and abundant types of burials all imply the differences existing in a society (Pollock 1999: 206). In determining the class or ranking of individuals, the role of the quantity and quality of objects inside the graves as well as their possible role in determining social hierarchy should also be taken into account. In this context, the material of the objects, abundance or scarcity of the materials that the objects are made of, and the time it takes to construct the objects must be considered (Dark, 2000: 117). <br /> <br />The Cemetery of the Blue Mosque of Tabriz<br />The Iron Age cemetery of the Blue Mosque of Tabriz is located in the old texture of Tabriz city which was discovered in 1997 by accident and after construction activities. The area of this site is estimated to be 28290 square meters. According to the study of the structure and status of the objects within the graves, it can be concluded that various factors have been implicated in different burial methods, the most important of which are: the development of burial traditions in different eras, the age, gender, and social status of individuals and so on.<br />In terms of structure and architecture, the graves are divided into three groups: 1. Simple pit-shape graves 2- Graves with a horseshoe structure (made of stone, adobe and clay wall). 3- Graves with adobe structures exclusively for children (Hejebri Nobari, 2001: 5). All skeletons are buried as embryos or with a squatted gesture and the bodies and faces of the corpses are placed in different directions. Next to the corpses, a variety of funeral gifts, including 511 pottery wares, 397 metal objects, and about 2000 stone beads, have been obtained.<br /> <br />Conclusion<br />The most important method that can be used to investigate the social status of individuals based on burial in the cemetery of the Blue Mosque of Tabriz is to consider the quantity and quality of burial objects, in such a way that those burials which are rich in terms of objects are often regarded as the graves of wealthy individuals with a superior social base.<br />In this cemetery, there is not a significant relationship between the structure of the graves and the status of the people, and one cannot discern the difference of the individuals’ position according to the structure and dimensions of the graves. <br />In the cemetery of the Blue Mosque, women, like men, had equal privileges based on the quantity and quality of the burial objects. Therefore, we are faced with a society in which women have the same social privilege as men, and perhaps they have been higher than men. In some cases, objects such as bronze daggers or arrows are seen in the graves of women just like men, perhaps indicating their role in the society or their special status in relation to others and these objects may have been placed in their graves in order to protect them. Children and infants in this site have had the privilege of being buried with objects as adults.<br /> <br /> https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4110_c42f891cebbc81aa59f8f183243ac2b9.pdfBu Ali Sina UniversityArchaeological Research of Iran2345-5225112920210823Investigation of the Arjan Weir-bridge and Analysis of its Role in the Prosperity of Agricultural Economy Based on Historical Texts and Archaeological StudiesInvestigation of the Arjan Weir-bridge and Analysis of its Role in the Prosperity of Agricultural Economy Based on Historical Texts and Archaeological Studies119141411110.22084/nb.2020.22127.2173FAEbrahimRaiyganiAssistant Professor, Department of Archeology, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Neishabour University, Neishabour, Iran.Seyed MehdiMousavi KouhparProfessor, Department of Archeology, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Tarbiat Modares University, Tehran, Iran.Journal Article20200716The Arjan Weir Bridge in southwest Iran from the Sassanid era to the era of Muslim Arabs, including irrigation and water supply structures that geographers and historians paid attention to the Islamic Middle Ages was the first. The upper Weir Bridge of the Arjan is a huge structure with different uses that some geographical and historical sources have described. After the destruction of the upper Weir bridge, a smaller sample was built downstream of the river, from which little archaeological evidence has been obtained. There are few traces of the structure of the Arjan double Weir bridges and the present study is based on such a necessity to document the effect of the upper Weir Bridge on the Arjan economy. The purpose of the forthcoming research; Analysis of the existence of an upper Weir bridge in the prosperity of the agricultural economy of the Arjan is from the Sassanid era and the early Islamic centuries. This article seeks to answer the question of what was the position of the upper Weir Bridge in the prosperity and prosperity of the agricultural economy of Arjan region during the Sassanid era and the first centuries of Islam. Historical texts provide a relatively confusing description of the Weir bridges, especially the upper Weir bridges. The answer to the research question has been done by examining historical texts, analyzing the flow rate and output of canals similar to Qanats. All research data are obtained from archaeological surveys and basic hydrological data of today’s Maroon River route. This work by calculating the amount of water in the Arjan Weir Bridge Dam basin in its active and prosperous conditions. The result was that the amount of irrigation of thr Arjan Weir Bridge caused relatively extensive artificial irrigation in the lands of the northern part of the Arjan plain and the case study of wheat as a crop that the texts have repeatedly spoken of; based on water needs and calculation of OPTIWAT software has been a significant success in this area.
<strong>Keywords: </strong>Weir-Bridge, Arjan, Agricultural Economics, Irrigation, Sassanid Era and the First Islamic Centuries.
Introduction
Arjan or Argan was one of the six states of Fars province during the Sassanid and then the Islamic era in southwestern Iran and on the border between Fars and Khuzestan provinces. This State is described in the texts of Islamic times due to its active economic capacities and the special strategic position of land and sea; it has been of considerable importance in the Sassanid era and the centuries of Muslim Arab rule over this region. One of the reasons for paying attention to this area has been the fertile plains along with permanent rivers, including the Khairabad (Zohreh / Shirin) and Tab (Maroon / Jarahi) rivers. Therefore, there was an urgent need to control water through the construction of a Weir bridge for traffic as well as agriculture. On the other hand, Arjan water structures, including Weir bridges, as well as covered canals similar to Qanates, have suffered serious damage due to natural and human factors, and few traces of these structures have been left. On the other hand, the study of Arjan agricultural economy in Sassanid times and also the first Islamic centuries of Arjan region is considered as one of the undeniable necessities of reconstruction of cultural development trends in this region as the boundary between two important regions of Khuzestan and Fars.
<strong>Research Questions:</strong> Historical texts provided confusing and relatively irregular data on the structure of the Weir Bridge and how it operated in the days of prosperity. The first part of the research examines Islamic texts in this field. However, the present article seeks to answer an important question that has been proposed as follows: What was the position of double Weir bridges and especially the upper Weir Bridge in the prosperity of the agricultural economy of the Arjan region during the Sassanid era and the first centuries of Islam?
<strong>Research Method:</strong> In the present study, by combining information from historical texts and archaeological data, an attempt was made to investigate the effectiveness of this water structure by analyzing the historical description. The data obtained from hydrological computational studies were used in favor of agricultural economics analysis with the focus on the Arjan upper Weir Bridge to be able to cultivate some agricultural products with the help of OPTIWAT software and the impact of the Arjan Weir Bridge on the agricultural economy in Sassanid and Islamic Eras Turned on.
Identified Traces
The share of the Arjan state in archaeological studies in the field of water engineering is very small. In this research, an attempt was made to eliminate the lack of such information with survey studies as well as data obtained from hydrological studies. Therefore, the upper Weir Bridge of the Arjan was considered as the main center of research. The amount of incoming water as well as calculating the discharge of outgoing water through the openings holes installed in the body of the bridge was considered as the basis of irrigated agriculture.
If the average width of the river up to a distance of 3500 meters from the dam is considered 30 meters (this is the case today), the following relationship is formed:
In this regard, the desired A is the research area or the area of the basin triangle, b will be the base and h will be the height. Therefore, such a relationship can be defined as:
3500×30÷2=52500
m³52500×7=367500
Thus, the volume of water in Arjan Dam in normal and normal conditions was 367,500 cubic meters, which was directed to the agricultural lands and industrial uses in Arjan city and its suburbs through 9 Qanats entrances. Under normal conditions, the flow rate of Arjan Qanat entrances was about 35 liters per second, which in 9 valves of the Qanat in the dam body, a figure of about 315 liters per second, transferred water to agricultural lands. Due to the slope of the route and the arrangement of the entrances to the Qanats, more water flowed and a figure of about 90 liters per second was calculated. The total inflow of water was about 810 liters per second in 9 entrances of Qanats or canals. Out of this amount of water output; Based on the calculations of OPTIWAT software, the following relation is obtained:
810÷1000=0/81
M³0/81×3600×24=69984
Therefore, the volume of water that was discharged from Arjan Dam by Qanats and transferred to agricultural lands in 24 hours a day was about 69984 cubic meters. According to OPTIWAT software calculations, the maximum water requirement of the wheat plant in Behbahan plain is about 1.5 liters per second during the day. Therefore, despite the figure of 810 liters per second, approximately 540 hectares of the northern lands of Behbahan plain and around the city of the Arjan have been under irrigated cultivation, which is a significant figure in the Sassanid era and the first centuries of Islam.
Conclusion
Description of the Arjan Weir Bridge in geographical and historical texts of the first to middle Islamic centuries, although it can clarify some historical and structural features of this building; however, the confusion of the information obtained from these texts has necessitated an archaeological view of the functional importance of this irrigation and water supply structure. This Weir bridge with a relatively large pond as a source for feeding 9 canal openings was similar to the Qanat system, which included irrigation of farms around the city. As a result of the operation of this Weir Bridge, the water from the runoff of the Maroon River with a flow of 90 liters per second flows in each of the 9 canal openings and over 540 hectares of the Arjan plain lands are cultivated with artificial irrigation in 24 hours. Case study of a wheat plant as a product compatible with the region and also the product mentioned in most historical texts as the agricultural potential of Arjan from the early Islamic times based on calculations of OPTIWAT software is quite successful and the amount of water in the Arjan dam basin in one day’s ability to irrigate Shows significant areas under wheat cultivation.The Arjan Weir Bridge in southwest Iran from the Sassanid era to the era of Muslim Arabs, including irrigation and water supply structures that geographers and historians paid attention to the Islamic Middle Ages was the first. The upper Weir Bridge of the Arjan is a huge structure with different uses that some geographical and historical sources have described. After the destruction of the upper Weir bridge, a smaller sample was built downstream of the river, from which little archaeological evidence has been obtained. There are few traces of the structure of the Arjan double Weir bridges and the present study is based on such a necessity to document the effect of the upper Weir Bridge on the Arjan economy. The purpose of the forthcoming research; Analysis of the existence of an upper Weir bridge in the prosperity of the agricultural economy of the Arjan is from the Sassanid era and the early Islamic centuries. This article seeks to answer the question of what was the position of the upper Weir Bridge in the prosperity and prosperity of the agricultural economy of Arjan region during the Sassanid era and the first centuries of Islam. Historical texts provide a relatively confusing description of the Weir bridges, especially the upper Weir bridges. The answer to the research question has been done by examining historical texts, analyzing the flow rate and output of canals similar to Qanats. All research data are obtained from archaeological surveys and basic hydrological data of today’s Maroon River route. This work by calculating the amount of water in the Arjan Weir Bridge Dam basin in its active and prosperous conditions. The result was that the amount of irrigation of thr Arjan Weir Bridge caused relatively extensive artificial irrigation in the lands of the northern part of the Arjan plain and the case study of wheat as a crop that the texts have repeatedly spoken of; based on water needs and calculation of OPTIWAT software has been a significant success in this area.
<strong>Keywords: </strong>Weir-Bridge, Arjan, Agricultural Economics, Irrigation, Sassanid Era and the First Islamic Centuries.
Introduction
Arjan or Argan was one of the six states of Fars province during the Sassanid and then the Islamic era in southwestern Iran and on the border between Fars and Khuzestan provinces. This State is described in the texts of Islamic times due to its active economic capacities and the special strategic position of land and sea; it has been of considerable importance in the Sassanid era and the centuries of Muslim Arab rule over this region. One of the reasons for paying attention to this area has been the fertile plains along with permanent rivers, including the Khairabad (Zohreh / Shirin) and Tab (Maroon / Jarahi) rivers. Therefore, there was an urgent need to control water through the construction of a Weir bridge for traffic as well as agriculture. On the other hand, Arjan water structures, including Weir bridges, as well as covered canals similar to Qanates, have suffered serious damage due to natural and human factors, and few traces of these structures have been left. On the other hand, the study of Arjan agricultural economy in Sassanid times and also the first Islamic centuries of Arjan region is considered as one of the undeniable necessities of reconstruction of cultural development trends in this region as the boundary between two important regions of Khuzestan and Fars.
