دانشگاه بوعلی سیناپژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225123220220622Tappeh Pahlavan, a Late Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic Site in North East of Iranتپه پهلوان؛ استقراری از دوران نوسنگی جدید و مس وسنگ انتقالی در شمال شرق ایران730468210.22084/nb.2021.21466.2122FAمحمد حسینعزیزی خرانقیاستادیار گروه باستان شناسی دوران پیش ازتاریخ، پژوهشکدۀ باستان شناسی، پژوهشگاه میراث فرهنگی و گردشگری، تهران، ایرانافشیناکبریکارشناسی ارشد باستان شناسی، گروه باستان شناسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران.مرجانمشکورمدیر تحقیق (DR2) در مرکز ملی پژوهش های علمی فرانسه (CNRS)، موزه ملی تاریخ طبیعی پاریس (MNHN)، پاریس، فرانسه.سپیدهجمشیدی یگانهکارشناسی ارشد باستان شناسی، گروه باستان شناسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران.Journal Article20200420The Jajarm plain is one of the richest areas of the province of North Khorasan, where a long cultural sequence from the Neolithic to the Islamic period was evidenced. This area is located in a natural corridor between the Alborz range and the Dasht-e Kavir where main trade routes in the northeast of the central plateau have development and where environmental conditions were still suitable for human settlements. Prehistoric human communities were also attracted to this region because of the presence of mineral resources and raw materials. Few archaeological reserch have been done in the prehistoric period of Jajarm plain and our knowledge of cultural developments of this period, especially in the Neolithic and Calcolithic periods are very limited. The few archaeological excavations carried out in this area have not yet been able to determine the cultural sequence of the Jajarm plain. Tappeh Pahlavan is one of the prehistoric sites in the Jajarm plain. It is located in the south of the Jajarm county at the northern edge of Dasht-e Kavir and to the south-west of the city of Jajarm. Archaeological deposits from the Late Neolithic, Chalcolithic and Islamic periods were reported of this site. Excavations at Tappeh Pahlavan have revealed the earliest evidence for human occupation in this area. C14 dating has been provided the evidence of the Late Neolithic to the Transitional Chalcolithic (5800- 4800 BCE) in Tappeh Pahlavan.<br /> <br />Introduction<br />Tappeh Pahlavan, discussed in this paper, is one of the prehistoric sites in the Jajarm plain. It is located in the south of the Jajarm county at the northern edge of Dasht-e Kavir and to the south-west of the city of Jajarm, at an altitude of 923 m.asl. Today the region is a steppe-desert without vegetation. However during the prehistoric times the environmental setting offered obviously suitable subsistence conditions due to the presence of permanent and impermanent water sources. Archaeological deposits from the Neolithic, Chalcolithic and Islamic periods were reported earlier by Brian Spooner and then Seichi Masuda during his excavations at Tappeh Sang-e Chakhmaq. Few decades later, the site was visited by Ali Vahdati (Vahdati 2010) in the frame of investigations on the Neolithic spread to the east and the relation of this site with Jeitoun sites in southern Turkmenistan. Vahdati collected surface pottery finds and allocated it to the Neolithic and Chalcolithic. In 2015 (1393) the first sounding of Tappeh Pahlavan was initiated under the direction of the first author to find the limits of the site. Several trenches were sounded around Tappeh Pahlavan and helped in evaluating an area of 2,5 hectars for the prehistoric and historic occupation of the site. According to the collected information it was soon established that the site belonged to the Late Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic and also Ilkhanid (Azizi Kharanaghi et al, 2016). In 2018, the second season of excavation was organized in Tappeh Pahlavan to investigate the stratigraphy and the absolute chronology of the site (Azizi Kharanaghi et al, 2017 (1396).<br /> <br />Archaeological Excavation<br />The site of Tappeh Pahlavan is 6 meters height. In total, four trenches (A to D) were excavated. The cultural layers were concentrated in the northern part of the site that might be related to water resources closer to that part of the site. The presence of water is probably one of the reasons of the continuous settlement from Late Neolithic to the transitional chalcolithic period.<br />A large number of archaeological materials was uncovered in Tappeh Pahlevan that include pottery, lithic, faunal and botanical remains. The most remarkable finds on this site are semi-precious stones. During the Transitional Chalcolithic period, the high number of stone drills and drilling tools, along with the complete variety of stone bead and the possibility of reconstructing the “chaine operatoire” points to the economic importance of the stone bead manufacturing activity in this area. This is similar to the specialization of some sites during the transitional Chalcolithic period, such as at the Tepe Pardis in the Tehran plain (Fazeli Nashli et al, 2007). The pottery collection of Tappeh Pahlavan, is comparable with the third levels of Tappeh Sang-e Chakhmaq East mound (Roustaei et al., 2015), which was also discussed by Akira Tsuneki (Tsuneki, 2017, 2014). Almost half of the pottery collection in Tappeh Pahlavan is constituted of Cheshmeh Ali type and comparable to those of the center of the Iranian Plateau (Sialk North (Ghirshman, 1938), Cheshmeh Ali (Fazeli Nashli et al., 2004), Tepe Pardis (Fazeli Nashli et al., 2007), Aq Tappeh (Malek Shahmirzadi and Nokandeh 1379 (2001), Komishani cave (Vadati Nasab, 1388 (2009) and also to those of the neighboring areas such as in Kalateh Khan, Dehkheir (Rezvani and Roustaei, 2016) and Ghaf Khaneh (Roustaei, 1388 (2009). It is noteworthy that no architectural remains could be found in the four excavated trenches of the site.<br /> <br />Conclusion<br />Finally, a total of seven charcoal samples were 14C dated and provided the evidence of a continuous chronology from the Late Neolithic to the Transitional Chalcolithic (5800- 4800 BCE) and an occupation over a thousand years. These short investigations at Tappeh Pahlavan have revealed some of the earliest evidences of human occupation in the Jajarm plain.<br />However, considering the cultural and historical potential of the Jajarm Plain and the number of archaeological sites reported until now, the ration of excavated sites is very low and the archaeological investigation in this area are still very weak. Excavations at Tappeh Pahlavan have revealed the earliest evidence for human occupation in this area but the present chronological sequence despite the excavations of Tappeh Pahlavan and Tepe Chalow (Vahdati et al 2019), has still many gaps. Future investigations on prehistoric and historical sites of the Jajarm plain may fill these gaps and our understanding of the dynamics of human settlement in this part of Iran. We need to have a more detailed understanding of the daily life in this part of Iran and subsistence economies, local and regional trade routes in connection with southern central Asia and more particularly with Turkmenistan.<br />The Jajarm plain is one of the richest areas of the province of North Khorasan, where a long cultural sequence from the Neolithic to the Islamic period was evidenced. This area is located in a natural corridor between the Alborz range and the Dasht-e Kavir where main trade routes in the northeast of the central plateau have development and where environmental conditions were still suitable for human settlements. Prehistoric human communities were also attracted to this region because of the presence of mineral resources and raw materials. Few archaeological reserch have been done in the prehistoric period of Jajarm plain and our knowledge of cultural developments of this period, especially in the Neolithic and Calcolithic periods are very limited. The few archaeological excavations carried out in this area have not yet been able to determine the cultural sequence of the Jajarm plain. Tappeh Pahlavan is one of the prehistoric sites in the Jajarm plain. It is located in the south of the Jajarm county at the northern edge of Dasht-e Kavir and to the south-west of the city of Jajarm. Archaeological deposits from the Late Neolithic, Chalcolithic and Islamic periods were reported of this site. Excavations at Tappeh Pahlavan have revealed the earliest evidence for human occupation in this area. C14 dating has been provided the evidence of the Late Neolithic to the Transitional Chalcolithic (5800- 4800 BCE) in Tappeh Pahlavan.<br /><br />Introduction<br />Tappeh Pahlavan, discussed in this paper, is one of the prehistoric sites in the Jajarm plain. It is located in the south of the Jajarm county at the northern edge of Dasht-e Kavir and to the south-west of the city of Jajarm, at an altitude of 923 m.asl. Today the region is a steppe-desert without vegetation. However during the prehistoric times the environmental setting offered obviously suitable subsistence conditions due to the presence of permanent and impermanent water sources. Archaeological deposits from the Neolithic, Chalcolithic and Islamic periods were reported earlier by Brian Spooner and then Seichi Masuda during his excavations at Tappeh Sang-e Chakhmaq. Few decades later, the site was visited by Ali Vahdati (Vahdati 2010) in the frame of investigations on the Neolithic spread to the east and the relation of this site with Jeitoun sites in southern Turkmenistan. Vahdati collected surface pottery finds and allocated it to the Neolithic and Chalcolithic. In 2015 (1393) the first sounding of Tappeh Pahlavan was initiated under the direction of the first author to find the limits of the site. Several trenches were sounded around Tappeh Pahlavan and helped in evaluating an area of 2,5 hectars for the prehistoric and historic occupation of the site. According to the collected information it was soon established that the site belonged to the Late Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic and also Ilkhanid (Azizi Kharanaghi et al, 2016). In 2018, the second season of excavation was organized in Tappeh Pahlavan to investigate the stratigraphy and the absolute chronology of the site (Azizi Kharanaghi et al, 2017 (1396).<br />Archaeological Excavation<br />The site of Tappeh Pahlavan is 6 meters height. In total, four trenches (A to D) were excavated. The cultural layers were concentrated in the northern part of the site that might be related to water resources closer to that part of the site. The presence of water is probably one of the reasons of the continuous settlement from Late Neolithic to the transitional chalcolithic period.<br />A large number of archaeological materials was uncovered in Tappeh Pahlevan that include pottery, lithic, faunal and botanical remains. The most remarkable finds on this site are semi-precious stones. During the Transitional Chalcolithic period, the high number of stone drills and drilling tools, along with the complete variety of stone bead and the possibility of reconstructing the “chaine operatoire” points to the economic importance of the stone bead manufacturing activity in this area. This is similar to the specialization of some sites during the transitional Chalcolithic period, such as at the Tepe Pardis in the Tehran plain (Fazeli Nashli et al, 2007). The pottery collection of Tappeh Pahlavan, is comparable with the third levels of Tappeh Sang-e Chakhmaq East mound (Roustaei et al., 2015), which was also discussed by Akira Tsuneki (Tsuneki, 2017, 2014). Almost half of the pottery collection in Tappeh Pahlavan is constituted of Cheshmeh Ali type and comparable to those of the center of the Iranian Plateau (Sialk North (Ghirshman, 1938), Cheshmeh Ali (Fazeli Nashli et al., 2004), Tepe Pardis (Fazeli Nashli et al., 2007), Aq Tappeh (Malek Shahmirzadi and Nokandeh 1379 (2001), Komishani cave (Vadati Nasab, 1388 (2009) and also to those of the neighboring areas such as in Kalateh Khan, Dehkheir (Rezvani and Roustaei, 2016) and Ghaf Khaneh (Roustaei, 1388 (2009). It is noteworthy that no architectural remains could be found in the four excavated trenches of the site.<br /> <br />Conclusion<br />Finally, a total of seven charcoal samples were 14C dated and provided the evidence of a continuous chronology from the Late Neolithic to the Transitional Chalcolithic (5800- 4800 BCE) and an occupation over a thousand years. These short investigations at Tappeh Pahlavan have revealed some of the earliest evidences of human occupation in the Jajarm plain.<br />However, considering the cultural and historical potential of the Jajarm Plain and the number of archaeological sites reported until now, the ration of excavated sites is very low and the archaeological investigation in this area are still very weak. Excavations at Tappeh Pahlavan have revealed the earliest evidence for human occupation in this area but the present chronological sequence despite the excavations of Tappeh Pahlavan and Tepe Chalow (Vahdati et al 2019), has still many gaps. Future investigations on prehistoric and historical sites of the Jajarm plain may fill these gaps and our understanding of the dynamics of human settlement in this part of Iran. We need to have a more detailed understanding of the daily life in this part of Iran and subsistence economies, local and regional trade routes in connection with southern central Asia and more particularly with Turkmenistan.vپس از گذشت چندین دهه از توجه باستانشناسان به مناطق حاشیهای هلالحاصلخیز، امروزه دیگر بخشهای مرکزی و شرقی فلات ایران و همچنین جنوب ترکمنستان نیز درزمینهٔ مطالعات نوسنگی و در کل فرهنگهای پیشازتاریخی از اهمیت خاصی برخوردارند؛ بااینحال، تا همین دهۀ گذشته وضعیت باستانشناسی نوسنگی شمالشرق ایران برخلاف نواحی همجوارش بهعلت عدم فعالیتهای دامنهدار و انتشارات علمی تا حد زیادی تحتسیطرۀ باستانشناسی مرکز فلات ایران و یا نگاه باستانشناسان شوروی از جنوب ترکمنستان بوده است. تپه پهلوانِ جاجرم بهعنوان محوطهای با آثار و بقایای دورههای نوسنگی جدید، مسوسنگ انتقالی و همچنین دوران میانۀ اسلامی اگرچه که توسط «اسپونر» و سپس «ماسودا» بازدید و گزارش شد؛ اما تا سالهای 1393 و 1396 هیچ فعالیت علمی برروی آن صورت نگرفت. این محوطه با وسعتی حدوداً 5/2 هکتار بهسبب ساختوسازهای قلعه و برجوباروی دوران اسلامی تقریباً بهشکل دایرهای درآمده که در میانۀ کریدور طبیعی جاجرم، بین مناطق کویری جنوبالبرز و نواحی نیمهکوهستانی شمال آن قرار دارد. هدف از انتشار این پژوهش مشخص نمودن جایگاه استقراری تپه پهلوان در جدول توالی گاهنگاری دوران نوسنگی شمالشرق فلات ایران و معرفی موادفرهنگی این دوره است. کاوش لایهنگاری و گمانهزنیهای حفرشده موجب شناسایی لایههای نوسنگی جدید و حضور مواد فرهنگی چخماق/جیتونی با خصوصیات مشترکی از جنبههای فرهنگی محوطههای دوسوی شمال و جنوب البرز گردید؛ اگرچه که نشانهای از معماری پیشازتاریخی در 5 گمانۀ کاوششده در این تپه یافت نشد، اما براساس شباهتهای سفالی و همچنین نتایج هفت نمونۀ تاریخگذاری کربن14 طی دو فصل، بازۀ زمانی 4800-5800 پ.م. و در کل اوایل هزارۀ ششم تا اوایل هزاره پنجم پیشازمیلاد برای طول استقرار نوسنگی جدید و مسوسنگِ انتقالی در این تپه پیشنهاد شده است.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4682_ee41f7d444ae2e15a86808e239f9d165.pdfدانشگاه بوعلی سیناپژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225123220220622The Role of Mirror Neurons in Dalma Cultural Developments: Provide a Cognitive Model for Prioritizing the Implementation of Symmetrical Patterns in Human Societiesنقش نورون های آیینه ایی در تحولات فرهنگی دالما: ارائه یک مدل شناختی برای اولویت اجرای تقارن در جوامع انسانی3158468310.22084/nb.2021.23740.2307FAنسیمفیضیپژوهشگر پسادکتری، گروه باستان شناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرس، تهران، ایران.حامدوحدتی نسباستاد گروه باستان شناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرس، تهران، ایرانJournal Article20210216Abstract: Different cultures have various patterns for painting their decorative surfaces. Thus, preference for the use of various patterns is different in cultures, and these preferences are changed based on cultural relations or changing social substructures. This is the summary of symmetrical patterns theory in cultures that were tested by anthropologists and archaeologists for many years. Thus, symmetry has emerged as a powerful platform to understand the similarities and cultural differences between communities. It is believed that symmetry for a culture can be inherited like the human genes that are inherited from parents like the traits such as height and diseases; Cultural characteristics through symmetry can be transmitted to the next generation. But what is important to us is that so far researchers have not paid attention to the role of human cognition and cognitive activation in these interactions and preferences. In the paper, while studying the origin of the symmetrical patterns of complicated Dalma culture and associated cultural relations, we are looking for a cognitive factor that affects the stability or change of symmetrical patterns. The results show that the mirror neurons structure of an individual plays a vital role in preference for the use of a symmetrical pattern such that during cultural contacts, with the firing of mirror neurons, common patterns in a cultural tradition is imitated and prioritized. It means that unconsciously people show a preference for using such unfamiliar patterns. Accordingly, cultural contacts more possibility was as a result of trading, especially obsidian trading. Thus, such trading simultaneously with the Dalma cultural Period led to contact between northwestern Iran and its cultural horizon in the southern Caucasus, eastern Anatolia, and northern Mesopotamia. As a result of such connections, we witness the spread of the symmetrical pattern of the half pottery in the interior regions of modern Iran.<br /> <br />Introduction<br />Symmetry means dividing a shape or object into two equal parts so that the two sides are the same in every respect. However, symmetry is not limited to this definition. The motor behavior and regular repetition of a motif on the surface, regardless of its shape and type, is part of the concept of symmetry, which has entered studies related to culture to a new stage (Faizi & Vahdati Nasab, 1394). Symmetry is divided through mathematics into 1, 2, and 3 dimensions, while it, as biological and cognitive characteristics of human societies, has left a significant footprint. Anthropologically, symmetry is an important perceptual indicator that has evolved to understand a form and is closely related to the visual function of the brain (Hodgson, 2009). However, the patterns of symmetry created on the surface are the result of the cognitive activities of Homo sapiens sapiens (Wynn, 2002) On the other hand, there are neurons called mirror neurons in the human and ape brains that fire when a person is performing or watching action(Rizzolatti, 2005). These patterns makes the study of symmetry valuable in the analysis of culture and cultural interactions (Brainerd, 1942). From a pattern recognition point of view, archaeologists believe that the early use of symmetry varied in different cultures. It means that the patterns were exchanged between cultures through cultural contact unconsciously, and therefore their chronology is likely (Hann 2003a-c; Washburn & crow1998, 2004, crow 1998; Washburn, 1999). But despite its importance, up to now, little attention has been paid to symmetry in the archaeology of Iran and its nature remains unclear. The principal question of the present study is about cognitive and cerebral factors affecting the prioritization of different symmetries in different cultures. Assuming that human cognitive ability is the principal factor concerning the environment and creating the culture and cultural relationships, we seek to recognize these vital factors in these priorities. In this article, to present the cognitive model of the priority of using symmetry in each culture, while studying the symmetric mathematical model of the Dalma culture and its symmetrical relationship with neighboring cultures, the vision and cognitive principles of symmetry have been studied. It is necessary to explain that the reason for choosing Dalma culture is the complexity of chronology, the possible time gap between the Chalcolithic and the Hajji Firuz Neolithic culture, and insufficient knowledge of the Northwestern cultures in this period.<br />Dalma Tepe is located in the province of West Azerbaijan in the southwest of Lake Urmia. From layers 4 and 5 of this site, a remarkable collection of pottery has been obtained, which is different from the pottery of the previous period. These pottery are dated after the late Neolithic, Hajji Firuz, and the Middle chalcolithic, Pizdeli, in the Northwest. They are distributed in the first half of the fifth millennium and the second half of the fifth millennium in the Central Zagros. They are common pottery of the early chalcolithic and Middle Neolithic period (Abedi et al., 2015). Therefore, Dalma pottery is identified in the Northwest chronology with a time gap after Hajji Firuz and chronologically coincides with Obaid 3 in Mesopotamia (Rahimi Sorkhani & Eslami, 2018). In recent excavations in the region, this time gap has been filled, and Dava Göz Khoy1 has been identified as a transition period to Chalcolithic (Abedi et al., 2018). Contrary to Solecki’s opinion (1973), we believe that Dalma painted is not the result of Hajji Firuz’s painted style. These sherds are similar only in terms of available materials in the environment, and in the Dalma period geometric patterns are more complex and more regular due to the use of different symmetry. According to the theory of systems, we do not consider any culture closed. On the other hand, according to the interaction theory, Dalma culture forms a subset of symmetrical patterns of Halaf. The strategic position of Solduz valley due to obsidian trade was the cause of such an interaction and effect. Accordingly, we claim that human mirror neurons in the Neolithic and chalcolithic were fired for both designers and observers when drawing symmetrical bands or two-dimensional patterns. Through these neurons, they transferred the symmetry of other cultures to their own subconsciously.