<strong>Research Questions:</strong> Historical texts provided confusing and relatively irregular data on the structure of the Weir Bridge and how it operated in the days of prosperity. The first part of the research examines Islamic texts in this field. However, the present article seeks to answer an important question that has been proposed as follows: What was the position of double Weir bridges and especially the upper Weir Bridge in the prosperity of the agricultural economy of the Arjan region during the Sassanid era and the first centuries of Islam?
<strong>Research Method:</strong> In the present study, by combining information from historical texts and archaeological data, an attempt was made to investigate the effectiveness of this water structure by analyzing the historical description. The data obtained from hydrological computational studies were used in favor of agricultural economics analysis with the focus on the Arjan upper Weir Bridge to be able to cultivate some agricultural products with the help of OPTIWAT software and the impact of the Arjan Weir Bridge on the agricultural economy in Sassanid and Islamic Eras Turned on.
Identified Traces
The share of the Arjan state in archaeological studies in the field of water engineering is very small. In this research, an attempt was made to eliminate the lack of such information with survey studies as well as data obtained from hydrological studies. Therefore, the upper Weir Bridge of the Arjan was considered as the main center of research. The amount of incoming water as well as calculating the discharge of outgoing water through the openings holes installed in the body of the bridge was considered as the basis of irrigated agriculture.
If the average width of the river up to a distance of 3500 meters from the dam is considered 30 meters (this is the case today), the following relationship is formed:
In this regard, the desired A is the research area or the area of the basin triangle, b will be the base and h will be the height. Therefore, such a relationship can be defined as:
3500×30÷2=52500
m³52500×7=367500
Thus, the volume of water in Arjan Dam in normal and normal conditions was 367,500 cubic meters, which was directed to the agricultural lands and industrial uses in Arjan city and its suburbs through 9 Qanats entrances. Under normal conditions, the flow rate of Arjan Qanat entrances was about 35 liters per second, which in 9 valves of the Qanat in the dam body, a figure of about 315 liters per second, transferred water to agricultural lands. Due to the slope of the route and the arrangement of the entrances to the Qanats, more water flowed and a figure of about 90 liters per second was calculated. The total inflow of water was about 810 liters per second in 9 entrances of Qanats or canals. Out of this amount of water output; Based on the calculations of OPTIWAT software, the following relation is obtained:
810÷1000=0/81
M³0/81×3600×24=69984
Therefore, the volume of water that was discharged from Arjan Dam by Qanats and transferred to agricultural lands in 24 hours a day was about 69984 cubic meters. According to OPTIWAT software calculations, the maximum water requirement of the wheat plant in Behbahan plain is about 1.5 liters per second during the day. Therefore, despite the figure of 810 liters per second, approximately 540 hectares of the northern lands of Behbahan plain and around the city of the Arjan have been under irrigated cultivation, which is a significant figure in the Sassanid era and the first centuries of Islam.
Conclusion
Description of the Arjan Weir Bridge in geographical and historical texts of the first to middle Islamic centuries, although it can clarify some historical and structural features of this building; however, the confusion of the information obtained from these texts has necessitated an archaeological view of the functional importance of this irrigation and water supply structure. This Weir bridge with a relatively large pond as a source for feeding 9 canal openings was similar to the Qanat system, which included irrigation of farms around the city. As a result of the operation of this Weir Bridge, the water from the runoff of the Maroon River with a flow of 90 liters per second flows in each of the 9 canal openings and over 540 hectares of the Arjan plain lands are cultivated with artificial irrigation in 24 hours. Case study of a wheat plant as a product compatible with the region and also the product mentioned in most historical texts as the agricultural potential of Arjan from the early Islamic times based on calculations of OPTIWAT software is quite successful and the amount of water in the Arjan dam basin in one day’s ability to irrigate Shows significant areas under wheat cultivation.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4111_64f07f012a35c83d7c556ba0b69ef64e.pdfBu Ali Sina UniversityArchaeological Research of Iran2345-5225112920210823Archaeological Research and Study of Fuqqāʿa Jar According to the Findings Discovered in Shahr-e Rey (Typology, Chronology, Production Process and Technology, etc.)Archaeological Research and Study of Fuqqāʿa Jar According to the Findings Discovered in Shahr-e Rey (Typology, Chronology, Production Process and Technology, etc.)143164411210.22084/nbsh.2020.21400.2112FAMohsenSaadatiPh.D. in Archeology of the Islamic Period, Department of Archeology, Faculty of Humanities, Tarbiat Modares University, Tehran, Iran.Journal Article20200411One of the common forms of pottery in the Islamic world is a pottery vessel called “Fuqqāʿa”, which has many ambiguities in terms of form, technique, use, chronology and geographical scope. The present research has been conducted according to the data obtained from the archaeological excavation of Babak Street in the city of Rey, as well as the scattered Fuqqāʿa evidence and data from the previous excavations of Shahr-e Rey, especially the remains of the Fuqqāʿa kiln in Deilaman district of Shahr-e Rey, as the only and the most important evidence of the existence of a Fuqqāʿa kiln in Iran. The careful study and identification of this pottery and its characteristics are among the most important objectives of this research. The current study seeks to answer several questions: 1- At what point in time did the Fuqqāʿa jar become popular in Iran and the Islamic world, and when did its use become obsolete? 2- What has been the exact use of this jar, and typologically, to how many categories is this type of jar divided? 3- Where is the origin of Fuqqāʿa jar based on the existing archaeological evidence? According to archeological evidence, the Fuqqāʿa jar has been popular since the first Islamic centuries until the end of the eighth century AH. Different researchers have mentioned various uses for this jar over the years, indicating that this type of jar may have been used for different purposes according to two factor: time and the geographical area. The results of the study show that since Fuqqāʿa has been obtained from residential and domestic areas, this jar may have been applied for domestic uses. Its body decorations and the very narrow opening indicate the preservation of special materials in it. According to the form, shape and body decorations, Fuqqāʿa jar is divided into three types: the early Fuqqāʿa (from the early Islamic centuries to the end of the third century AH); the middle Fuqqāʿa (from the 4th to the 6th century AH); and the later Fuqqāʿa (7th and the 8th centuries AH). In Iran, this jar has been obtained from important cities such as Rey, Nishabur, Susa, Jiroft, Takht-e Soleiman, Jorjan, Soltanieh and Ojan (Bostanabad) and outside Iran from regions such as Fustat, Alexandria, Jerusalem, Sidon, Damascus, Baalbek, Tripoli, Homs, Raqqa, Tbilisi, Samarra, Merv, Balkh, Lashkari Bazaar, Ghazni, Samarkand, Khojand and Tashkent. Archaeological excavations on Deilaman Street in Rey have revealed the architectural remains of two kilns that the existence of evidence such as Fuqqāʿa jars and furnace welding suggest the mass production of this type of jar in Rey region. .<br /><strong>Keywords: </strong>Fuqqāʿa Jar, Production Centers, Typology, Use, Chronology, Archaeological Excavation, Shahr-e Rey.<br /> <br />Introduction<br />The Fuqqāʿa Jar, known by various names such as the heavy bergamot-shaped and sometimes spherical-conical jar, has a heavy, bergamot-shaped structure with a narrow mouth and a prominent body. Researchers have expressed different views on the uses of Fuqqāʿa Jar. Some comments can be accepted or rejected depending on the reasons and documents. Some have argued that these containers were used for storing wine, which is mostly based on historical texts, some inscriptions on the body of this container, and the poems of poets. Due to the shape of this very narrow jar, the possibility of using them for drinking wine seems to be ruled out to some extent. Also, in some Fuqqāʿa Jars, the inner sides are porous and have adsorption properties, preventing the retention of liquid materials in it. Also, the narrow and thin mouth of the container makes it difficult to keep wine inside it. Other scholars refer to this container as a hand grenade or a Greek fire, based on its resemblance to new grenades. But this type of use for Fuqqāʿa Jar also had its own criticisms; one of the most important criticisms of this theory is the existence of decorations on the jar body. Because why a container created for explosion, should have such decorations?<br /> <br />Identified Traces<br />Another use suggested for Fuqqāʿa Jar is ventilators or fire blowers. According to some researchers, due to the fact that this object was found in domestic areas, it may have been used for domestic uses, but there are also reasons to reject this hypothesis; the narrow mouth of these containers prevents them from being filled with water or flammable liquid. Moreover, the decoration of the body of this jar rejects its use for inside the fire. One of the most important hypotheses for the use of Fuqqāʿa Jar is the storage of drugs and mercury. This theory is based on elemental analysis. One of the significant doubts to prove this use is that this jar was not seen in any of the old mercury mines. Various other theories have been proposed for the use of this jar based on iconography in contemporary periods, including perfume containers, water pipes (hookah), clubs, oil containers and storage of sanitary powders. .<br /> <br />Conclusion<br />Generally, Fuqa jar, as one of the most controversial examples of pottery in the Islamic era, has always had ambiguities regarding its use, typology, chronology, its important production centers and production kilns. According to the samples studied here, the main feature of this jar form is a very narrow mouth and spherical and conical body. Different researchers have proposed different uses for this jar over the years, which seems to have been used with different applications due to two factors of time and geographical area. Despite different theories mentioned for the use of this jar, reasons to accept and reject them have also been proposed. However, apparently this jar has been used for domestic purposes since it has been obtained from residential and domestic areas. Also, the body decorations and its very narrow mouth indicate the storage of special materials like perfume, mercury, etc. Fuqqāʿa Jar has been obtained from most important sites and ancient cities of the Seljuk and Ilkhanid periods. In Iran, this jar is obtained from important cities such as Rey, Neishabour, Susa, Jiroft, Takht-e Soleiman, Jorjan, Soltanieh and Ojan (Bostanabad) and in cities outside Iran like Fustat, Alexandria, Jerusalem, Sidon, Damascus, Baalbek, Tripoli, Homs, Raqqa, Tbilisi, Samarra, Merv, Balkh, Lashkari Bazaar, Ghazni, Samarkand, Khujand and Tashkent. Additionally, based on its distribution in ancient sites, Fuqqāʿa has been used from the early Islamic centuries to the eighth century AH. In this research, based on form, shape and the body decorations, a typology is proposed for this jar; early Fuqqāʿa (early Islamic centuries until the end of the third century AH), middle Fuqqāʿa (fourth to sixth centuries AH) and late Fuqqāʿa (seventh and eighth centuries AH). The study of poems related to Fuqqāʿa Jar also indicates the use of this jar by poets from the third century to the eighth century AH.<br />One of the remarkable issues about the Fuqa jar is its production kiln. In this research, the only Fuqa kiln in Iran is studied for the first time. It seems that in the Fuqa production kiln, more heat was given to it than other types of pottery. In fact, the jar is so strong that if it falls to the ground, it is very unlikely to break. According to historical texts, Rey and Kermanshah are important centers for the production of Fuqqāʿa in Iran. However, archaeological evidence and data obtained in Deylaman Street of Rey city (1991), revealed remains of the architecture of two kilns, which according to the plan and archaeological data, including the Fuqqāʿa Jar and Kiln welding, indicate the mass production of this jar in Rey. Furthermore, other important archeological evidence in Rey suggests the importance of Fuqqāʿa Jar in this region, especially in the Seljuk period.One of the common forms of pottery in the Islamic world is a pottery vessel called “Fuqqāʿa”, which has many ambiguities in terms of form, technique, use, chronology and geographical scope. The present research has been conducted according to the data obtained from the archaeological excavation of Babak Street in the city of Rey, as well as the scattered Fuqqāʿa evidence and data from the previous excavations of Shahr-e Rey, especially the remains of the Fuqqāʿa kiln in Deilaman district of Shahr-e Rey, as the only and the most important evidence of the existence of a Fuqqāʿa kiln in Iran. The careful study and identification of this pottery and its characteristics are among the most important objectives of this research. The current study seeks to answer several questions: 1- At what point in time did the Fuqqāʿa jar become popular in Iran and the Islamic world, and when did its use become obsolete? 2- What has been the exact use of this jar, and typologically, to how many categories is this type of jar divided? 