<br /> <br />Conclusion<br />Unconscious activation of mirror neurons while watching a symmetrical pattern causes the patterns to shift from one culture to another or prioritize that pattern. It is the function of mirror neurons that causes different cultures to have varied priorities for painting their decorative surfaces. However, the most important features of mirror neurons are the same important features that are transmitted to individuals and cultures in contact with a culture when they view a symmetrical band or overall pattern. These characteristics include the possibility of unknowingly rapidly imitating a process, interpersonal differences in the performance of actions, and the effect of the environment on the performance of individuals. Therefore, we consider mirror neurons to be the main factor of the non-random distribution of symmetry priorities in cultures. As in this case study, the symmetry pattern of the common pottery tradition (Halaf) is imitated by Dalma pottery makers unconsciously during the cultural contact for obsidian exchange, with the unconscious firing of their mirror while looking at the painted pottery of Halaf culture. Accordingly, these patterns are transmitted based on the activity of mirror neurons and have spread over a wide area of the Northwest and Southwest of Iran during cultural contact.فرهنگهای مختلف الگوهای متفاوتی برای منقوش کردن سطوح تزئینی خود بهکار میبرند، بنابراین اولویت استفاده از الگوهای مختلف در فرهنگها متفاوت است و این اولویتها به تابعیت از تماسهای فرهنگی و یا تغییر زیرساختهای اجتماعی، دچار تغییر خواهند شد. این کلیتِ نظریۀ مرتبط بامطالعۀ الگوهای تقارن در فرهنگها است که سالها توسط انسانشناسان و باستانشناسان در فرهنگها و طرحهای مختلف آزموده شده و مقالات گوناگونی در تأیید آن بهچاپ رسیده است. بهنظر میرسد تقارن برای فرهنگ بهمثابۀ ژنهای وراثتی برای انسان باشد؛ همانطورکه انسان ازطریق ژن صفات خود را بهنسل بعد منتقل میکند، فرهنگ هم ازطریق تقارن ویژگیها و اندوختههایش را بهنسلهای بعدی همان فرهنگ منتقل میکند و همچنانکه صفات ژنی والدین در فرزند بهخوبی بروز میکند، ویژگیها و تغییر و تحولات فرهنگها را میتوان ازطریق مطالعه و مقایسۀ الگوی تقارنی فرهنگهای درحال برهمکنش مشخص کرد. اما مسألهایی که تاکنون بدان پرداخته نشده، نقش فعالیتهای شناختی انسان در این برهمکنشها است؛ اینکه کدام تطورشناختی منجر به این ویژگی مهم فرهنگی برای انسان امروزی شد. در این مقاله ضمن بررسی خاستگاه الگوهای تقارن فرهنگ پیچیدۀ دالما و تماسهای فرهنگی مرتبط، درپی عامل شناختی تأثیرگذار بر ثبات و یا تغییر الگوهای تقارنی هستیم. نتایج این پژوهش نشان میدهد ساختار نورونهای آیینهایی افراد در اولویت استفاده از تقارن نقش داشته، بهطوریکه در طی تماسهای فرهنگی با روشن شدن نورونهای آیینهایی الگوهای رایج در سنتهای فرهنگی دیگر مورد تقلید قرارگرفته و دچار اولویت میشوند. بهطوریکه در منطقۀ موردمطالعه، تماسهای فرهنگی و بهاحتمالزیاد تجارت ابسیدین همزمان با دورۀ فرهنگی دالما موجب تماسهایی بین شمالغرب ایران و فرهنگهای همافق با آن در نواحی جنوبی قفقاز، شرق آناتولی و شمال بینالنهرین شده و سبب رواج الگوی تقارنی موجود بر سفال حلف در مناطق داخلی ایران امروزی شده است.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4683_ebfb86b40383d1e0cd9a29cc23569e9e.pdfدانشگاه بوعلی سیناپژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225123220220622Analytical Studies, Data Analysis and Characterization of Production Method in some Copper base Objects from the Iron Age Sites of War Kabud and Marlikمطالعات آزمایشگاهی، تحلیل دادهها و شناسایی فرآیند تولید در اشیاء آلیاژ مس متعلق به محوطههای عصرآهن ورکبود و مارلیک5978468410.22084/nb.2021.21607.2137FAریحانهرجبیانکارشناس ارشد باستان سنجی، دانشکدۀ حفاظت و مرمت، دانشگاه هنر اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران.امیدعودباشیدانشیار گروه مرمت اشیاء فرهنگی و تاریخی، دانشکدۀ حفاظت و مرمت، دانشگاه هنر اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران0000-0002-7984-8199داودآقا علی گلپژوهشگر، آزمایشگاه واندوگراف، پژوهشکدۀ فیزیک و شتابگرها، پژوهشگاه علوم و فنون هسته ای، تهران، ایران.مرتضیحصاریدانشیار گروه باستان شناسی پیش ازتاریخ، پژوهشکدۀ باستان شناسی، پژوهشگاه میراث فرهنگی و گردشگری، تهران، ایران.0000-0002-0893-2051Journal Article20200510Majority of metallic objects discovered from the Iron Age graveyards of Iran are made of tin bronze alloy. In this paper, some bronze objects from two Iron Age graveyards including War Kabud of Luristan and Marlik of Gilan are studied by instrumental analyses. The aim of this study is to identify the alloy composition and microstructural characteristics in some Iron Age bronze objects. For this purpose, chemical and microscopic analyses were performed by using micro-PIXE and metallography methods. Results of chemical analysis revealed that copper-zinc alloy is used to produce one object while three objects are manufactured by tin bronze (Cu-Sn) alloy. In the bronze objects, tin content is variable showing that the alloying process may has been undertaken by an uncontrolled procedure. Zinc concentration is measured about 14 wt% showing probable application of brass alloy in manufacturing this object. Results of metallographic observations showed that all objects have been cast at first while some of them have been subjected to the thermos-mechanical operations. Only in the microstructure of one object, evidences of application of cycles of working and annealing alternatively are visible.
Introduction
One of the most important periods in prehistoric Iran is the Iron Age. After the Chalcolithic and the Bronze Age periods, the Iron Age began in the middle of the second millennium BC and ended in the middle of the first millennium BC (ca. 1500-550 BC) (Muscarella, 2006; Peregrine, 2002; Danti, 2013; Overlaet, 2013; Vahdati, 2018). This important period in the history and archeology of Iran cover the period before the rise of the Achaemenid Empire. According to laboratory studies on metal objects made of copper alloys in Iran, the use of tin bronze in the production of various objects in the Iron Age has been commonplace in different parts of Iran and of large collections of bronze objects belonging to this period have been obtained during excavations. In fact, it can be mentioned that the western Iran (Luristan) and northern Iran are important areas in the field of metallurgy and the development of tin bronze alloy in the Iron Age (Oudbashi and Davami, 2014; Oudbashi and Hasanpour, 2018; Fleming et al; 2006). However, studies on bronze metallurgy in the Iron Age in these areas are limited to a few laboratory studies on some metal objects in areas such as War Kabud, Sangtarashan and Baba Jilan in Luristan, Marlik in Gilan and some other sites. Of course, it should be noted that the results of these studies have revealed aspects of the metallurgy of copper alloys, especially tin bronze in the Iron Age.
Accordingly, a laboratory study has been designed to develop metallurgical studies on the Iron Age metal objects using laboratory methods, as well as to compare the results with previous studies. According to studies, it is required to develop metallurgical studies using various methods of chemical and microstructural analysis to better identify the various aspects of metallurgy of bronze alloy in the Iron Age of Iran and also compare the results of new studies with previously published results. It is also necessary to develop the methodology of metallurgical studies and to use different laboratory methods to obtain appropriate and reliable results.
Research question: The main question of this research is what has been the method of manufacturing and production of copper alloy objects in the Iron Age based on the results of studied objects in Marlik and War Kabud?
Aim of the research: In fact, the aim of this study is to identify the composition of alloy and study manufacturing technology in a number of bronze objects obtained from two important cemeteries of the Iron Age of Iran, including Marlik in Gilan and War Kabud in Luristan.
Results and Discussion
The results of micro-PIXE analysis are presented in Table 1 to identify the composition of the alloy in four samples of studied objects belonging to the War Kabud and Marlik. The results indicated that the combination of the three samples, including the seal (Marlik), the engraved bracelet and the simple bangle (War Kabud), are a binary copper and tin (Cu-Sn) alloy and copper is the main constituent of the composition. only in bangle from War Kabud, zinc is main alloy element beside copper. The results of the analysis indicate that the composition of this sample includes 80.93% copper, 14% zinc and 2% lead. On the other hand, conducted comparison on four studied objects and the results of the analysis of other objects from two sites published earlier, indicate the widespread use of tin bronze alloy as the main compound in the metallurgy of copper alloys.
Figure 1 shows the scatter plot of copper and tin in the composition of different groups of objects in the Marlik and War Kabud areas, as well as four analyzed objects in this study. Based on the presented diagram, the following can be stated:
The amount of tin in the composition of the analyzed samples varies in two areas and its amount varies between less than one percent and about 18 percent.
The amount of tin is not related to the type and function of objects, and the amount of tin is very variable, for example in the vessels from War Kabud (red dots) or Marlik (yellow dots).
In two cases, the amount of tin is very low, which indicates the lack of use of tin bronze in these two objects.
The four objects analyzed in this study (blue-green and gray dots) are similar to other previously analyzed samples (except for one case containing very low tin content and high zinc content).
It is also worth noting that based on metallurgical studies, the studied objects were made using the casting method, and in one case the work and refraction cycles (thermomechanical operations) were used on the formation of the object after casting.
Conclusion
The study of production method and composition of alloys in a number of metal objects of the Iron Age of Iran (1500-550 BC) was performed using chemical and microscopic analysis methods. Measurement of the elemental composition using the micro-PIXE method showed that the combination of the three objects included the two-component copper and tin alloy (Cu-Sn), indicating the use of tin bronze alloy in the production of these objects.
Only in the combination, the significant amounts of observed zinc can indicate the production of brass alloy, although only a small number of objects produced from copper and zinc alloy have been observed in prehistoric Iran. Lack of significant amount of other metal elements can be due to their lack of significant amount in the composition of the primary ore. The microstructure of the studied samples was somewhat different and indicated the use of various production and shaping methods, including Casting in the form, Thermal operation, as well as hammering have been for constructing and shaping of these decorative objects. In general, it can be said that the production of copper alloy objects in the Iron Age of Iran has mostly included the use of tin bronze and the use of various methods of construction and shaping. In fact, metalworkers in the Iron Age tried to produce tin bronze alloys using uncontrolled methods and have used various metallurgical methods to produce and manufacture a variety of objects.