3- Where is the origin of Fuqqāʿa jar based on the existing archaeological evidence? According to archeological evidence, the Fuqqāʿa jar has been popular since the first Islamic centuries until the end of the eighth century AH. Different researchers have mentioned various uses for this jar over the years, indicating that this type of jar may have been used for different purposes according to two factor: time and the geographical area. The results of the study show that since Fuqqāʿa has been obtained from residential and domestic areas, this jar may have been applied for domestic uses. Its body decorations and the very narrow opening indicate the preservation of special materials in it. According to the form, shape and body decorations, Fuqqāʿa jar is divided into three types: the early Fuqqāʿa (from the early Islamic centuries to the end of the third century AH); the middle Fuqqāʿa (from the 4th to the 6th century AH); and the later Fuqqāʿa (7th and the 8th centuries AH). In Iran, this jar has been obtained from important cities such as Rey, Nishabur, Susa, Jiroft, Takht-e Soleiman, Jorjan, Soltanieh and Ojan (Bostanabad) and outside Iran from regions such as Fustat, Alexandria, Jerusalem, Sidon, Damascus, Baalbek, Tripoli, Homs, Raqqa, Tbilisi, Samarra, Merv, Balkh, Lashkari Bazaar, Ghazni, Samarkand, Khojand and Tashkent. Archaeological excavations on Deilaman Street in Rey have revealed the architectural remains of two kilns that the existence of evidence such as Fuqqāʿa jars and furnace welding suggest the mass production of this type of jar in Rey region. .<br /><strong>Keywords: </strong>Fuqqāʿa Jar, Production Centers, Typology, Use, Chronology, Archaeological Excavation, Shahr-e Rey.<br /> <br />Introduction<br />The Fuqqāʿa Jar, known by various names such as the heavy bergamot-shaped and sometimes spherical-conical jar, has a heavy, bergamot-shaped structure with a narrow mouth and a prominent body. Researchers have expressed different views on the uses of Fuqqāʿa Jar. Some comments can be accepted or rejected depending on the reasons and documents. Some have argued that these containers were used for storing wine, which is mostly based on historical texts, some inscriptions on the body of this container, and the poems of poets. Due to the shape of this very narrow jar, the possibility of using them for drinking wine seems to be ruled out to some extent. Also, in some Fuqqāʿa Jars, the inner sides are porous and have adsorption properties, preventing the retention of liquid materials in it. Also, the narrow and thin mouth of the container makes it difficult to keep wine inside it. Other scholars refer to this container as a hand grenade or a Greek fire, based on its resemblance to new grenades. But this type of use for Fuqqāʿa Jar also had its own criticisms; one of the most important criticisms of this theory is the existence of decorations on the jar body. Because why a container created for explosion, should have such decorations?<br /> <br />Identified Traces<br />Another use suggested for Fuqqāʿa Jar is ventilators or fire blowers. According to some researchers, due to the fact that this object was found in domestic areas, it may have been used for domestic uses, but there are also reasons to reject this hypothesis; the narrow mouth of these containers prevents them from being filled with water or flammable liquid. Moreover, the decoration of the body of this jar rejects its use for inside the fire. One of the most important hypotheses for the use of Fuqqāʿa Jar is the storage of drugs and mercury. This theory is based on elemental analysis. One of the significant doubts to prove this use is that this jar was not seen in any of the old mercury mines. Various other theories have been proposed for the use of this jar based on iconography in contemporary periods, including perfume containers, water pipes (hookah), clubs, oil containers and storage of sanitary powders. .<br /> <br />Conclusion<br />Generally, Fuqa jar, as one of the most controversial examples of pottery in the Islamic era, has always had ambiguities regarding its use, typology, chronology, its important production centers and production kilns. According to the samples studied here, the main feature of this jar form is a very narrow mouth and spherical and conical body. Different researchers have proposed different uses for this jar over the years, which seems to have been used with different applications due to two factors of time and geographical area. Despite different theories mentioned for the use of this jar, reasons to accept and reject them have also been proposed. However, apparently this jar has been used for domestic purposes since it has been obtained from residential and domestic areas. Also, the body decorations and its very narrow mouth indicate the storage of special materials like perfume, mercury, etc. Fuqqāʿa Jar has been obtained from most important sites and ancient cities of the Seljuk and Ilkhanid periods. In Iran, this jar is obtained from important cities such as Rey, Neishabour, Susa, Jiroft, Takht-e Soleiman, Jorjan, Soltanieh and Ojan (Bostanabad) and in cities outside Iran like Fustat, Alexandria, Jerusalem, Sidon, Damascus, Baalbek, Tripoli, Homs, Raqqa, Tbilisi, Samarra, Merv, Balkh, Lashkari Bazaar, Ghazni, Samarkand, Khujand and Tashkent. Additionally, based on its distribution in ancient sites, Fuqqāʿa has been used from the early Islamic centuries to the eighth century AH. In this research, based on form, shape and the body decorations, a typology is proposed for this jar; early Fuqqāʿa (early Islamic centuries until the end of the third century AH), middle Fuqqāʿa (fourth to sixth centuries AH) and late Fuqqāʿa (seventh and eighth centuries AH). The study of poems related to Fuqqāʿa Jar also indicates the use of this jar by poets from the third century to the eighth century AH.<br />One of the remarkable issues about the Fuqa jar is its production kiln. In this research, the only Fuqa kiln in Iran is studied for the first time. It seems that in the Fuqa production kiln, more heat was given to it than other types of pottery. In fact, the jar is so strong that if it falls to the ground, it is very unlikely to break. According to historical texts, Rey and Kermanshah are important centers for the production of Fuqqāʿa in Iran. However, archaeological evidence and data obtained in Deylaman Street of Rey city (1991), revealed remains of the architecture of two kilns, which according to the plan and archaeological data, including the Fuqqāʿa Jar and Kiln welding, indicate the mass production of this jar in Rey. Furthermore, other important archeological evidence in Rey suggests the importance of Fuqqāʿa Jar in this region, especially in the Seljuk period.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4112_fdeea652a89ec3e970d22a86698ac8c4.pdfBu Ali Sina UniversityArchaeological Research of Iran2345-5225112920210823Recognition of Neighborhood Native Open Spaces in Hamadan Community CentersRecognition of Neighborhood Native Open Spaces in Hamadan Community Centers165182411310.22084/nbsh.2020.14999.1663FASeyed MajidMofidi ShemiraniAssistant Professor, Faculty of Architecture and Urban Planning, University of Science and Technology, Tehran, Iran.Seyedeh FaezehEtemad SheykholeslamiAssistant Professor, Faculty of Civil Engineering and Architecture, Malayer University, Malayer, Iran.Mohamad EbrahimZareiProfessor, Department of Archeology, Faculty of Art and Architecture, Bu-Ali Sina University, Hamadan, Iran.0000-0002-6165-1312Seyed RezaMortezaiAssistant Professor, Faculty of Architecture and Urban Planning, University of Science and Technology, Tehran, Iran.Journal Article20171112The signs of the stability of each space are along with the dynamism over different generations. The neighborhood-centered system in Hamadan, Iran, represents dynamic neighborhoods over the years. Hamadan is composed of 50 neighborhoods possessing open squares in the center with markets and public spaces surrounding, named “Chaman” as the core of community in the best location to access urban nodes of several major passages, center of association, and social interactions of the neighborhood residents. In the urban texture from the Parthian period to the first Pahlavi, Hamadan has enjoyed the strongest and most dynamic center of neighborhoods that has consolidated the neighborhood-oriented system, having formed to respond to the existential dimensions of mankind and is a comprehensive supplier of residents` essential needs. Therefore, in addition to the Chaman space, this structure has cultural-religious and commercial spaces to meet the environmental, religious, and economic needs of residents. The archetype of Chaman can be restored as a model in accordance with Islamic culture and adapted to the climatic conditions in the city and in the design of new cities.<br />The strategy used in this historical-interpretative research is based on the collection of information with library studies and field surveys. To conduct library studies, the repertoire of the research resource has been provided, including the general characteristics of the source, image, abstract, research process and referral cases. In order to conduct field studies, the physical identity repertoire has been set up in five physical, environmental, cultural, economic and cultural characteristic sections.<br /><strong>Keywords: </strong>Hamadan, Chaman, Neighborhood Center, Square, Neighborhood Open Space.<br /> <br />Introduction<br />The continuous change of the city’s image due to the ever-increasing development of the human being, after a few years away from birthplace, makes individuals so unfamiliar with that city that the past memories of the streets and alleys of the city are not associated at all. The same goes for the alternate changes in the principles of architecture and urbanization, and in particular the design of neighborhoods. Despite the current situation, in parts of the historical city of Hamadan, there are found neighborhoods preserving their Iranian-Islamic identity, representing a living space the design basis of which has been human, needs and behavior. The central area of the historical city of Hamadan has been formed from bordering and intermingling old neighborhoods, with the center of the neighborhood, which is the main identity of the neighborhood known as Chaman. Each of these in the past, there were about fifty neighborhoods in Hamadan, more than half of which had Chaman space.<br />The identification of the model of Chaman space as a stable neighborhood pattern in achieving the open space design and modeling strategies in the design of new townships with neighborhood center-based structure and the introduction of templates and referral patterns for the reconstruction of the native neighborhood center are the objectives of this research.<br /><strong>The Hypotheses of This Research are as Follows:</strong> The Chaman is the dominant pattern of architecture and urbanization of the center of the native neighborhoods of Hamadan, which is an important physical space in the architecture and urbanization of Hamadan and the structure used in the center of Hamadan neighborhoods is of the most valuable historical urban structures in Iran. Therefore, some questioned are presented to be analyzed.<br />What is the main structure of the center of the native neighborhoods of Hamadan? What role has the Chaman played in Hamadan historical texture? How valuable is Chaman in Hamadan’s native culture?<br />Naming native open spaces of Hamadan has been seen in several sources with the following words: Chaman (Gharogozloo, 2009: 47), Square (Mehryar, 2008: 54), Neighborhood Center (Biglari, 1977: 58; Kiani, 1989) and field (Iran Housing Development, 1992).<br />The Chaman includes the characteristics of the first three types of fields in the category of Zucker (Zucker, 1970); an enclosed field that is considered as a complete space and directed to the dominant element, which is the neighborhood mosque. This core field is formed mainly around the center in green space.<br /> <br /> <br />History of Hamadan Neighborhoods<br />Hamadan city is located in the Alvand mountain zone in Iran. It is located at 1741.5 M and 34 52 N and 48 32 E.<br /> <br />Formation of Hamadan Neighborhood Before Islam<br />The dominant feature of Hamadan has been the existence of numerous gardens and fountains reflecting the formation of neighborhoods semen based on water and trees. It seems that during this period, the bazaar was added as one of the main elements of the neighborhoods, which flourished in the Islamic period.<br /> <br />The Prosperity and Flourishing of Hamadan Neighborhoods: The Islamic Period<br />Because of the sanctity, the mosques are the most important element remained as the center of the Hamadan neighborhoods and make it easy to recognize the location of the forgotten neighborhoods. Evidence suggests that these mosques were constructed in the neighborhoods of the city after the Safavid period. (Zarei, 2011: 70) Regarding the numerous number of neighbors, it can be said that the flourishing era of Chaman space and neighborhood structure in Hamadan was the late Qajar. <br /> <br />Terminology of Chaman<br />In a comprehensive definition of the Chaman space, considering the structure and the physical elements and social, economic and environmental characteristics. The field Chaman is enclosed with a geometric form in the core of the neighborhood with the best access location, which is the communicative node of several important urban centers, the center of gathering and a social intermediary community that meets the needs of the people with the necessary uses including mosques, baths, marketplaces, and water and plant elements. Hosseinieh, Imamzadeh and Saghakhaneh are among the most common cultural spaces around Chaman, and bakery, butchers, groceries and small manufacturing factories such as shoe and carpentry are the most popular.<br /> <br />Conclusion<br />Known as the center of neighborhood, green closed Square, the neighborhood open space is recognized in Hamadan as Chaman.<br />The history mentioned for the Chaman spaces as the center of the green and historical neighborhoods of Hamadan dates back to the time of the Parthians (the third century BC) and still in the sixth and seventeenth century the Hamadan neighborhoods were mentioned. In the Safavid era, besides the bath and market, the mosques are also the main elements of the structure of the Chaman spaces and added to the important elements of the market during the Qajar era. Evidence suggests that the years 1871 to 1921 (the late Qajar) experienced the peak and flourishing years of Hamadan neighborhood when the number of neighborhoods in the main structure of the city reached 51.