کاوشهای باستانشناسی در گورستانهای عصر آهن ایران، بهخصوص در نواحی شمال و غرب ایران، نشاندهندۀ وجود اشیاء متنوع آیینی است که بههمراه جسد در گورها قرار دادهشدهاند. بخش عمدهای از اشیاء بهدستآمده از کاوشهای گورستانهای عصر آهن ایران، اشیائی هستند که از آلیاژهای مس، بهخصوص آلیاژ مفرغ قلعی ساختهشدهاند. در این پژوهش چهار عدد از اشیاء آلیاژ مس متعلق به دو محوطۀ ورکبودِ لرستان و مارلیکِ گیلان مورد مطالعات آزمایشگاهی قرارگرفتهاند. هدف از این پژوهش، شناسایی ترکیب آلیاژ و ویژگیهای ریزساختاری در این اشیاء فلزی (بهعنوان مطالعۀ موردی) و مقایسۀ نتایج با مطالعات انجامشده درگذشته، بهمنظور شناسایی روش تولید و ساخت اشیاء ساختهشده از آلیاژهای مس در این دو محوطۀ عصر آهن ایران است. پرسش پژوهش بدینقرار است: فناوری تولید اشیاء آلیاژ مس در دو محوطۀ مورد مطالعه چه بوده است؟ به اینمنظور، جهت شناسایی ترکیب فلز/آلیاژ و عناصر اصلی و فرعی تشکیلدهندۀ آن و همچنین مشاهدات ریزساختاری از روشهای آنالیز Micro-PIXE و مشاهدات میکروسکوپی (متالوگرافی) استفادهشده است. نتایج آنالیز شیمیایی اشیاء موردمطالعه بیانگر این است اشیاء شامل سه مورد آلیاژ دو جزئی مس و قلع (مفرغ قلعی) و یک مورد آلیاژ مس و روی (احتمالاً برنج) است. اشیاء مفرغی حاوی درصد متفاوت قلع در ترکیب هستند که میتواند نشاندهندۀ روند تولید آلیاژ مفرغ با استفاده از روش کنترل نشدۀ آلیاژسازی باشد. اینامر در اشیاء مفرغی متعلق به عصر آهن ایران معمول بوده است. در ترکیب یک نمونه حدود 14% وزنی روی اندازهگیری شده است که این میزان میتواند بیانگر تولید آلیاژ برنج (احتمالاً بهشکل تصادفی) باشد. نتایج مطالعات میکروسکوپی نیز نشان میدهد که مرحلۀ اول ساخت اشیاء موردمطالعه ریختهگری بوده است که برروی تعدادی از اشیاء بعد از عملیات ریختهگری، عملیات ترمومکانیکی (بهمیزان محدود) انجامشده است. تنها یک شئ با استفاده از چرخههای متناوب کار و تابکاری ساختهشده است.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4684_134e84fd8af87ac7071081771060cf02.pdfدانشگاه بوعلی سیناپژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225123220220622Petrographic Study of The Middle Chalcolithic Pottery’s in High Zagros and Comparison with Khuzestan and Farsمقایسۀ کانی نگاری سفال دورۀ مس وسنگ میانی زاگرس مرتفع با مناطق خوزستان و فارس79102468510.22084/nbsh.2020.20007.2006FAفاطمهحاجی نوروزیدانشجوی دکتری باستان شناسی، گروه باستان شناسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایرانمحمودحیدریاندانشیار گروه باستان شناسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه شهرکرد، شهرکرد، ایران.علیرضاخسروزادهدانشیار گروه باستان شناسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه شهرکرد، شهرکرد، ایران.Journal Article20190904In recent years, in various surveys carried out in the Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari area, a large number of Chalcolithic settlements have been found; From the surface of these settlements, some potteries are obtained which earlier studies of them suggests the close relation between the ceramics of the region under study with Chalcolithic material in Fars (Bakun A and B), Khuzestan (Middle and Late Susiana) and some extent from the central and western Iranian plateau. Therefore, it seemed necessary to use laboratory methods , To begin with the technique of construction and some technical features of these types of pottery and It is also possible to determine whether these pottery, in addition to its apparent similarities, such as color, motif and form, are structurally and technically similar to simultaneous samples of adjacent areas. Because the extent of the influences of the peoples of the high Zagros from the neighboring areas on this important issue can help us to understand the social, cultural, and economic connections (Interactions) of the inhabitants of the area during the Chalcolithic Age. For this reason, a combination of field, library, and laboratory methods were employed to achieve these goals and A total of 32 pottery samples collected from the pre-historic sites of Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari, Khuzestan and Fars were analyzed using petrographic studies. Finally, by examining the technical and mineralogical characteristics of these samples, it was found that the Middle Chalcolithic Pottery of High Zagros was handmade and fired at sufficient temperatures, and minerals have been used as their temper. In addition to the ceramics of this period, as in appearance, in technical and technical features, they were very similar to those of Fars and Khuzestan and in fact, these specimens were made with the influence of Bakun pottery and Middle and Late Susiana.
Introduction
Manufacturing high-quality ceramics and creating various motifs on vessels during the Chalcolithic Age, and especially in the Middle chalcolithic, became popular in different regions; Especially in areas such as Khuzestan and Fars, which are important pre-historic cultural regions of Iran. In recent years, numerous surveys have been carried out in the Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari region and in parts such as Farsan, Ardal and Miankoh, and many Middle Chalcolithic sites have been found, and many of this pottery has Early studies have found that they resemble pottery in the adjacent regions. Despite this diversity and distribution, a few research has been done on these pottery types and the Pottery of this period is less well known in terms of technical characteristics. While laboratory studies on these potteries, in addition to understanding its construction technique and technology, can be achieved to a great extent through the communication and even cultural developments of the period under study, compared with the pottery of the neighboring areas. In addition to accessing this information, it can also provide the basis for the origin of these pottery species (Of course, with additional tests).
<strong>Questions & Hypothesis: </strong>1- What is the middle clay pottery of Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari in terms of texture, fired temperature and constituent elements? 2- Are these pottery species similar in appearance to color and motif painted and in technical characteristics similar to those of Fars and Khuzestan?
1- The pottery studied seems to be handmade, often having a soft texture, painted surface, fired at sufficient temperatures, and minerals have been used as their Temper. 2- It also seems that in addition to the apparent similarity, the technical and construction features are similar to those of Fars and Khuzestan. In fact, the inhabitants of the high Zagros have been influenced by these two areas, which are the origins of the Bakun and Middle and Late Susiana pottery, respectively.
In order to achieve the objectives of the study, 32 potteries collected from the prehistoric sites of Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari, Khuzestan and Fars were analyzed by petrographic studies, In order to examine the hypotheses of this study in this way.
Identified Traces
The main target area of this research is Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari province located in the central part of the Zagros Mountains (Banitalebi, 2010: 14). Considering the very similarities of the pottery of this region with neighboring regions namely Khuzestan (southwest of Iran), Fars (south of Zagros) and similarity of some pottery samples of the north of the region with coinciding ceramics of Central Plateau, Khuzestan, Fars and Isfahan as control areas, are intended. In spite of the follow- up and lack of permission for sampling the plateau areas, a sample of the central plateau and Isfahan has not been selected for testing in this study.
in line with the objectives of this project, 13 samples of Middle Chalcolithic pottery from 4 sites (Kian Tepe, Qal,e Afgan, Gard-e Chellegah and Jamalo) were distributed in different geographical directions of Chaharmahal province and the area’s most settlements during the study period, Have Compared with 9 pieces of pottery from Khuzestan (Chogha Mish and Tall-e Geser) and 10 pieces of Fars (Tall-e Bakun, Tall-e Gap and Tall-e Nokhoudi), In the selection of Khuzestan and Fars areas, the areas that were located in the nomad movement and of course indexed and excavated.
The petrographic method was used to achieve the goals of this study. In this method, a thin section of stone or ceramic object is made, This section is so thin that it can pass light and By placing it under the geological microscope (polarizer) they study the minerals in it. Because minerals that form rocks or in pottery in polarized light have different properties and colors, petrographers can distinguish them from one another (Ellis, 2000: 458). In this study, after preparing thin sections, the microscopic study of the pottery was performed with” James Swift” polarized binocular microscope. The magnification used in this study was 4x, in addition to identifying pottery components and compounds present in the texture, temper, fired temperature of pottery and comparing properties of pottery with adjacent areas.