<br />The identification of 51 neighborhoods before the 1945th Lunar years and then the introduction of 42 neighborhoods after about seventy years in 1973 and eventually taking into account the 25 existing or damaged neighborhoods in the next twenty years in 1992, shows the process of demolition and destruction of the Hamadan neighborhoods by the streets. This trend tend to continue, as there are now a handful of originality neighborhoods. The word “Chaman”, is the prefix of the center of Hamadan neighborhoods, and at least the name of 13 neighborhoods registered with that prefix, has a place, definition and value in the indigenous culture of Hamadan.The signs of the stability of each space are along with the dynamism over different generations. The neighborhood-centered system in Hamadan, Iran, represents dynamic neighborhoods over the years. Hamadan is composed of 50 neighborhoods possessing open squares in the center with markets and public spaces surrounding, named “Chaman” as the core of community in the best location to access urban nodes of several major passages, center of association, and social interactions of the neighborhood residents. In the urban texture from the Parthian period to the first Pahlavi, Hamadan has enjoyed the strongest and most dynamic center of neighborhoods that has consolidated the neighborhood-oriented system, having formed to respond to the existential dimensions of mankind and is a comprehensive supplier of residents` essential needs. Therefore, in addition to the Chaman space, this structure has cultural-religious and commercial spaces to meet the environmental, religious, and economic needs of residents. The archetype of Chaman can be restored as a model in accordance with Islamic culture and adapted to the climatic conditions in the city and in the design of new cities.<br />The strategy used in this historical-interpretative research is based on the collection of information with library studies and field surveys. To conduct library studies, the repertoire of the research resource has been provided, including the general characteristics of the source, image, abstract, research process and referral cases. In order to conduct field studies, the physical identity repertoire has been set up in five physical, environmental, cultural, economic and cultural characteristic sections.<br /><strong>Keywords: </strong>Hamadan, Chaman, Neighborhood Center, Square, Neighborhood Open Space.<br /> <br />Introduction<br />The continuous change of the city’s image due to the ever-increasing development of the human being, after a few years away from birthplace, makes individuals so unfamiliar with that city that the past memories of the streets and alleys of the city are not associated at all. The same goes for the alternate changes in the principles of architecture and urbanization, and in particular the design of neighborhoods. Despite the current situation, in parts of the historical city of Hamadan, there are found neighborhoods preserving their Iranian-Islamic identity, representing a living space the design basis of which has been human, needs and behavior. The central area of the historical city of Hamadan has been formed from bordering and intermingling old neighborhoods, with the center of the neighborhood, which is the main identity of the neighborhood known as Chaman. Each of these in the past, there were about fifty neighborhoods in Hamadan, more than half of which had Chaman space.<br />The identification of the model of Chaman space as a stable neighborhood pattern in achieving the open space design and modeling strategies in the design of new townships with neighborhood center-based structure and the introduction of templates and referral patterns for the reconstruction of the native neighborhood center are the objectives of this research.<br /><strong>The Hypotheses of This Research are as Follows:</strong> The Chaman is the dominant pattern of architecture and urbanization of the center of the native neighborhoods of Hamadan, which is an important physical space in the architecture and urbanization of Hamadan and the structure used in the center of Hamadan neighborhoods is of the most valuable historical urban structures in Iran. Therefore, some questioned are presented to be analyzed.<br />What is the main structure of the center of the native neighborhoods of Hamadan? What role has the Chaman played in Hamadan historical texture? How valuable is Chaman in Hamadan’s native culture?<br />Naming native open spaces of Hamadan has been seen in several sources with the following words: Chaman (Gharogozloo, 2009: 47), Square (Mehryar, 2008: 54), Neighborhood Center (Biglari, 1977: 58; Kiani, 1989) and field (Iran Housing Development, 1992).<br />The Chaman includes the characteristics of the first three types of fields in the category of Zucker (Zucker, 1970); an enclosed field that is considered as a complete space and directed to the dominant element, which is the neighborhood mosque. This core field is formed mainly around the center in green space.<br /> <br /> <br />History of Hamadan Neighborhoods<br />Hamadan city is located in the Alvand mountain zone in Iran. It is located at 1741.5 M and 34 52 N and 48 32 E.<br /> <br />Formation of Hamadan Neighborhood Before Islam<br />The dominant feature of Hamadan has been the existence of numerous gardens and fountains reflecting the formation of neighborhoods semen based on water and trees. It seems that during this period, the bazaar was added as one of the main elements of the neighborhoods, which flourished in the Islamic period.<br /> <br />The Prosperity and Flourishing of Hamadan Neighborhoods: The Islamic Period<br />Because of the sanctity, the mosques are the most important element remained as the center of the Hamadan neighborhoods and make it easy to recognize the location of the forgotten neighborhoods. Evidence suggests that these mosques were constructed in the neighborhoods of the city after the Safavid period. (Zarei, 2011: 70) Regarding the numerous number of neighbors, it can be said that the flourishing era of Chaman space and neighborhood structure in Hamadan was the late Qajar. <br /> <br />Terminology of Chaman<br />In a comprehensive definition of the Chaman space, considering the structure and the physical elements and social, economic and environmental characteristics. The field Chaman is enclosed with a geometric form in the core of the neighborhood with the best access location, which is the communicative node of several important urban centers, the center of gathering and a social intermediary community that meets the needs of the people with the necessary uses including mosques, baths, marketplaces, and water and plant elements. Hosseinieh, Imamzadeh and Saghakhaneh are among the most common cultural spaces around Chaman, and bakery, butchers, groceries and small manufacturing factories such as shoe and carpentry are the most popular.<br /> <br />Conclusion<br />Known as the center of neighborhood, green closed Square, the neighborhood open space is recognized in Hamadan as Chaman.<br />The history mentioned for the Chaman spaces as the center of the green and historical neighborhoods of Hamadan dates back to the time of the Parthians (the third century BC) and still in the sixth and seventeenth century the Hamadan neighborhoods were mentioned. In the Safavid era, besides the bath and market, the mosques are also the main elements of the structure of the Chaman spaces and added to the important elements of the market during the Qajar era. Evidence suggests that the years 1871 to 1921 (the late Qajar) experienced the peak and flourishing years of Hamadan neighborhood when the number of neighborhoods in the main structure of the city reached 51.<br />The identification of 51 neighborhoods before the 1945th Lunar years and then the introduction of 42 neighborhoods after about seventy years in 1973 and eventually taking into account the 25 existing or damaged neighborhoods in the next twenty years in 1992, shows the process of demolition and destruction of the Hamadan neighborhoods by the streets. This trend tend to continue, as there are now a handful of originality neighborhoods. The word “Chaman”, is the prefix of the center of Hamadan neighborhoods, and at least the name of 13 neighborhoods registered with that prefix, has a place, definition and value in the indigenous culture of Hamadan.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4113_4ee78d4122ef8503fe01cdad3e9ea4ee.pdfBu Ali Sina UniversityArchaeological Research of Iran2345-5225112920210823Introducing and Studying the Decoration of the Mihrab of Baba Afzal Kashani’s Tomb for More Accurate Dating of the MihrabIntroducing and Studying the Decoration of the Mihrab of Baba Afzal Kashani’s Tomb for More Accurate Dating of the Mihrab183202411410.22084/nbsh.2019.19149.1943FABaharehTaghavi NejadAssistant Professor, Department of Handicrafts, Faculty of Handicrafts, Isfahan University of Arts, Isfahan, Iran.AhmadSalehi KakhkiAssociate Professor, Department of Archeology, Faculty of Conservation and Restoration, Isfahan University of Arts,0000-0002-1849-0701Journal Article20190519The Mihrabs of the Ilkhanid period is one of the most magnificent elements of the eighth century AH architecture, which is ultimately beautiful and exquisite, made in most of the provinces of the country and in buildings with different uses (mosques, tombs, Imamzadeh, etc). Kashan is one of the regions that, due to its historical background, has benefited from the existence of these stucco Mihrabs in the course of the historic period. The tomb of Baba Afzal Kashani, located in the village of Marq in Karkhan, is one of the buildings that has been adorned with a stuccoed Mihrab of the eighth century AH. The present study deals with the analysis of the structure (general shape), plant and geometric designs, inscriptions and their composition in the aforementioned stucco Mihrab and intends to emphasize its assignment to the eighth century AH by explaining the characteristics of the visual features of the designs and their composition used in this Mihrab and comparing it with some samples of dated plaster works. So, the main question of this research are as follows: What are the significant features of the decorations of the Mihrab of Baba Afzal Tomb and to what extent are these characteristics similar to the Mihrabs or the plaster works of eighth century AH? The data was collected through field research, i.e. photography- linear analysis of the images, and based on written resources which analyze the data obtained from the study samples through a comparative historical approach. The results show that plant motifs, i.e. arabesque and Khataie, and especially their unique decorations, i.e. using geometric, tear-like Ajdekari, multi- level, dense and unstructured compositions, Thuluth inscription of the Mihrab border in a background of plant motifs (Khate stem with lilies/ lotus), the method of creating the Thuluth inscription letters and the way to use geometric motifs in the tomb of Baba Afzal are similar to other Mihrabs and plaster works of eighth century, especially those located in Isfahan and Tehran. It is worth noting, however, that in structural terms, the arch shape (angular form) in the second blind arcade of the Mihrab of Baba Afzal is similar to stucco Mihrabs or the golden tiling (seventh and eighth centuries) of Kashan.
<strong>Keywords: </strong>Ilkhanid Period, Tomb of Baba Afzal, Stucco Mihrabs, Motifs, Composition, Inscription.
Introduction
The variety and abundance of stucco Mihrab in the Ilkhanid period and their distribution in Iran will open many fields of study to researchers that require careful and thorough investigation. Decorations of these stucco Mihrabs are also considered as their characteristic, which have been implemented by different techniques and can be considered as a factor in their identification and relative dating because only a few examples of these Mihrabs have construction date and artist autograph, and others were attributed to the eighth century due to their location in the Ilkhanid monuments or their style of decoration and construction (for example, the Mihrabs of Imamzadeh Rabieh Khatun in Oshtorjan (1308 AD) and Oljayto (1310 AD)). The tomb of Baba Afzal Kashani, located in the village of Marq in Karkhan, is one of the buildings that has been adorned with a Stuccoed Mihrab of the eighth century AH. The present study deals with the analysis of the structure (general shape), plant and geometric designs, inscriptions and their composition in the aforementioned stucco Mihrab and intends to emphasize its assignment to the eighth century AH by explaining the characteristics of the visual features of the designs and their composition used in this Mihrab and comparing it with some samples of dated plaster works. So the main question of this research are as follows: What are the significant decorations of the Mihrab of Baba Afzal Tomb and to what extent are these characteristics similar to the Mihrabs or the plaster works of eighth century AH? In which of the dated Mihrabs or stucco decorations attributed to the 8th century, it is possible to find significant features of the (plant, geometric) decorations and inscriptions? The data was collected through field research, i.e. photography- linear analysis of the images, and based on written resources which analyze the data obtained from the study samples through a comparative historical approach. Examples selected for comparison with Baba Afzal Kashani’s stucco mihrab include: the stucco decorations of Imamzadeh Yahya in Varamin (1307 AD), the stucco mihrab of Imamzadeh Rabieh Khatun in Oshtorjan, Isfahan (1308 AD); and the stucco mihrabs of eighth century as follows: Miandeh Mosque in Ghamsar, Kashan, Imamzadeh Fazl and Yahya in Mahalat, Mirzabir Monument in Sirjan and Kermani Mosque in Torbat-e Jam.
Conclusion
The features of the visual index in this Mihrab, which are similar to those found in other stucco Mihrabs or decorations dated to the eighth century AH, are:
Using angular arch in the Mihrab arcade
Using the composition of the (Cathay) plant motifs in the background of the main (Thuluth) inscription of the Mihrab
Using heart-shaped and recurring motifs on the margins
Enjoying multilayer composition (Placing slender and twisted arabesques in the background of delicate plant motifs), and
Layout of dense arabesques, so that no background space is seen.
Similarities in plant motifs include lotus leaves and flowers, simple or non-decorated arabesques, and the use of bulky and elaborate arabesques with varied Ajehkari decorations. Other similarities are the use of nodes based on a regular hexagon and a hexagonal star combined with plant motifs, as well as simple geometrical combinations often found on narrow margins. Ajdekari are other geometric ornaments that are used with triangles, hexagonal star/ hexagons, and circle and are similar to eighth century ones. The use of the Thuluth inscription on the background of the plant motifs on the main margin of the Mihrab, the presence of a knot-like ornamentation in the upper right corner (left and right) of the main margin, the Kufic inscription containing the word (محمد) with the same composition, and diversion of letters in the Thuluth inscriptions are considered as other reasons that can emphasize the assignment of the sanctuary of Baba Afzal Kashani to the eighth century (probably the first quarter). Other similarities include the composition of the arabesque strap and the delicate plant stem in its background, the formal and decorative features in the plant motifs of the Baba Afzal Mihrab arcade common with the Imamzadeh Rabiehh Khatun Mihrab in Isfahan and Mirzabir in Sirjan. Most of similar features were found in Imamzadeh Yahya’s dated stucco decorations: The Thuluth inscription of the main margin in a background of plant motifs, the diversion of the letters of Thuluth inscription, the use of dense arabesques without background, the resemblance to the repetitive heart shape, Ajdehkari and the geometric motifs. Implementation of the word “محمد” in the Kufic script and its layout, decorating the arabesque joint with hollow holes and nets are also similar to those found in the Mihrab of Imamzadeh Fazl and Yahya in Mahallat. The use of the knot-like ornamental form in the Thuluth inscription of the margin was also present in almost all specimens compared to the Baba Afzal Mihrab. It should be noted that the arch form of the Baba Afzal Mihrab is similar to some of the eighth century stucco mihrabs (mihrab of Miandeh Mosque of Ghamsar) and a number of Mihrabs of seventh century AH (built in Kashan). The results of studies indicate that the plant motifs (Arabesque and Cathay) and especially their unique decorations (use of geometric Ajdehkari, tear form), multilevel compositions, dense and without background, placing the Thuluth inscription of the mihrab margin on a background of plant motifs (a Cathay stem with a lotus flower), the way to make letters of Thuluth inscriptions and the use of geometric motifs on the Mihrab of Baba Afzal, are similar to other eighth-century Mihrabs and plaster works (especially in Isfahan and Tehran provinces). Structurally, the arched (angled) form on the second arcade of the Baba Afzal mihrab was similar to the stucco or tiled Mihrabs (seventh and eighth centuries AH), indicating that the mihrab was built in the early eighth century AH.The Mihrabs of the Ilkhanid period is one of the most magnificent elements of the eighth century AH architecture, which is ultimately beautiful and exquisite, made in most of the provinces of the country and in buildings with different uses (mosques, tombs, Imamzadeh, etc). Kashan is one of the regions that, due to its historical background, has benefited from the existence of these stucco Mihrabs in the course of the historic period. The tomb of Baba Afzal Kashani, located in the village of Marq in Karkhan, is one of the buildings that has been adorned with a stuccoed Mihrab of the eighth century AH. The present study deals with the analysis of the structure (general shape), plant and geometric designs, inscriptions and their composition in the aforementioned stucco Mihrab and intends to emphasize its assignment to the eighth century AH by explaining the characteristics of the visual features of the designs and their composition used in this Mihrab and comparing it with some samples of dated plaster works. So, the main question of this research are as follows: What are the significant features of the decorations of the Mihrab of Baba Afzal Tomb and to what extent are these characteristics similar to the Mihrabs or the plaster works of eighth century AH? The data was collected through field research, i.e. photography- linear analysis of the images, and based on written resources which analyze the data obtained from the study samples through a comparative historical approach. The results show that plant motifs, i.e. arabesque and Khataie, and especially their unique decorations, i.e. using geometric, tear-like Ajdekari, multi- level, dense and unstructured compositions, Thuluth inscription of the Mihrab border in a background of plant motifs (Khate stem with lilies/ lotus), the method of creating the Thuluth inscription letters and the way to use geometric motifs in the tomb of Baba Afzal are similar to other Mihrabs and plaster works of eighth century, especially those located in Isfahan and Tehran. It is worth noting, however, that in structural terms, the arch shape (angular form) in the second blind arcade of the Mihrab of Baba Afzal is similar to stucco Mihrabs or the golden tiling (seventh and eighth centuries) of Kashan.
<strong>Keywords: </strong>Ilkhanid Period, Tomb of Baba Afzal, Stucco Mihrabs, Motifs, Composition, Inscription.
Introduction
The variety and abundance of stucco Mihrab in the Ilkhanid period and their distribution in Iran will open many fields of study to researchers that require careful and thorough investigation. Decorations of these stucco Mihrabs are also considered as their characteristic, which have been implemented by different techniques and can be considered as a factor in their identification and relative dating because only a few examples of these Mihrabs have construction date and artist autograph, and others were attributed to the eighth century due to their location in the Ilkhanid monuments or their style of decoration and construction (for example, the Mihrabs of Imamzadeh Rabieh Khatun in Oshtorjan (1308 AD) and Oljayto (1310 AD)). The tomb of Baba Afzal Kashani, located in the village of Marq in Karkhan, is one of the buildings that has been adorned with a Stuccoed Mihrab of the eighth century AH. The present study deals with the analysis of the structure (general shape), plant and geometric designs, inscriptions and their composition in the aforementioned stucco Mihrab and intends to emphasize its assignment to the eighth century AH by explaining the characteristics of the visual features of the designs and their composition used in this Mihrab and comparing it with some samples of dated plaster works. So the main question of this research are as follows: What are the significant decorations of the Mihrab of Baba Afzal Tomb and to what extent are these characteristics similar to the Mihrabs or the plaster works of eighth century AH? In which of the dated Mihrabs or stucco decorations attributed to the 8th century, it is possible to find significant features of the (plant, geometric) decorations and inscriptions? The data was collected through field research, i.e. photography- linear analysis of the images, and based on written resources which analyze the data obtained from the study samples through a comparative historical approach. Examples selected for comparison with Baba Afzal Kashani’s stucco mihrab include: the stucco decorations of Imamzadeh Yahya in Varamin (1307 AD), the stucco mihrab of Imamzadeh Rabieh Khatun in Oshtorjan, Isfahan (1308 AD); and the stucco mihrabs of eighth century as follows: Miandeh Mosque in Ghamsar, Kashan, Imamzadeh Fazl and Yahya in Mahalat, Mirzabir Monument in Sirjan and Kermani Mosque in Torbat-e Jam.
Conclusion
The features of the visual index in this Mihrab, which are similar to those found in other stucco Mihrabs or decorations dated to the eighth century AH, are:
Using angular arch in the Mihrab arcade
Using the composition of the (Cathay) plant motifs in the background of the main (Thuluth) inscription of the Mihrab
Using heart-shaped and recurring motifs on the margins
Enjoying multilayer composition (Placing slender and twisted arabesques in the background of delicate plant motifs), and
Layout of dense arabesques, so that no background space is seen.
Similarities in plant motifs include lotus leaves and flowers, simple or non-decorated arabesques, and the use of bulky and elaborate arabesques with varied Ajehkari decorations. Other similarities are the use of nodes based on a regular hexagon and a hexagonal star combined with plant motifs, as well as simple geometrical combinations often found on narrow margins. Ajdekari are other geometric ornaments that are used with triangles, hexagonal star/ hexagons, and circle and are similar to eighth century ones. The use of the Thuluth inscription on the background of the plant motifs on the main margin of the Mihrab, the presence of a knot-like ornamentation in the upper right corner (left and right) of the main margin, the Kufic inscription containing the word (محمد) with the same composition, and diversion of letters in the Thuluth inscriptions are considered as other reasons that can emphasize the assignment of the sanctuary of Baba Afzal Kashani to the eighth century (probably the first quarter). Other similarities include the composition of the arabesque strap and the delicate plant stem in its background, the formal and decorative features in the plant motifs of the Baba Afzal Mihrab arcade common with the Imamzadeh Rabiehh Khatun Mihrab in Isfahan and Mirzabir in Sirjan. Most of similar features were found in Imamzadeh Yahya’s dated stucco decorations: The Thuluth inscription of the main margin in a background of plant motifs, the diversion of the letters of Thuluth inscription, the use of dense arabesques without background, the resemblance to the repetitive heart shape, Ajdehkari and the geometric motifs. Implementation of the word “محمد” in the Kufic script and its layout, decorating the arabesque joint with hollow holes and nets are also similar to those found in the Mihrab of Imamzadeh Fazl and Yahya in Mahallat. The use of the knot-like ornamental form in the Thuluth inscription of the margin was also present in almost all specimens compared to the Baba Afzal Mihrab. It should be noted that the arch form of the Baba Afzal Mihrab is similar to some of the eighth century stucco mihrabs (mihrab of Miandeh Mosque of Ghamsar) and a number of Mihrabs of seventh century AH (built in Kashan). The results of studies indicate that the plant motifs (Arabesque and Cathay) and especially their unique decorations (use of geometric Ajdehkari, tear form), multilevel compositions, dense and without background, placing the Thuluth inscription of the mihrab margin on a background of plant motifs (a Cathay stem with a lotus flower), the way to make letters of Thuluth inscriptions and the use of geometric motifs on the Mihrab of Baba Afzal, are similar to other eighth-century Mihrabs and plaster works (especially in Isfahan and Tehran provinces). Structurally, the arched (angled) form on the second arcade of the Baba Afzal mihrab was similar to the stucco or tiled Mihrabs (seventh and eighth centuries AH), indicating that the mihrab was built in the early eighth century AH.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4114_ab24cd2b811ee48a416fc7a833d736a9.pdfBu Ali Sina UniversityArchaeological Research of Iran2345-5225112920210823A Comparative Study of the Religious Architecture of the Jews of Tehran from the Qajar Era to the End of the First Pahlavi EraA Comparative Study of the Religious Architecture of the Jews of Tehran from the Qajar Era to the End of the First Pahlavi Era203221411510.22084/nbsh.2020.22155.2180FAHamidAfsharPh.D. Student in Archeology, Department of Archeology, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.0000-0001-6585-3459HaedeKhamseAssistant Professor, Department of Archeology, Abhar Branch, Islamic Azad University, Abhar, Iran.MohammadBahramzadehAssistant Professor, Iranology Foundation, Tehran, Iran.Journal Article20200719Understanding the religious architecture of the Jews of Tehran is one of the important aspects of knowing the city as an important archaeological data. The religious architecture of the Jews of Tehran has received less attention from researchers due to reasons such as the disinclination of the Jews to provide information in this field and the lack of significant architecture in the field of religious architecture and hence, the need for study in this filed is palpable. Due to the lack of significant information in this area, the present study compares the architecture of the 7 remaining synagogues of the Qajar and first Pahlavi eras. Some of these synagogues were built in the old Jewish neighborhood of Tehran (Oudlajan) and the other part of it has been created outside the mentioned neighborhood; and their division into three distinct periods, the process of change and evolution of the religious architecture of the Jews of Tehran and how it is influenced by the social and political conditions of the Qajar and first Pahlavi periods will be reviewed. We will also examine and distinguish between Qajar and Pahlavi synagogues. It is worth mentioning that the religious architecture of the Jews of Tehran has been strongly influenced by the social and political conditions of this minority and has been influenced by the residential architecture around it. Accordingly, the view of religious architecture and the reluctance to show the synagogue in the urban context changed with the post-constitutional political changes and the greater freedom of action of the Jews, and caused a level of extraversion and a desire to build magnificent religious buildings in later periods. This research is of fundamental research type. Research data were collected through field study and library research and presented by descriptive-analytical method.
<strong>Keywords: </strong>Architecture, Synagogue, Jews, Qajar, First Pahlavi.