Conclusion
After microscopic studies on the samples of pottery in all three regions of Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari, Khuzestan and Fars and comparing the results of these studies, it was found that potteries of Middle Chalcolithic of Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari period are handmade, They have silty texture and well-fired, Quartz (the main sand-forming mineral) has been used as a temper. It was also found that the pottery of this region not only looks similar to the patterns of neighboring areas such as Fars and Khuzestan in terms of appearance and motifs painted but also has many similarities in terms of technical features to those of pottery. Pottery in all three regions had a similar situation in quality and kneading. Structurally, some samples of Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari were similar to Khuzestan samples and others were similar to Fars samples. Quartz, calcite and Fe-oxide constituted the major constituents of the pottery in all three regions and Quartz has been used as a temper. Also, in all three areas, the temperature of the kiln for firing is about 800 C0 and this temperature is sufficient for firing high- quality pottery. In fact, the construction of the Middle Chalcolithic Age pottery in Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari was quite influenced by neighboring cultures such as Bakun and Susa.در سالهای اخیر در بررسیهای مختلفی که در منطقۀ چهارمحالوبختیاری و در نقاطی مانند فارسان، اردل و میانکوه صورتگرفته، شمار زیادی محوطه مربوط به دورۀ مسوسنگ یافتشده است؛ از سطح این محوطهها، سفالهایی بهدستآمده که پژوهشهای نخستین روی این سفالها نشاندهندۀ ارتباط و نزدیکی بسیار زیاد سفال منطقه با سفالهای دورۀ مسوسنگ در فارس (باکون الف و ب)، خوزستان (شوشان میانه و جدید) و تاحدودی مرکز فلات و غرب ایران است؛ ازاینرو، استفاده از روشهای آزمایشگاهی برای مطالعۀ این گونههای سفالی ضروری بهنظر میرسید تا ابتدا به فن ساخت و برخی ویژگیهای فنی این گونههای سفالی پیبرده شود و همچنین مشخص شود که این سفالها علاوهبر شباهتهای ظاهری مانند: رنگ، نقش و فرم، ازنظر ساختاری و فنی نیز با نمونههای همزمان مناطق مجاور شباهت دارند یا خیر(؟)؛ چراکه میزان تأثیرپذیری مردمان زاگرس مرتفع از مناطق همجوار در این مورد مهم میتواند ما را درپی بردن به ارتباطات اجتماعی، فرهنگی و اقتصادی (برهمکنشهای) ساکنان این منطقه در عصر مسوسنگ یاری کند. بههمیندلیل برای رسیدن به اهداف موردنظر، تلفیقی از روشهای میدانی، کتابخانهای و آزمایشگاهی بهکار بسته شد و تعداد 32 نمونۀ سفالی که از سطح محوطههای پیشازتاریخی منطقۀ چهارمحالوبختیاری، خوزستان و فارس جمعآوریشده با انجام مطالعات پتروگرافی مورد تجزیهوتحلیل قرارگرفت. درنهایت با بررسی ویژگیهای فنی و کانیشناسی این نمونهها، مشخص شد که سفال دورۀ مسوسنگ میانی زاگرس مرتفع دستساز بوده، پخت کافی دارند و از مواد معدنی بهعنوان مادۀ چسبانندۀ آنها استفادهشده است، علاوهبر اینکه سفال این دورۀ همچون ویژگیهای ظاهری، در فن ساخت و ویژگیهای فنی هم شباهت بسیار به سفال همزمان فارس و خوزستان داشته و درواقع این نمونهها با تأثیرپذیری از سفال باکون و شوشان میانه و جدید ساختهشده است.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4685_b841bd05b754c68b2a4a823deae7e747.pdfدانشگاه بوعلی سیناپژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225123220220622Chronology in Northern Slops of Central Alborz Mountain During the Bronze Age based on the Ghale-Ben Excavation
in Babol, Mazandaranگاهنگاری عصر مفرغ جبهۀ شمالی البرز مرکزی با تکیه بر کاوش محوطۀ قلعه بن بزرودپی شهرستان بابل103134468610.22084/nb.2022.24603.2354FAحسنفاضلی نشلیاستاد گروه باستان شناسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایرانمجتبیصفریاستادیار گروه باستان شناسی مؤسسه غیرانتفاعی نیما، محمودآباد، مازندران، ایران.شیاخونگوهواستاد گروه باستان شناسی، دانشگاه پکن، چین.هدایتکلواری جانکیکارشناسی ارشد باستان شناسی، گروه باستان شناسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایرانیودیتتومالسکیدکتری باستان شناسی، مدیر مرکز باستان شناسی آلمان (DFG) در ایران.Journal Article20210719While some parts of the Iranian plateau suffered from cultural disruptions, social crises and environmental changes during the third millennium BCE, the northern strip (i.e., Mazandaran province) and northeastern of Iran experienced one of the brightest periods of socio-economic development and rise of urban centers. Mazandaran province is located in the middle of the northern front of the central Alborz and is one of the most unknown parts of Iran in term of the establishment texture in third millennium. Lack of independent and purposeful researches in the northern parts of the Central Alborz and the southern shores of the Caspian Sea, especially in Mazandaran province, has led to an insufficient and inappropriate understanding of the Bronze Age developments, and following that has made us not have a favorable opportunity for comparative research and study of cultural interactions with the surrounding areas, compared to other regions of the Iranian plateau. Therefore, the need to review previous archaeological activities and the results of excavations of key sites of the Bronze Age such as Ghal-e-Ben in Babol, to study the chronology of this area was felt, Therefore, this article tries to provide a framework for the chronology of Central Alborz by studying and analyzing the results of the Bronze Age excavations in the region as well as the information obtained from the excavations of the Bozroud pey area (Ghal-e-Ben) of Babol. This study is an attempt to provide a framework for the chronology of the Central Alborz by studying and analyzing the results of the Bronze Age excavations in the region and the information obtained from the excavations of the Bozrudpey Site of Babol. By excavating the Bozrudpey Site, performing chronological studies in that site, and providing an accurate chronological table of all its layers, we studied and developed the chronological framework, cultural interaction and, the settlement pattern of the northern border of the Central Alborz during the Bronze Age..
Introduction
We consider Mazandaran province as a part of the cultural area of northeastern Iran, which has extended to the Sombar valley in western Turkmenistan. Although Mazandaran province has been influenced by the cultures of Gorgan plain and northeastern Iran in its starting point, but over time we see that Mazandaran should be considered as a “special cultural territory” whose pottery composition reflects the cultural territory of this part of Iran. Which slowly spreads to other parts of Alborz and outside its geographical environment, so that if we look at large parts of the southern front of Alborz, from the valley of Taleghan to the lower plains of Damghan and Semnan, the people of this region are well in Mazandaran language and dialect they talked and we believe that traces of cultural development of Mazandaran in the Bronze and Iron Ages can be seen in the southern parts of Alborz. Therefore, the formation of the ؛historical geography of Mazandaran؛ started from the Bronze Age and evolved in the Iron Age and accommodated very rich cultures over time and space. As we will discuss in this article, gray pottery was widespread in all bronze phases of Mazandaran, and unlike the Gorgan plain, where gray pottery was very diverse in shape and form, Mazandaran had a lower intensity during the Bronze Age.
Bozroud Pey (Ghale-Ben) Area of Babol Province
Bozroud pey (Ghal e -Ben) Area is one of the index areas of the Bronze Age in the central part of Mazandaran in the city of Khoshroudpey, Babol province, located in the western part of Band pey sector (Fig: 1), which is 66 meters above sea level and has following longitude and latitude coordinates. N: 36 23.17 / 84 E: 52 34.12 / 55. Also, this area has been registered in the list of national monuments with the number of 31367. In the first season of the excavation of Ghal e -Ben of the Bozroud pey 2019, four trenches opened consist of X-35, Q-31, W-32 and AB-27(fig: 2,3). In this paper, in order to know more about the chronological status of the area, we will deal with the results of two layering boreholes whose cultural layers have been absolutely dated.
Conclusion
The absolute and relative chronology of Ghal e-Ben (four main periods of 1) Chalcolithic period from 3200 to 3000 BCE, Caspian Black on Red Ware. 2) start from 3000 BCE and ends 2500 BCE consists of three sub-pahses of grey pottery type comparable to Gohar-Tepe, Yaghut Tape, kelar, Gal e-kesh, Tarkam, Shah Tepe II, Turang IIIA, Narges Tepe IIIC and Hesar IIB-III.3) thw third periods starts from 2500 BCE and ends 2000 BCE with combinations of Grey Wares (comparable with the Gorgan plain, northeastern Iran and most of Mazandaran Bronze Age sites) and also Transcaucasia ceramic types. 4) the last phase back to 2000-1500 BCE and their forms and decoration comparable with Gohar Tepe, Yaghut Tepe, Gal e- kesh, Gal e- pey, Hissar IIIC, Shah Tepe IIA, Turang Tepe IIIC and Narges Tepe IIIA. also, the upper layers of Ghal e-Ben belong to Islamic centuries 10 to 19 AD.
The present article can be considered as one of the most serious research in Mazandaran that allows us to have more accurately the emergence of Bronze Age of Mazandaran, how human societies arised in this part of Iran and went through the process of social and cultural complexities while collapsed during the middle of the second millennium. We should consider that do not know yet much about the origin and the cause of migration and population explosion during the third millennium BC in this part of Iran and archaeologically needs further studies to address this cultural and economic variation. However, tracs of Silk III Chalcolithic southern Alborz Mountain reveal some low degree of contact between the two sides of north and south of Alborz Mountain (Heidari, 2016; Heidari et al, 2021). it seems that in the early Hissar II period (3600 -3400) Sialk culture III3-7 has penetrated into the eastern of Mazandaran through the Damghan region. However, Barbara Helwing (Helwing 2006) and Christopher Thornton (Thornton et al. 2013) precisely depict the “cultural orientation” of the Hissar from West (north of the central plateau) to the north / northeast and Gorgan plain (Thornton, 2013; Thornton et al., 2013).