Introduction
As an artifact, the city provides important information in social, political, religious, economic, and other fields for archaeologists. In this regard, urban studies are one of the neglected aspects from the archaeological point of view and recognizing religious minorities, how they interact with society and their special architecture is one of the aspects of comprehensive knowledge of the city from the perspective of urban archeology. Jews are one of the oldest and most populous religious minorities in Tehran, and little is known about their architecture and religious buildings. Obstruction or disinclination to provide appropriate information, one of the most important causes of information poverty in the field of Jewish religious architecture which is rooted in the historical and social conditions of this minority. In addition, the lack of indicator architectural in Jewish culture that has created structures with distinctive religious architecture (such as mosques and churches) and recognizable within the urban context is another reason for the lack of attention of researchers, especially in the field of architecture of this minority. On this basis, and contrary to numerous studies conducted in the field of religious buildings of other minorities, so far no comprehensive research has been conducted in the field of religious architecture of the Jews of Tehran. However, from an archaeological point of view, a correct understanding of Jewish religious architecture, its features and factors and how they are influenced by the social and political conditions of the Qajar and Pahlavi periods is very important.
<strong>Objectives and Necessity of Research: </strong>Understanding the religious architecture of the Jews of Tehran is one of the important aspects of knowing the city as an important archaeological data. Due to the lack of significant information in this domain, the present study is a comparative study of the architecture of the 7 remaining synagogues of the Qajar and first Pahlavi eras, and the process of change and evolution of religious architecture of the Jews of Tehran and how it is influenced by social and political conditions, will review.
<strong>Questions:</strong> 1. What was the architectural approach of Tehran synagogues to the social and political conditions of the Qajar and first Pahlavi eras? 2. What are the characteristics and distinguishing features of the architecture of the synagogues of the Qajar and first Pahlavi eras?
<strong>Research Methods: </strong>This research is of fundamental research type. Research data were collected through field study and library research and presented by descriptive-analytical method. In this study, 7 synagogues from the Qajar and first Pahlavi eras were identified and visited. Schematic field perceptions along with oral information from a few knowledgeable people and written information were reviewed and finally evaluated by descriptive and analytical methods.
Synagogues of Tehran
The synagogues of Tehran can be studied in three distinct periods. The first period includes the Qajar synagogues before the Constitutional Revolution (Hakim Asher Synagogue, Ezra Yaqub Synagogue), the second period includes the Constitutional Revolution period synagogues (Haim Synagogue) and the third period after that (Cyrus, Mullahnina, Livian and Wooden bridge).
The synagogues of the first period of Tehran are simple buildings, hidden from public view and indistinguishable from residential houses. The small size and limited decoration indicate the special social and political conditions of the time of their construction. Raising the building, covering with gable roof, focusing on vertical elements and using columns in the exterior facing (porch) are the features of Haim Synagogue (second period). The height of the building and its open presentation is in stark contrast to the history of Jewish religious architecture in the first period, and shows the change in the view and thought of the Jews and their freedom of action.
The synagogues of the first Pahlavi era show a different construction pattern than before. In this period, the challenge between traditionalism and the desire for structural change in religious buildings is observed. The synagogue of Cyrus has shown the desire to be seen and to show glory by imitating the Christian churches. The high view, the basilica skylights and, more importantly, the change in the arrangement of the chairs, the approach of the place of prayer to the Hkhal closet, are all reminiscent of the atmosphere of a Christian church.
A study of the history of Jewish religious architecture from the Qajar era to the Pahlavi era shows a clear change. Although the Qajar synagogues of Tehran (first period) are the same Bait or house of worship and are not different from residential houses, but as we approach the newer era, a huge structural change has taken shape in religious buildings. Magnificent synagogues, such as Haim and Cyrus synagogues, are not simple and undecorated, and the construction of these synagogues shows a change in the social and political conditions of this religious minority.
Conclusion
The social and political conditions of the Qajar era, which required social isolation and the avoidance of show religious places in the city, after the Constitutional Revolution, different conditions emerged and the grounds for change in the structure of Jews religious architecture which caused had a greater influence on the urban context. During this period, Jews experienced a level of extraversion and a more desire to show religious architecture within the urban context. The study of the location and architectural structure of the synagogues of the first period includes the following points: 1- The Jewish religious places of Tehran do not have a distinctive architectural feature. 2. They were built only in the ghetto. 3- They are small buildings. 4- They have no apparent difference with the residential houses around them. 5- By being in dead-end alleys, they have the lowest level of visibility and visual communication in the urban context. The synagogues of the second period were created with a distinct and obvious plan in the urban context. The synagogues of the third period have two distinct levels. The first level is a continuation of past architectural traditions, and the synagogue is in fact the same house of worship, but in larger dimensions, and the second level shows the effort to create a distinctive and distinguished architecture; due to the lack of architectural background and culture among the Jews, their indicator architecture has been drawn towards Christian architecture.Understanding the religious architecture of the Jews of Tehran is one of the important aspects of knowing the city as an important archaeological data. The religious architecture of the Jews of Tehran has received less attention from researchers due to reasons such as the disinclination of the Jews to provide information in this field and the lack of significant architecture in the field of religious architecture and hence, the need for study in this filed is palpable. Due to the lack of significant information in this area, the present study compares the architecture of the 7 remaining synagogues of the Qajar and first Pahlavi eras. Some of these synagogues were built in the old Jewish neighborhood of Tehran (Oudlajan) and the other part of it has been created outside the mentioned neighborhood; and their division into three distinct periods, the process of change and evolution of the religious architecture of the Jews of Tehran and how it is influenced by the social and political conditions of the Qajar and first Pahlavi periods will be reviewed. We will also examine and distinguish between Qajar and Pahlavi synagogues. It is worth mentioning that the religious architecture of the Jews of Tehran has been strongly influenced by the social and political conditions of this minority and has been influenced by the residential architecture around it. Accordingly, the view of religious architecture and the reluctance to show the synagogue in the urban context changed with the post-constitutional political changes and the greater freedom of action of the Jews, and caused a level of extraversion and a desire to build magnificent religious buildings in later periods. This research is of fundamental research type. Research data were collected through field study and library research and presented by descriptive-analytical method.
<strong>Keywords: </strong>Architecture, Synagogue, Jews, Qajar, First Pahlavi.
Introduction
As an artifact, the city provides important information in social, political, religious, economic, and other fields for archaeologists. In this regard, urban studies are one of the neglected aspects from the archaeological point of view and recognizing religious minorities, how they interact with society and their special architecture is one of the aspects of comprehensive knowledge of the city from the perspective of urban archeology. Jews are one of the oldest and most populous religious minorities in Tehran, and little is known about their architecture and religious buildings. Obstruction or disinclination to provide appropriate information, one of the most important causes of information poverty in the field of Jewish religious architecture which is rooted in the historical and social conditions of this minority. In addition, the lack of indicator architectural in Jewish culture that has created structures with distinctive religious architecture (such as mosques and churches) and recognizable within the urban context is another reason for the lack of attention of researchers, especially in the field of architecture of this minority. On this basis, and contrary to numerous studies conducted in the field of religious buildings of other minorities, so far no comprehensive research has been conducted in the field of religious architecture of the Jews of Tehran. However, from an archaeological point of view, a correct understanding of Jewish religious architecture, its features and factors and how they are influenced by the social and political conditions of the Qajar and Pahlavi periods is very important.
<strong>Objectives and Necessity of Research: </strong>Understanding the religious architecture of the Jews of Tehran is one of the important aspects of knowing the city as an important archaeological data. Due to the lack of significant information in this domain, the present study is a comparative study of the architecture of the 7 remaining synagogues of the Qajar and first Pahlavi eras, and the process of change and evolution of religious architecture of the Jews of Tehran and how it is influenced by social and political conditions, will review.
<strong>Questions:</strong> 1. What was the architectural approach of Tehran synagogues to the social and political conditions of the Qajar and first Pahlavi eras? 2. What are the characteristics and distinguishing features of the architecture of the synagogues of the Qajar and first Pahlavi eras?
<strong>Research Methods: </strong>This research is of fundamental research type. Research data were collected through field study and library research and presented by descriptive-analytical method. In this study, 7 synagogues from the Qajar and first Pahlavi eras were identified and visited. Schematic field perceptions along with oral information from a few knowledgeable people and written information were reviewed and finally evaluated by descriptive and analytical methods.
Synagogues of Tehran
The synagogues of Tehran can be studied in three distinct periods. The first period includes the Qajar synagogues before the Constitutional Revolution (Hakim Asher Synagogue, Ezra Yaqub Synagogue), the second period includes the Constitutional Revolution period synagogues (Haim Synagogue) and the third period after that (Cyrus, Mullahnina, Livian and Wooden bridge).
The synagogues of the first period of Tehran are simple buildings, hidden from public view and indistinguishable from residential houses. The small size and limited decoration indicate the special social and political conditions of the time of their construction. Raising the building, covering with gable roof, focusing on vertical elements and using columns in the exterior facing (porch) are the features of Haim Synagogue (second period). The height of the building and its open presentation is in stark contrast to the history of Jewish religious architecture in the first period, and shows the change in the view and thought of the Jews and their freedom of action.
The synagogues of the first Pahlavi era show a different construction pattern than before. In this period, the challenge between traditionalism and the desire for structural change in religious buildings is observed. The synagogue of Cyrus has shown the desire to be seen and to show glory by imitating the Christian churches. The high view, the basilica skylights and, more importantly, the change in the arrangement of the chairs, the approach of the place of prayer to the Hkhal closet, are all reminiscent of the atmosphere of a Christian church.
A study of the history of Jewish religious architecture from the Qajar era to the Pahlavi era shows a clear change. Although the Qajar synagogues of Tehran (first period) are the same Bait or house of worship and are not different from residential houses, but as we approach the newer era, a huge structural change has taken shape in religious buildings. Magnificent synagogues, such as Haim and Cyrus synagogues, are not simple and undecorated, and the construction of these synagogues shows a change in the social and political conditions of this religious minority.
Conclusion
The social and political conditions of the Qajar era, which required social isolation and the avoidance of show religious places in the city, after the Constitutional Revolution, different conditions emerged and the grounds for change in the structure of Jews religious architecture which caused had a greater influence on the urban context. During this period, Jews experienced a level of extraversion and a more desire to show religious architecture within the urban context. The study of the location and architectural structure of the synagogues of the first period includes the following points: 1- The Jewish religious places of Tehran do not have a distinctive architectural feature. 2. They were built only in the ghetto. 3- They are small buildings. 4- They have no apparent difference with the residential houses around them. 5- By being in dead-end alleys, they have the lowest level of visibility and visual communication in the urban context. The synagogues of the second period were created with a distinct and obvious plan in the urban context. The synagogues of the third period have two distinct levels. The first level is a continuation of past architectural traditions, and the synagogue is in fact the same house of worship, but in larger dimensions, and the second level shows the effort to create a distinctive and distinguished architecture; due to the lack of architectural background and culture among the Jews, their indicator architecture has been drawn towards Christian architecture.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4115_a5ff5d4b0a0d7b3e4d64147037d8c344.pdfBu Ali Sina UniversityArchaeological Research of Iran2345-5225112920210823Characteristics of Mirror Work in the Houses of Qajar Period in Shiraz City
(In Terms of Implementation Techniques and Type of Decorations)Characteristics of Mirror Work in the Houses of Qajar Period in Shiraz City
(In Terms of Implementation Techniques and Type of Decorations)223244411610.22084/nbsh.2020.22029.2168FAHaniZareiFaculty Member of Department of Restoration of Historic Buildings, Faculty of Architecture and Urban Planning, Jundishapur University of Technology Dezful, Dezful, Iran.0000-0003-1137-9872SomayehSirvani E DashtakM.A. in Art Research, Faculty of Art and Architecture, Shiraz University, Shiraz, Iran.Journal Article20200706Mirror work is an art containing small and big pieces of the mirror with diverse motifs of geometrically regular shapes and is a function of particular patterns. The historical texture of Shiraz city has different buildings from different periods, in which, the houses dating back to the Qajar period are of particular importance. Mirror Hall is one of the most decorated parts in the historical houses of Shiraz and its mirror work elements are prominent. The current research addresses the decorative and technical characteristics of the mirror work of the Mirror Hall in the historical houses of Shiraz and aims to recognize and introduce the technical and decorative characteristics of the mirror work elements. This research is of descriptive-analytical, and the data collection method is the library, field study, and interview with the mirror work masters through direct observations and investigation. The most significant question of the research is 1) what are the decorative characteristics in the architecture of the mirror hall of the historical houses of Shiraz and how are they divided into several classes? 2) what are the technical characteristics of mirror work in the architecture of historical houses of Shiraz and how are they divided into several classes. The research results show that the mirror work presented on the body of the ceiling and wall have been applied by silver, mercury, lead, and glass mirror along with the colored glass, marble paper, and calligraphy, gold sheet, and warsaw. In general, it can be classified in twelve groups including plastered mirror, coiled paste on a flat mirror, relief stucco, jewel shape, diamond mirror work, engraved, scraped, convex and lattice volume, two and three-layered, strapped and karbandi, series making, painting behind the mirror and painting on the mirror. The total motifs can be classified into five general groups as geometrical motifs including framing and girih, botanical motifs, natural and livings landscapes, paleography, and objects’ themes.