At the end of the fourth millennium BC, the southern and southeastern basins of the Caspian Sea, especially Mazandaran province, established their cultural interactions with the Gorgan plain and the northeast with the occurrence of “Caspian Black on Red Ceramic”. Due to the fact that in the lower layers of Gohar Tepe, Qaleh Kesh and Ghal e –Ben (plan: 1) (related to the late fourth millennium BC) in Mazandaran province, this type of red pottery with black motifs has been identifiedwhich support the connection of Mazandaran with the Grogan plain with sites such as Shah Tepe III-IIb, Turang Tepe IIA, Tepe Hissar and in Sombar cemetery in the second half of the 4th millennium BC (Olson, Thornton, 2019: 18). Gray pottery of Ghal e- Ben address intra-regional scale of communication similar with Gohar Tepe (Mahforouzi, 2007), Yaghoot Tepe (Mahforouzi, 2006), Tepe Kelar (Mousavi Kouhpar and Abbasnejad Sarasti, 2007), Qaleh Kesh (Amirkalaei, 2009), Qaleh Pey (Mahforouzi, 2009), Terkam Tepe (Mahforouzi, 2010) and Tepe Abbasi (Abbasnejad Sarasti, 2009) in Mazandaran province. On the other hand, on a trans-regional scale, the traces of such interaction can be seen in Hissar IIB-IIIA-BC (Schmidt, 1937), Shah Tepe IIA-B (Arne, 1945), Turang Tepe (Deshayes, 1976) and Narges Tapeh III (Abbasi, 1390). Also, the existence of several pieces of pottery of Kora-Aras types has been found among the pottery of the early Bronze Age in Ghal e -Ben. In terms of construction technique, color and style, these potteries are similar with Transcaucasia type (Mousavi Kouhpar and Abbasnejad Sarasti, 2007) (plan: 2,3,4).در طی هزارۀ سوم پیشازمیلاد درحالیکه مرکز فلات ایران دچار گسستهای فرهنگی و بحرانهای اجتماعی و زیستمحیطی گردید و استقرارهای آن رو به افول نهاد، بخشهایی از نوار شمالی (بهعبارتی استان مازندران) و شمالشرق ایران یکی از دورههای درخشان حیات خود را تجربه میکردند و دارای حیات دیگر گردیدند. استان مازندران، در بخش میانی جبهۀ شمالی البرز مرکزی قرار دارد و ازمنظر بافت استقرار هزارۀ سوم پیشازمیلاد یکی از ناشناختهترین نقاط ایران محسوب میشود. نقطۀ کلیدی و آغازین این مهم، نداشتن اطلاعاتی متقن از تسلسل گاهنگاری نسبی و مطلق منطقه است، همچنین کمبود پژوهشهای مستقل و هدفمند در بخشهای شمالی البرز مرکزی و کرانههای جنوبی دریای مازندران خاصه استان مازندران، باعث گردیده که درک کافی و مناسبی از تحولات دوران مفرغ نسبت به سایر مناطق فلات ایران و بهدنبال آن، فرصت مطلوبی برای انجام تحقیقات تطبیقی و مطالعۀ برهمکنشهای فرهنگی با مناطق پیرامونی نداشته باشیم؛ لذا، نویسندگان در این پژوهش با توجه بهضرورت بازنگری فعالیتهای باستانشناختی عصر مفرغ جبهۀ شمالی البرز مرکزی درصدد ارائه جدول گاهنگاری مطلق برای منطقه میباشند. نوشتار حاضر تلاش میکند با ارائه جدول گاهنگاری بهروش مطلق ازطریق نتایج آزمایشگاهی منطبق بر لایهنگاری دقیق حاصل از کاوش محوطۀ قلعهبن، به مطالعه و تنظیم چارچوب گاهنگاری در عصر مفرغ جبهۀ شمالی البرز مرکزی بپردازد. همچنین ازطریق گونهشناسی سفالی منطبق بر گاهنگاری مطلق ارائهشده از این محوطه، به مطالعه و تنظیم چارچوب گونهشناسی سفالی دورۀ مفرغ جبهۀ شمالی البرز مرکزی بپردازند. پژوهش حاضر برپایۀ چارچوب نظری تاریخی-فرهنگی نهاده شده و بر ترسیم تطور زمانی فرهنگهای عصر مفرغ حوزۀ پژوهش تأکید داشته است؛ لذا از دیدگاه هدف یک پژوهش بنیادی است که در ابتدا برمبنای گمانهزنی و کاوش محوطۀ قلعهبن و سپس تجزیهوتحلیل یافتههای حاصل از کاوش و مطالعات کتابخانهای استوار بوده است و با رویکرد توصیفی-تحلیلی درصدد تبیین یافتههای فرهنگی است. نتایج پژوهش حاضر که براساس مطالعات آزمایشگاهی صورتگرفته برروی 38 نمونه بهروش کربن 14، نشان میدهد قلعهبن، محوطۀ استقراری مربوط به فازهای پایانی عصر مسوسنگ در اواخر هزارۀ چهارم پیشازمیلاد و سراسر دورۀ مفرغ (3300 تا 1450 پ.م.) بوده است و در پایان عصر مفرغ و اوایل عصر آهن احتمالاً بهدلیل تحولات محیطی متروکشده و قابلیت خود را بهعنوان محوطۀ استقراری از دست میدهد.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4686_3df390ea7f6338a03026f0c57e26c38d.pdfدانشگاه بوعلی سیناپژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225123220220622Looking at Glass Findings of the Elymaean Period in the Khuzestan Highlandsنگاهی به یافته های شیشه ای دورۀ الیمایی در مناطق کوهستانی خوزستان135162468710.22084/nbsh.2020.20673.2057FAمسلمجعفری زادهدکتری باستان شناسی،گروه باستان شناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرس، تهران، ایراناسماعیلهمتی ازندریانیاستادیار گروه باستان شناسی، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری دانشگاه بوعلی سینا، همدان، ایران.مجیدسروشکارشناس ارشد باستان شناسی، رئیس اداره موزه ها و اموال اداره کل میراث فرهنگی، گردشگری و صنایع دستی استان خوزستان، اهواز، ایران.Journal Article20191227Khuzestan plain in southwestern Iran is represented by two mountainous geographical regions and plain. During the Parthian period, we also saw the rise of the Elymaean in the mountainous regions and plains of Khuzestan. Glass was one of the industries that flourished during the Parthian period. Parthian glass is abundant in the plain and flat areas of Khuzestan, while in the mountainous areas only specimens are found in a few areas. The main purpose of this research is to investigate, introduce and analyze examples of objects and glass containers of the Parthian (Elymaean) glass obtained from archaeological excavations of the ancient area of Khuzestan mountainous areas such as: Bard-e-Neshandeh and Kal Chandar. The research questions are: Based on the findings of the mentioned glassware, were there any glass-making workshops in the area or were the glass objects imported? What is the method of making these glass objects? What are the common types of containers studied in this article and what kind of uses? The present study tries to provide a logical answer to the questions raised in this research by using descriptive-analytical and methodological data collection through library studies (including the use of books, reports and published articles). The results indicate that the glass findings of the Khuzestan mountainous areas are likely to be imported and cannot be produced locally. Most of the objects were manufactured by the blown technique, although they also used blown, compact, and mud molding techniques to make ornaments. The glass containers were mostly cups, but the containers for medicines, cosmetics, sugars and cups were also found. The glass findings also show that trade in this commodity and peaceful cultural relations have taken place alongside the military confrontations between Iran and Rome.
Introduction
Based on ecological and natural geography studies, Khuzestan province in southwestern Iran is generally divided into two geographical parts. Its northern and eastern parts include mountainous areas and its western, central and southern parts include flat plains with rivers full of water. During the Parthian period, we are witnessing the rise to power and the presence of Elymaean tribes in the mountainous areas and plains of Khuzestan. In general, the Elymaean land included the eastern and northern parts of the ancient Elam region and the western slopes of the Bakhtiari Mountains. It seems that the Elymaean tribes lived in an area bounded on the east by Isfahan, on the south by Fars, on the west by Khuzestan, and on the north by the Medes, which were in fact on the communication routes of four important Province. Archaeological excavations in the plains and flat areas of Khuzestan, such as Shush (Susa), Saleh Davood, Gelalak and Dastva in Shushtar and the Parthian cemetery of Jobaji Ramhormoz, have found many Parthian glasses, while in mountainous areas only in a few areas Examples found.
Discussion
The main purpose of this research is to investigate, introduce and analyze samples of glass objects and vessels of the Parthian (Elymaean) period that have been obtained from archaeological excavations of the ancient site of the mountainous regions of Khuzestan, namely the slave of Bard-e-Neshandeh of Masjed Soleiman and the Kal Chandar of Izeh. These sites have been explored by Girshman and Mehrkian for several seasons. Another purpose is to compare the glass data of these areas with other similar samples in other areas for detailed study and citation. The ultimate goal is to get more information about the Parthian glass industry in terms of manufacturing technique, decoration, type of use and commercial connections. Also, interpretive knowledge of the studied parts and understanding the evolution of the glass industry in these areas are other objectives of this research. The necessity of conducting this research is to know more about glass findings, commercial relations, existence of glass workshops and obtaining more information about their construction method, shape and decorations in this period.
Research questions include: Based on the above findings, were there any glass workshops in this area or are the glass objects imported? What is the method of making the mentioned glass objects? What are the common types of dishes studied in this article and what kind of use did they have? The present study tries to provide a logical answer to the questions raised in this research with a descriptive-analytical approach and data collection method through library studies (including the use of books, reports and articles).
It should be noted that the glass finds of the slave include pieces of pharmaceutical and cosmetic utensils, cups, jugs, jewelry, beads, spindles, figures and human motifs, toy objects, rings, and so on. While the glass works obtained from the Kal Chandar area only contain two special containers of drugs. In general, these works are made in a range of green colors, but there were other colored glasses such as azure, vegetable, black-brown, gray and cream. The technology of making and producing most of the mentioned objects has been free by blowing method, although they have also used blowing methods in molds, compressed molds and clay molds, which have been used to make jewelry. This shows that not only the old methods were not abandoned in this period, but along with the new innovation of glassmaking, ie the blowing method, other methods were also used to make the works. The decorations used on the glass are also interesting. Most of the decoration is related to the added strips that were placed horizontally, vertically, wavy and zigzag on the dishes. But decorations such as embossed ribbons, honeycomb carvings, feather-like patterns and embellishments are also other decorations used on glass objects. The glassware is often related to cups, but special containers for medicines, cosmetics, sachets and cups were also found. It should be noted that the artifacts found in terms of form and decoration are comparable with other ancient sites of the Parthian period in the plain of Khuzestan such as Shush (Susa), Saleh Davood, Gelalak, Dastva, Jobji and others. Similar samples of studied glass handicrafts have been found in other areas of the Iranian plateau such as Nahavand, Khark, Deilman, Gilan, Azerbaijan, etc. Similar examples have been found in other parts of Iran during the Parthian period and in neighboring areas such as Mesopotamia, the eastern Mediterranean, Armenia, Egypt, and Roman-controlled areas, showing trade in these goods and peaceful cultural relations alongside Iranian military conflicts and Rome has been established.
Conclusion
Archaeological findings prove that the glass industry has been prevalent in the Khuzestan plain for a long time and has maintained its evolution and progress over time. Samples were also imported from the western regions, both by land and sea. However, the results of this study indicate that the glass finds of the mountainous areas of Khuzestan (ie, slaves and whole herds) are most likely imported and cannot be produced on site. Most likely, these glass handicrafts were brought from neighboring areas in Khuzestan or from Mesopotamia. Because so far, the explorers have not found any signs of Parthian glass workshop in the mountainous areas of Khuzestan, nor have glass works been reported in other areas of these areas. While according to research, there was a glass workshop in Susa, which is part of the plain. This argument is based on the fact that the manufacture of glassware and glass workshops requires special industrial techniques and methods that no examples of such production workshops have been reported in the mountainous regions of Khuzestan. Also, according to the geographical conditions of the study area, the production and use of glassware, which is very fragile and expensive, has no so-called economic justification. The found samples were mostly used as decorative and luxurious dishes. On the other hand, in archeological excavations in Iran and Mesopotamia, glass finds related to the 1st to 3rd centuries AD and at the same time with the second half of the Parthian rule have been obtained, which shows the extent of the use of vessels, ornaments and other glass artifacts of this period. Most of these artifacts have been discovered in Parthian tombs.