<strong>Keywords: </strong>Qajar Houses of Shiraz, Mirror Hall, Mirror Work Techniques, Decorative Characteristic.
Introduction
Islamic architecture has a specific concept that benefits from various motifs and shapes in the decorations of the different buildings, the internal part of the buildings in particular. In the meantime, mirror work art is of a particular delicacy and beauty. The historical texture of shiraz has different buildings from various eras, in which, some houses date back to the Qajar era and are of particular importance. The halls of some of the preserved houses from the Qajar era have been decorated with mirror work elements in detail, and therefore, they are known as mirror hall. However, due to the lack of proper conservation of these monuments, these halls are worn out. Also, due to the plurality of the owners, migration, and change in lifestyle, visiting of these halls is not possible for the researchers and enthusiasts and the magnificence of this art is being forgotten. This issue highlights the need to preserve and expand it alongside other arts. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to identify and introduce the technical and decorative features of mirror work elements in the hall of Qajar houses of the historical texture of Shiraz. A few studies have been conducted on the patterns of mirror work and its implementation techniques in the buildings of Shiraz. In the current research, after a brief review of mirror background and the history of mirror work in the historical architecture, the technical and decorative features of mirror work have been selected in mirror hall of some of the Qajar and Zandiyeh historical houses of shiraz, and the required information has been collected through interview, photography, and direct observation. The current research attempts to analyze and study the applied motifs in addition to recognizing and classifying the implementation techniques. The research method in this historical paper is descriptive-analytical, and the data collection method is library and field study through direct observation.
This paper seeks to answer the following questions: 1- What are the decorative features of mirror work in the architecture of mirror hall of historical houses of Shiraz and how are they classified? 2- What are the technical features of mirror work in the architecture of the mirror hall of historical houses of shiraz and how are they classified?
The research hypothesis is that the mirror work of the Qajar houses of shiraz has specific motifs and implementation techniques implemented based on the thickness, and relief and the implementation form at three levels of wall, niche, and ceiling, and has been different from Zandiyeh Era.
Identified Traces
One of the prominent elements that have always existed in the historical houses of Shiraz is the Mirror Hall. In the historical houses of Shiraz, Mirror hall has been decorated with mirror work elements in detail. The wall’s façade has been divided into two four vertical parts based on the height. The perimeter of the wall in ten mirror halls has arranged the mirror into horizontal and vertical rectangular frames connected with perfect symmetry. The selected samples include 9 houses related to the Qajar era and 2 houses related to the Zandiyeh era. In general, the mirror work presented in the studied sample is on the frames on the body of the ceiling and wall that are investigated based on the implementation techniques and motifs. The motifs used are geometrical and non-geometrical. the implementation techniques are different regarding the form, implementation method, and the thickness of the mirror and some differences can be observed between the Qajar and Zandiyeh era. In general, the mirror work techniques presented in the studied samples are on the frames on the body of the wall and ceiling that can be arranged in twelve groups: plastered mirror, coiled paste on a flat mirror, relief stucco, jewel shape, diamond mirror work, engraved, scraped, convex and lattice volume, two and three-layered, strapped and karbandi, series making, painting behind the mirror and painting on the mirror that resulted in diverse motifs. Also, the applied motifs can be classified into two general groups: framing and girih, botanical motifs, natural and livings landscapes, paleography, and objects’ themes, which will be explained in the following parts. It can be said that the monuments with mirror work in 11 mirror halls represent the cooperation of architect, mirror worker, enameller, carpenter, and calligrapher masters.
Conclusion
The research results show that the geometrical motifs include 5, 6, 8, 12, and overlapped girihs. Botanical motifs also include dahlias, lilies, daffodils, wheat, and lotus flowers. The most common animal role is the hoopoe. In presenting natural landscapes, elements such as mansion, palm tree, grape, cypress have been used. Inscriptions include verses of the Holy Quran, names of imams, and poems in Nasta’liq script and Naskh. Items of objects also include clocks, vases, candlesticks, tulips, and lamps. In the mirror halls of Yazdi, Basiri, Kazerunian, Zinat al-Molk, Narenjestan Ghavam, Shaykh al-Islam, and Manteqinejad houses, mirrors of mercury, silver, lead, and glass, and colored mirrors with red, blue, green, gold, and silver shades have been used. However, in the mirror works in the mirror halls of Chakameh house, Tavallai, and Nasir-al Molk house, silver mirror with blue shades have been used along with the gold sheet. In terms of mirror relief in the samples, Narenjestan Ghavam, Nasir-al Molk, Zanjirchi, Zinat Al-Molk, Tavallai, Kazerunian, Manteghinejad, Mofleh, and Chakameh have respectively high to low relief, representing that the Zandiyeh era had less relief in the mirror work. The plaster used in the mirror work has not been a pure plaster in these eras, and it was combined with Sarooj.Mirror work is an art containing small and big pieces of the mirror with diverse motifs of geometrically regular shapes and is a function of particular patterns. The historical texture of Shiraz city has different buildings from different periods, in which, the houses dating back to the Qajar period are of particular importance. Mirror Hall is one of the most decorated parts in the historical houses of Shiraz and its mirror work elements are prominent. The current research addresses the decorative and technical characteristics of the mirror work of the Mirror Hall in the historical houses of Shiraz and aims to recognize and introduce the technical and decorative characteristics of the mirror work elements. This research is of descriptive-analytical, and the data collection method is the library, field study, and interview with the mirror work masters through direct observations and investigation. The most significant question of the research is 1) what are the decorative characteristics in the architecture of the mirror hall of the historical houses of Shiraz and how are they divided into several classes? 2) what are the technical characteristics of mirror work in the architecture of historical houses of Shiraz and how are they divided into several classes. The research results show that the mirror work presented on the body of the ceiling and wall have been applied by silver, mercury, lead, and glass mirror along with the colored glass, marble paper, and calligraphy, gold sheet, and warsaw. In general, it can be classified in twelve groups including plastered mirror, coiled paste on a flat mirror, relief stucco, jewel shape, diamond mirror work, engraved, scraped, convex and lattice volume, two and three-layered, strapped and karbandi, series making, painting behind the mirror and painting on the mirror. The total motifs can be classified into five general groups as geometrical motifs including framing and girih, botanical motifs, natural and livings landscapes, paleography, and objects’ themes.
<strong>Keywords: </strong>Qajar Houses of Shiraz, Mirror Hall, Mirror Work Techniques, Decorative Characteristic.
Introduction
Islamic architecture has a specific concept that benefits from various motifs and shapes in the decorations of the different buildings, the internal part of the buildings in particular. In the meantime, mirror work art is of a particular delicacy and beauty. The historical texture of shiraz has different buildings from various eras, in which, some houses date back to the Qajar era and are of particular importance. The halls of some of the preserved houses from the Qajar era have been decorated with mirror work elements in detail, and therefore, they are known as mirror hall. However, due to the lack of proper conservation of these monuments, these halls are worn out. Also, due to the plurality of the owners, migration, and change in lifestyle, visiting of these halls is not possible for the researchers and enthusiasts and the magnificence of this art is being forgotten. This issue highlights the need to preserve and expand it alongside other arts. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to identify and introduce the technical and decorative features of mirror work elements in the hall of Qajar houses of the historical texture of Shiraz. A few studies have been conducted on the patterns of mirror work and its implementation techniques in the buildings of Shiraz. In the current research, after a brief review of mirror background and the history of mirror work in the historical architecture, the technical and decorative features of mirror work have been selected in mirror hall of some of the Qajar and Zandiyeh historical houses of shiraz, and the required information has been collected through interview, photography, and direct observation. The current research attempts to analyze and study the applied motifs in addition to recognizing and classifying the implementation techniques. The research method in this historical paper is descriptive-analytical, and the data collection method is library and field study through direct observation.
This paper seeks to answer the following questions: 1- What are the decorative features of mirror work in the architecture of mirror hall of historical houses of Shiraz and how are they classified? 2- What are the technical features of mirror work in the architecture of the mirror hall of historical houses of shiraz and how are they classified?
The research hypothesis is that the mirror work of the Qajar houses of shiraz has specific motifs and implementation techniques implemented based on the thickness, and relief and the implementation form at three levels of wall, niche, and ceiling, and has been different from Zandiyeh Era.
Identified Traces
One of the prominent elements that have always existed in the historical houses of Shiraz is the Mirror Hall. In the historical houses of Shiraz, Mirror hall has been decorated with mirror work elements in detail. The wall’s façade has been divided into two four vertical parts based on the height. The perimeter of the wall in ten mirror halls has arranged the mirror into horizontal and vertical rectangular frames connected with perfect symmetry. The selected samples include 9 houses related to the Qajar era and 2 houses related to the Zandiyeh era. In general, the mirror work presented in the studied sample is on the frames on the body of the ceiling and wall that are investigated based on the implementation techniques and motifs. The motifs used are geometrical and non-geometrical. the implementation techniques are different regarding the form, implementation method, and the thickness of the mirror and some differences can be observed between the Qajar and Zandiyeh era. In general, the mirror work techniques presented in the studied samples are on the frames on the body of the wall and ceiling that can be arranged in twelve groups: plastered mirror, coiled paste on a flat mirror, relief stucco, jewel shape, diamond mirror work, engraved, scraped, convex and lattice volume, two and three-layered, strapped and karbandi, series making, painting behind the mirror and painting on the mirror that resulted in diverse motifs. Also, the applied motifs can be classified into two general groups: framing and girih, botanical motifs, natural and livings landscapes, paleography, and objects’ themes, which will be explained in the following parts. It can be said that the monuments with mirror work in 11 mirror halls represent the cooperation of architect, mirror worker, enameller, carpenter, and calligrapher masters.