It is necessary to mention at the end that at the same time with the Parthian period, we are witnessing the flourishing of the glass industry in a wide range of her rule, which had never been seen before. The glassmaking of this period experienced a renaissance as well as important changes that culminated with the invention of the tailpipe in the Syrian-Palestinian territories and the innovation of blown glass in the middle of the first century BC. The method of blowing made the art of glassmaking out of luxury and into mass production. Also, using this method, the variety of shapes and sizes of glass was increased.دشت خوزستان در جنوبغربی ایران از دو منطقۀ جغرافیایی کوهستانی و دشت تشکیل شده است. در دورۀ اشکانی، شاهد قدرتگیری و حضور اقوام الیمایی هم در مناطق کوهستانی و دشتهای خوزستان هستیم. یکی از صنایعی که از دورۀ اشکانیان رونق گرفت، شیشه بود. شیشههای اشکانی در محوطههای دشت و مسطح خوزستان بسیار یافت میشود، درحالیکه در نواحی کوهستانی بهصورت محدود فقط در چند محوطه نمونههایی یافت شد. هدف اصلی این پژوهش بررسی، معرفی و تحلیل نمونه هایی از اشیاء و ظروف شیشهای دورۀ اشکانی (الیمایی) است که از کاوشهای باستانشناسی محوطۀ باستانی مناطق کوهستانی خوزستان، یعنی «بردهنشانده» و «کلچندار» بهدست آمدهاند. پرسشهای پژوهش عبارتنداز اینکه، با استناد به یافتههای شیشهای مذکور، کارگاههای شیشهگری در این منطقه وجود داشته یا اینکه اشیاء شیشهای وارداتی هستند؟ روش ساخت اشیاء شیشهای مذکور چیست؟ گونههای رایج ظروف مورد مطالعه در این نوشتار کدامند و چه نوع کاربری داشتهاند؟ پژوهش حاضر با رویکرد توصیفی-تحلیلی و روش گردآوری اطلاعات ازطریق مطالعات کتابخانهای (شامل استفاده از: کتب، گزارشها و برخی مقالات) سعیبر آن دارد تا به پرسشهای مطرح در این پژوهش پاسخ منطقی ارائه دهد. نتایج بیانگر آن است که یافتههای شیشهای محوطههای کوهستانی خوزستان به احتمال زیاد وارداتی بوده و نمیتوانند در خود محل تولید شده باشند. فناوری ساخت و تولید اکثر اشیاء مذکور با روش دمیدۀ آزاد بوده است؛ هر چند از روشهای دمیده در قالب، فشرده در قالب و قالب گلی نیز بهره بردهاند که برای ساخت زیورآلات بوده است. ظروف شیشهای مذکور اغلب مربوط به پیالههاست، ولی ظروف ویژۀ مواد دارویی، آرایشی، ساغر و جامها نیز جزو یافتهها بودند؛ همچنین یافتههای شیشهای نشان میدهد که تجارت این کالا و روابط صلحآمیز فرهنگی در کنار کشمکشهای نظامی ایران و روم برقرار بوده است.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4687_a7b39a30f5ed7e648f8f4cd4df8e6128.pdfدانشگاه بوعلی سیناپژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225123220220622The Methodical Study of Qale’h-ye Golrokh Site in Hinterland Ala-Marvdasht Plainبررسی روشمند محوطه قلعه گُلرخ در دشت پس کرانهای علامرودشت163188468810.22084/nb.2021.24225.2332FAخدیجهغلامیکارشناسی ارشد باستان شناسی، گروه باستان شناسی، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری دانشگاه بوعلی سینا، همدان، ایران.یعقوبمحمدی فراستاد گروه باستان شناسی، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری دانشگاه بوعلی سینا، همدان، ایرانعلیرضاعسکری چاوردیدانشیار گروه باستان شناسی، دانشگاه هنر شیراز، شیراز، ایران.Journal Article20210506The Hinterland plains of the northern Persian Gulf are almost unknown in Iranian archeology. These plains are the link between the shores of the Persian Gulf and the northern regions. Numerous sites from the Sassanid era have been identified in the plains of Lamerd, Mohr and Alamarvdasht. The Site Golrokh is located in the east of Ala-Marvdasht plain, on a natural ridge in the shape of a fort enclosed in the southern foothills overlooking the city of Chahvarz. Considering the necessity and importance of recognizing Sassanid pottery, at first the main question of the research project was about how Sassanid pottery was designed. Accordingly, the cultural exchanges of this area with other contemporaries in the shores and offshore areas of the Persian Gulf were studied. This site was sampled by regular (systematic) survey method with the aim of identifying the settlement periods of networking and terrestrial pottery of 30% of the networks. 9364 pieces of pottery were collected, classified and analyzed and typologically in the statistical community. The sum of quantitative and qualitative analyzes of pottery shows: 5 samples of container body shape, 13 types of edges, 3 types of container floor, 2 types of container handle shapes and 7 types of decorative methods have been used on the surface of the container body of this area. The relative chronology of the pottery species discovered from this area shows that this area was inhabited in the late Parthian period and the beginning of the Sassanid era, in the Middle Ages and the end of the Sassanid era and finally the beginning of the Islamic era. This area was inhabited throughout the Sassanid era and in addition to being connected with the Persian region and the Persian Gulf in the commercial, economic and cultural process, the existence of a kind of red Indian pottery indicates Golrokh’s trans-regional connections in the Persian Gulf trade with India.
Introduction
The hinterland and coastalland of the Persian Gulf have always been considered by different people in different periods. During the Sassanid period, the The hinterland and coastalland of the Persian Gulf were important due to the existence of sea trade routes and possibly religious reasons, according to indications about the existence of fire temples in Karian (Askari Chavardi, 2013: 397) and witnessed an increase in Sassanid settlements on the hinterland and coastalland of the Persian Gulf. Information about the Sassanid settlement periods on the northern coastal land of the Persian Gulf is limited to a number of areas such as Siraf, Qeshm, etc. The situation of the northern coastalland of the Persian Gulf during the Sassanid period is more unknown than the hinterland of the Persian Gulf‚ Lamerd city which is located along and it is the mountains of South Zagros in Fars province, considered in the geographical area of the northern coasts of the Persian Gulf. This region was considered a part of Ardeshir Khoreh furnace in the Sassanid period. Qale’h-ye Golrokh area is located in the eastern part of Ala-Marvdasht plain in Lamerd city, and on the edge of a residential area. The basis of the present study is the classification of pottery in the area of Qale’h-ye Golrokh. Therefore, during this research, the area was first mapped and topographed. Then the area was divided into 10×10 M‚ networks and 30% of the pottery networks were collected. Typology, classification and comparison of pottery with similar samples in the hinterland and coastal land areas of the Persian Gulf are discussed. For this purpose, library studies were performed and finally the descriptive-analytical method was used for the final result. The results of this classification are compared with other regions of the Sassanid era, especially the Sassanid areas located in Persia and the hinterland and coastal land of the Persian Gulf. This comparison has been done to identify the Sassanid style of pottery, the influence of other regions on the region and to explain vice versa, as well as the economic exchanges and social interactions of different cultural fields and based on that the cultural status of one of the coastal regions of the Persian Gulf was determined.
Identified Traces
The most important cultural materials in Qale’h-ye Golrokh are the pottery collected from the studied networks from the surface of the area, which are culturally important. Most of the pottery was black (39.7%), gray (10.3%), dark gray (10.3%), dark brown (4.2%) and brown (6.9%). Among the pottery pieces of Qale’h-ye Golrokh, some groups of pottery are of great importance, which include the following groups.
Glazed pottery (Qale’h-ye Golrokh glazed pottery can be divided into two groups: alkaline glazed pottery and sprinkled glazed pottery), 2- Pottery with thick red and brown slip (this type of pottery was produced in the late Parthian and Sassanid eras) 3- Indian red polishing pottery (this pottery was first defined in Baruda and dated to the 1st century AD and in other areas between the 3-5th century AD, and in some cases to the end of the 6th century AD (Whitehouse and Williamson: 1973, 39-38), 4- Pottery with Black Slip, 5- Large Incised Storage Vessels with carved patterns (similar examples of them are generally from the Sassanid and early Islamic periods (Kennet, 2014: 159), 6- Coarse Black pottery (These pottery have been found in Maliha and Addor from the 2nd century BC to at least the 4th century AD (Kennet, 2014: 158), 7- Sassanid Clinky (this type of pottery has been introduced in the southern area as Sassanid Clinky pottery (Kennet: 2002, 158-157), 8- Red & Black Polished Burnished pottery.
Conclusion
As a result of reviewing and studying 9364 pieces of pottery according to the mentioned variables and taking into account the error coefficient (destruction of the area and the possibility of losing part of the pottery of Qale’h-ye Golrokh), it can be said that the shape of dishes obtained from Qale’h-ye Golrokh includes more ordinary pottery. It is used daily, which is rough in terms of manufacturing quality and average production, and in general, it has been a functional container with daily use. According to the results, in the area of Golrokh Castle, based on the typological comparison, Sassanid pottery makes up the largest percentage of the pottery collection, but in this area, there are also pottery of the late Parthian or early Islamic era. In Qale’h-ye Golrokh pottery collection, there is a variety of colors and different types of utensils, which indicates the commercial relations of this area from the late Parthian period, during the Sassanid period and the beginning of the Islamic era with the shores, hinterland and the Persian Gulf.