Conclusion
The research results show that the geometrical motifs include 5, 6, 8, 12, and overlapped girihs. Botanical motifs also include dahlias, lilies, daffodils, wheat, and lotus flowers. The most common animal role is the hoopoe. In presenting natural landscapes, elements such as mansion, palm tree, grape, cypress have been used. Inscriptions include verses of the Holy Quran, names of imams, and poems in Nasta’liq script and Naskh. Items of objects also include clocks, vases, candlesticks, tulips, and lamps. In the mirror halls of Yazdi, Basiri, Kazerunian, Zinat al-Molk, Narenjestan Ghavam, Shaykh al-Islam, and Manteqinejad houses, mirrors of mercury, silver, lead, and glass, and colored mirrors with red, blue, green, gold, and silver shades have been used. However, in the mirror works in the mirror halls of Chakameh house, Tavallai, and Nasir-al Molk house, silver mirror with blue shades have been used along with the gold sheet. In terms of mirror relief in the samples, Narenjestan Ghavam, Nasir-al Molk, Zanjirchi, Zinat Al-Molk, Tavallai, Kazerunian, Manteghinejad, Mofleh, and Chakameh have respectively high to low relief, representing that the Zandiyeh era had less relief in the mirror work. The plaster used in the mirror work has not been a pure plaster in these eras, and it was combined with Sarooj.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4116_1e8ca836c962598551882e689265c1c5.pdfBu Ali Sina UniversityArchaeological Research of Iran2345-5225112920210823Challenges of Museum Made from Historic Buildings: Case Study Museums of MazandaranChallenges of Museum Made from Historic Buildings: Case Study Museums of Mazandaran245263411710.22084/nbsh.2017.4209.FAMohammadZaalAssociate Professor, Department of Tourism Management, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Mazandaran, Babolsar, Iran.AbedTaghaviAssistant Professor, Department of Archeology, Faculty of Art and Architecture, Mazandaran University, Babolsar, Iran0000-0002-0980-9290Journal Article20140510Museums are cultural foundations that display the cultural characteristics of different ethnic groups and nations collectively. Museums have different types from a thematic and structural point of view, with archeological and anthropological museums in the first group and historical buildings museums in the second group. Historical building museums are created by restoring and changing the use of traditional buildings that one of the ways to bring traditional buildings into the life cycle is to use and protect them. Mazandaran is one of the historical provinces of Iran where several historical houses and museums have been built. The main purpose of this study is to investigate the functional challenges facing the museum of historical houses in Mazandaran. In the present study, three museums have been selected as a case study: The museum of the handicrafts of Sari, the Historical museum of Amol, and the museum of the Ganjineh of Babol. Data collection was done by documentary and field studies. Field studies in this research have been done by designing and distributing a researcher-made questionnaire and collecting the views of experts in the fields of architecture and archeology. The variables and dimensions examined in the questionnaire are the areas of physical structure, protective structure, performance quality and ancillary facilities. SPSS statistical software was used for data processing and descriptive statistics and inferential tests were used for data analysis. The results show that the components of performance quality are in a more favorable condition, but according to their average level, this sector needs a fundamental upgrade. Also, all the criteria related to the physical structure index are in an unfavorable position that this indicates the incompatibility of the physical structure of historic buildings with the physical structure of standard museums. The reflection of these problems can be obtained from the satisfaction or dissatisfaction of the audience and visitors of the museum. Therefore, the current situation should be improved by relevant institutions such as the Heritage Organization.
<strong>Keywords: </strong>House of Historical Museums, Functional Challenges, Mazandaran.
Introduction
Museums are the most prominent manifestation and exhibition of human cultural heritage (Lee et.al, 2010: 743). The role of this foundation in showing the cultural characteristics of the destination country and creating spiritual joy in the audience is undeniable. Considering the importance of culture and the preservation of cultural artifacts, adhering to certain standards in the museum is vital. For this reason, along with evolutionary procedure of museums and in order to monitor the accuracy of their critical cultural obligations, Icon approves laws and programs at the international level. The rules of this council, based on the mission of museums, requires this cultural institution to create different sections such as physical structure, protective structure, ancillary facilities and accurate performance (Zahedi et.al 1388; Nafisi, 1391).The creation of these sections and the observance of the related laws are vital in order to perform the most important tasks of the museum, and neglecting them will cause major challenges in carrying out the responsibilities of the museum. Basically in spaces that are constructed as a museum from the beginning actions to comply with museum standards becomes thought. But in some of the current museums around the world, which are the result of the restoration and change of use of historic buildings, it is impossible to observance all the aforementioned indicators, and this situation will create challenges for the audience and the works of the museum. Historically, with the formation of the International Association of Historical Museums in the 1990s, the tradition of converting historic houses into museums spread around the world.
In Iran, many houses and generally historical buildings have been also turned into museums after restoration. Due to the cultural richness and abundance of antiquities discovered in Mazandaran, many of these museums have been established as archeological and anthropological museums, its examples are sari`s handicrafts Museum, Amol History Museum, and Babol Ganjineh Museum. Due to the serious mission of museums in the field of culture, the historical significance of building museums resulting from the restoration and change of use of ancient buildings and, finally, the non-renewability of the antiquities displayed in them, it is very important to find and study the challenges of such museums. Hence, the most fundamental question propounds in the present study is that to what extent do the three selected museums, as examples of museums resulting from the restoration of historical monuments in Mazandaran, operate in accordance with museum standards and standard museums? And what are the essential challenges of this type of museums?
Identified Traces
The physical structure of the museum is one of the most basic parts, the observance of the standards of which will contribute to the correct functioning defined by ICOM. Studies show that the criteria of this index are not in a good condition. “Existence of a standard exhibition hall” to display cultural works is one of the most important criteria in the index of the physical structure of museums which in the present study, the average is 2and shows the adverse conditions of the exhibition hall in the researched museums. Also two criteria “assembly rooms” and “audio-visual unit” have earned the average 1. Due to the non-renewable nature of cultural objects, the index of the protective structure of museums is the most important index for the evaluation of museums. Also, according to investigations, approximately 40% of the criteria of this index have been reported adverse in the studied museums, and the remaining 60% are fragile. Another main pillar of the museum is the quality of its work.
One of the most important functional tasks of the museum institution functional provide accurate cultural information in a way that create a process chain in the audience in order to conclude about seeing these cultural works. In fact, the performance of museums is the last stage of the specialized responsibility of this institution, which has the greatest impact on the memory of the audience. In this study, approximately 70% of the indicators of this criterion have obtained an average equal to or greater than the desired average, which indicates the optimal quality of museum performance. The quality of the museum’s ancillary facilities is another important indicator that completes the museum’s performance. Although this index is not as relevant as the previous three indicators to the technical structure of museums, but taking them into account, in a way, leads to advertising to visit the museum and the dissemination of culture by the audience. Unfortunately, the criteria of this index are not in a good condition. Although 50% of the criteria of this index are equal to the desired average, but their percentage of desirability is low and they are fragile.
Conclusion
Among the four criteria examined, three criteria are adverse and only the criterion of quality of performance of museums has obtained the highest average. Of course, the desirability of those criteria is fragile and needs to be improved. Also, the physical structure index has gained the least utility among the four indices and 100% of its criteria have been reported as unsatisfactory. This indicates the incompatibility of the physical structure of the museum with the physical structure of the mentioned historical buildings and, accordingly, the imposition of irreparable damage to cultural monuments by this index. Based on the results of the research, the important point in the construction of this type of museum is the appropriateness of the new use with the spaces in the historical buildings. Failure to observe some structural rules in turning this building into a museum, due to the importance and originality of historical buildings on the one hand and the non-renewal of antiquities preserved in it on the other hand, will cause irreparable cultural damage. Because many of these buildings have been created with special uses in the past and its physical structure and other facilities are not appropriate for the museum. In this change of dual-purpose uses, a little tolerance is needed to revive historic buildings and make cultural use of them.
Museums are cultural foundations that display the cultural characteristics of different ethnic groups and nations collectively. Museums have different types from a thematic and structural point of view, with archeological and anthropological museums in the first group and historical buildings museums in the second group. Historical building museums are created by restoring and changing the use of traditional buildings that one of the ways to bring traditional buildings into the life cycle is to use and protect them. Mazandaran is one of the historical provinces of Iran where several historical houses and museums have been built. The main purpose of this study is to investigate the functional challenges facing the museum of historical houses in Mazandaran. In the present study, three museums have been selected as a case study: The museum of the handicrafts of Sari, the Historical museum of Amol, and the museum of the Ganjineh of Babol. Data collection was done by documentary and field studies. Field studies in this research have been done by designing and distributing a researcher-made questionnaire and collecting the views of experts in the fields of architecture and archeology. The variables and dimensions examined in the questionnaire are the areas of physical structure, protective structure, performance quality and ancillary facilities. SPSS statistical software was used for data processing and descriptive statistics and inferential tests were used for data analysis. The results show that the components of performance quality are in a more favorable condition, but according to their average level, this sector needs a fundamental upgrade. Also, all the criteria related to the physical structure index are in an unfavorable position that this indicates the incompatibility of the physical structure of historic buildings with the physical structure of standard museums. The reflection of these problems can be obtained from the satisfaction or dissatisfaction of the audience and visitors of the museum. Therefore, the current situation should be improved by relevant institutions such as the Heritage Organization.
<strong>Keywords: </strong>House of Historical Museums, Functional Challenges, Mazandaran.
Introduction
Museums are the most prominent manifestation and exhibition of human cultural heritage (Lee et.al, 2010: 743). The role of this foundation in showing the cultural characteristics of the destination country and creating spiritual joy in the audience is undeniable. Considering the importance of culture and the preservation of cultural artifacts, adhering to certain standards in the museum is vital. For this reason, along with evolutionary procedure of museums and in order to monitor the accuracy of their critical cultural obligations, Icon approves laws and programs at the international level. The rules of this council, based on the mission of museums, requires this cultural institution to create different sections such as physical structure, protective structure, ancillary facilities and accurate performance (Zahedi et.al 1388; Nafisi, 1391).The creation of these sections and the observance of the related laws are vital in order to perform the most important tasks of the museum, and neglecting them will cause major challenges in carrying out the responsibilities of the museum. Basically in spaces that are constructed as a museum from the beginning actions to comply with museum standards becomes thought. But in some of the current museums around the world, which are the result of the restoration and change of use of historic buildings, it is impossible to observance all the aforementioned indicators, and this situation will create challenges for the audience and the works of the museum. Historically, with the formation of the International Association of Historical Museums in the 1990s, the tradition of converting historic houses into museums spread around the world.
In Iran, many houses and generally historical buildings have been also turned into museums after restoration. Due to the cultural richness and abundance of antiquities discovered in Mazandaran, many of these museums have been established as archeological and anthropological museums, its examples are sari`s handicrafts Museum, Amol History Museum, and Babol Ganjineh Museum. Due to the serious mission of museums in the field of culture, the historical significance of building museums resulting from the restoration and change of use of ancient buildings and, finally, the non-renewability of the antiquities displayed in them, it is very important to find and study the challenges of such museums. Hence, the most fundamental question propounds in the present study is that to what extent do the three selected museums, as examples of museums resulting from the restoration of historical monuments in Mazandaran, operate in accordance with museum standards and standard museums? And what are the essential challenges of this type of museums?
Identified Traces
The physical structure of the museum is one of the most basic parts, the observance of the standards of which will contribute to the correct functioning defined by ICOM. Studies show that the criteria of this index are not in a good condition. “Existence of a standard exhibition hall” to display cultural works is one of the most important criteria in the index of the physical structure of museums which in the present study, the average is 2and shows the adverse conditions of the exhibition hall in the researched museums. Also two criteria “assembly rooms” and “audio-visual unit” have earned the average 1. Due to the non-renewable nature of cultural objects, the index of the protective structure of museums is the most important index for the evaluation of museums. Also, according to investigations, approximately 40% of the criteria of this index have been reported adverse in the studied museums, and the remaining 60% are fragile. Another main pillar of the museum is the quality of its work.
One of the most important functional tasks of the museum institution functional provide accurate cultural information in a way that create a process chain in the audience in order to conclude about seeing these cultural works. In fact, the performance of museums is the last stage of the specialized responsibility of this institution, which has the greatest impact on the memory of the audience. In this study, approximately 70% of the indicators of this criterion have obtained an average equal to or greater than the desired average, which indicates the optimal quality of museum performance. The quality of the museum’s ancillary facilities is another important indicator that completes the museum’s performance. Although this index is not as relevant as the previous three indicators to the technical structure of museums, but taking them into account, in a way, leads to advertising to visit the museum and the dissemination of culture by the audience. Unfortunately, the criteria of this index are not in a good condition. Although 50% of the criteria of this index are equal to the desired average, but their percentage of desirability is low and they are fragile.
Conclusion
Among the four criteria examined, three criteria are adverse and only the criterion of quality of performance of museums has obtained the highest average. Of course, the desirability of those criteria is fragile and needs to be improved. Also, the physical structure index has gained the least utility among the four indices and 100% of its criteria have been reported as unsatisfactory. This indicates the incompatibility of the physical structure of the museum with the physical structure of the mentioned historical buildings and, accordingly, the imposition of irreparable damage to cultural monuments by this index. Based on the results of the research, the important point in the construction of this type of museum is the appropriateness of the new use with the spaces in the historical buildings. Failure to observe some structural rules in turning this building into a museum, due to the importance and originality of historical buildings on the one hand and the non-renewal of antiquities preserved in it on the other hand, will cause irreparable cultural damage. Because many of these buildings have been created with special uses in the past and its physical structure and other facilities are not appropriate for the museum. In this change of dual-purpose uses, a little tolerance is needed to revive historic buildings and make cultural use of them.
https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4117_c1aeb6517a1c7f33514f7ff69047e74e.pdf