The technical characteristics of Sassanid pottery in Golrokh Castle and their comparison with contemporary vessels in other areas of this period show that this area has played an active role in political, commercial and economic interactions in southern Iran. In addition to the existence of Darabgard coin in this area, similar decorative patterns or close resemblance of the edges of the dishes of this area with the areas of Suhar, Ras Al Khaimah, Siraf, Qeshm, Hajiabad, Darabgird, Bishapur, Qasr Abu Nasr and Karian show that this area Not only has it been associated with the sites and ports located in the Ardeshir Khoreh basin, but it has also been active and dynamic in the economic relations and trade route of Ardeshir Khoreh with the Persian Gulf ports. The presence of red pottery attributed to Indian red polishing pottery in the area of Qaleh Golrokh indicates direct and indirect connections within and outside the area of this area in the Persian Gulf trade.دشتهای پسکرانهای شمالی خلیجفارس، از مناطق تقریباً ناشناخته در باستانشناسی ایران است. این دشتها حلقۀ واسط بین کرانههای خلیجفارس و مناطق شمالی هستند. در دشتهای لامرد، مُهر و علامرودشت محوطههای متعددی از دورۀ ساسانی شناساییشده است. محوطۀ قلعه گُلرخ چاهورز در شرق دشت علامرودشت، روی پشتهای طبیعی بهشکل قلعهای محصور (از نوع قلعههای نامنظم) در کوهپایۀ جنوبی مشرفبر شهر چاهورز قرارگرفته است. در بررسیهای اولیه محوطۀ قلعه گلرخ بهعنوان محوطهای با استقرار اصلی دورۀ ساسانی معرفی شد. با توجه بهضرورت و اهمیت شناخت سفال ساسانی، در ابتدا پرسش اصلی پژوهش درخصوص مشخصات فنی سفال ساسانی این منطقه طرح شد؛ برهمیناساس چگونگی تبادلات فرهنگی این محوطه با سایر محوطههای همعصر در کرانهها و پسکرانههای خلیجفارس مطالعه شد. این محوطه بهروش بررسی منظم (سیستماتیک) باهدف شناخت دورههای استقراری شبکهبندی و سفالهای سطحالارضی 30% از شبکهها نمونهبرداری شد. تعداد 9364 تکّه ظروف سفالی جمعآوری، طبقهبندی و در جامعۀ آماری مورد تحلیل و گونهشناسی قرارگرفت. مجموع تحلیلهای کمّی و کیفی ظروف سفالی نشان میدهد که، پنج نمونه شکل بدنۀ ظرف، 13 نوع لبه، سه نوع کف ظرف، دو نوع شکل دستۀ ظرف و هفت نوع شیوۀ تزئینی در سطح بدنۀ ظروف این محوطه بهکاررفته است. گاهنگاری نسبی گونههای سفالی مکشوف از محوطۀ قلعه گلرخ نشان میدهد این محوطه در اواخر دورۀ اشکانی و آغاز دورۀ ساسانی مورد سکونت واقعشده است، در سدههای میانه و پایانی دورۀ ساسانی و سرانجام آغاز دوران اسلامی همچنان تداوم سکونت داشته است. این محوطه در سرتاسر دورۀ ساسانی مسکون و علاوهبر اینکه درروند تجاری، اقتصادی فرهنگی با منطقۀ فارس و خلیجفارس در ارتباط بوده است، وجود نوعی ظروف سفالی قرمزرنگ صیقلی هندی بیانگر ارتباطات فرامنطقهای گلرخ در تجارت حوزه فرهنگی خلیجفارس با هندوستان است.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4688_8d6b7a8f51ab390a323c540b36163542.pdfدانشگاه بوعلی سیناپژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225123220220622Investigating the Status of Farahan Plain During the Sassanid Period Based on Archaeological Studiesبررسی وضعیت دشت فراهان در دورۀ ساسانی براساس مطالعات باستان شناسی189213468910.22084/nb.2021.23606.2296FAجوادعلایی مقدماستادیار گروه باستان شناسی، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، دانشگاه زابل، زابل، ایران0000-0002-2857-890Xسید رسولموسوی حاجیاستاد گروه باستان شناسی، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، دانشگاه مازندران، بابلسر، ایران.0000-0002-3672-8541رضامهر آفریناستاد گروه باستان شناسی، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، دانشگاه مازندران، بابلسر، ایران.0000-0003-1005-7222Journal Article20210129Farahan plain is one of the fertile plains in southwest of the central plateau, encompassing a space enclosed among the mountains with an area of more than 5000 square kilometers. Archaeological studies indicate that Farahan plain has always been favored by humans from the late Neolithic to the present day and even today it has a considerable settlement density. One of the settlement periods of this plain, having great importance due to existence of ancient monuments and evidence such as Fardoghan fire-temple and castles and large and small hills, is the Sassanid period that even historical sources have referred to the development of Farahan plain in this era. However, so far no significant action has been taken to study the archeology of the historical period of the region in a specialized and scientific way, especially the Sassanid period, and the most important archaeological question of this period regarding the status of this plain and various factors affecting the settlement structure in Sassanid period has remained unanswered. Therefore, in this paper, relying on data obtained from archaeological study of the region, historical sources and sedimentological information of the region, the authors try to answer the above question in order to depict the status of Farahan plain during the Sassanid era. The results indicate that although favorable climatic conditions were created in Farahan plain in the centuries before the Sassanids and led to the growth of settlements, over time and during the Sassanid period, a hot and dry climate has prevailed in the region. Nevertheless, growth of settlements continued during this period, which is based on numerous small and medium rural settlements. Most likely, the continuation of settlements and their growth in this period rely on human factors like technological advances in the use of water resources to overcome environmental constraints.
Introduction
As mentioned in historical sources, development of Farhan region during the Sassanid period has been mentioned, and on the other hand, archaeological studies also confirm this, easily clarifying the importance of research related to the Sassanid period in Farahan plain. In the present study, aiming to study the status of Farahan plain during the Sassanid period, two fundamental archaeological questions are raised: How has been the status of Farahan plain during the Sassanid period? What factors have influenced the process of formation and settlement changes and developments on Farahan plain during the Sassanid era?
In this research, information has been collected using both field and laboratory studies. Field information was gathered through archaeological surveys and identification and chronology of ancient sites on the one hand, and based on environmental studies on soil status (in terms of agricultural potential), water resources and river routes (active and dried) and the condition of the sediments on the other hand. Library information has been obtained through the study of written historical sources as well as previous reports and research. In this study, environmental data play a crucial role in the analysis and interpretation of archaeological data, obviously dealing with large amounts of geographic data. In order to study and analyze archaeological data in the geographical environment, digital maps and spatial analysis based on GIS models are used.
Archaeological field information applied in this study has been obtained from two seasons of archaeological surveys on the Farahan Plain, conducted by Javad Alaei Moghadam in 2012 and 2017, and as a result, 765 archeological sites from the late Neolithic era to the Qajar period were identified. According to the relative chronology based on the typological comparison of the surface pottery samples of the site, in 199 sites in Farahan plain, evidence of the Sassanid era can be observed, most of which have an area of less than 2 hectares.
Main Text
As stated above, during archeological study conducted in Farahan plain on 199 sites, evidence of Sassanid era was found. In a comprehensive view, considering the variables of size and distribution, it is argued that these sites indicate the existence of a significant number of small communities ag large as villages scattered throughout Farahan plain. According to the research conducted, in the best conditions only in a very short period of time seasonal rivers of Farahan plain could cover lands up to a distance of one kilometer and only 43.2% of the total Sassanid sites are located in this area. Given the influence range of seasonal rivers of Farahan plain, both in terms of space and time, it cannot be considered as the most important factor in water supply of Sassanid settlements in the region. Another important hydrological phenomenon in Farahan plain is Lake Meiqan that is brine. Saline water of this lake makes it impossible to be used for normal life activities. Despite the existence of the saline lake and seasonal river, the amount of groundwater in this plain is very high, which is of high quality for agricultural and drinking purposes. This led the people to dig many wells and canals for centuries. There are more than 800 aqueducts in Farahan plain, many of which are among the oldest and largest aqueducts on the Iranian plateau. According to consistency of direction and structural path of some aqueducts with historical sites, these aqueducts can be traced back to about two thousand years ago. Most of the Sassanid sites of Farahan plain are located in central part of the plain and at an altitude of 1650 to 1850 meters above sea level, most of which have a slope between 3 to 7 degrees, providing the best conditions for a farming community.
Conclusion
The results of this study indicate that Farahan plain was given more attention during Sassanid period and the number of settlements in this plain increased in this era. Most of these settlements represent small ancient villages. According to sedimentological studies conducted in Farahan plain in terms of climate, this region, after passing a short wet season, from the early centuries AD to the end of the Sassanid period, has had a semi-arid climate (similar to today’s situation) and lacked permanent and high-water rivers. The Sassanids overcame the problem of water shortage in the region by managing water resources and digging several canals. Finally, it can be argued that Farahan plain has been among the most important rural areas of the Sassanid era, in which agriculture has flourished due to suitable living conditions and social investments in the use of water by digging aqueducts, and this has led to prosperity and a large population. The importance and development of the plain have become so great that historical sources point to the construction of important fire temples in this region during the Sassanid period that new archaeological research has proven its location in the village of Fardoghan in north of Farahan.دشت فراهان یکی از دشتهای حاصلخیز در جنوبغربی فلاتمرکزی با حدود پنجهزار کیلومترمربع وسعت است. مطالعات باستانشناسی مؤید این است که دشت فراهان از اواخر دوران نوسنگی تا عصر حاضر، پیوسته موردتوجه انسان قرار داشته، بهنحویکه حتی امروزه نیز از تراکم استقراری قابلملاحظهای برخوردار است. یکی از دورههای استقراری این دشت که با توجه بهوجود آثار و شواهد باستانی چون آتشکدۀ فردُغان و قلاع و تپههای بزرگ و کوچک، از اهمیت بالایی برخوردار است، دورۀ ساسانی است که حتی منابع تاریخی به آبادانی دشت فراهان در آن دوره اشاره نمودهاند. باوجوداین، تاکنون درزمینهٔ مطالعۀ علمی باستانشناسی دورۀ ساسانی، اقدام قابلتوجهی صورتنگرفته است و بهنحویکه پرسش درمورد چگونگی وضعیت این دشت و عوامل مختلف تأثیرگذار بر ساختار استقراری در دورۀ ساسانی بیپاسخمانده است؛ ازاینرو، نگارندگان در این پژوهش با تکیهبر دادههای حاصل از بررسی باستانشناختی، منابع تاریخی و اطلاعات رسوبشناسی منطقه، سعیبر پاسخگویی به پرسش فوق در جهت ترسیم وضعیت دشت فراهان در دورۀ ساسانی را دارند. تحقیق فوق براساس هدف از نوع تحقیقات بنیادی و ازنظر ماهیت و روش از نوع تحقیقات توصیفی- تحلیلی با تأکید بر جنبۀ تاریخی است. نتایج بیانگر آن است که هرچند شرایط اقلیمی مساعد در سدههای قبل از ساسانیان در دشت فراهان ایجاد و موجب رشد استقرارها شد، اما بهمرور و در طول دورۀ ساسانی اقلیم گرم و خشک در منطقه حاکم شده است؛ بااینوجود، تداوم رشد استقرارها در این دورۀ ادامه یافت که مبتنیبر استقرارهای روستایی متعدد کوچک و متوسط است. بهاحتمالزیاد تداوم استقرارها و رشد آنها در این دورۀ تکیهبر عوامل انسانی، همچون پیشرفت فناوری درزمینهٔ بهرهبرداری از منابع آبی جهت غلبهبر محدودیتهای محیطی دارد.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4689_b9d9e708a7889462416f011a261864b6.pdfدانشگاه بوعلی سیناپژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225123220220622Bisotun Bridge on the ‘Great Khorasan Road’:Architecture, Construction Phasing and Chronologyپل بیستون در شاهراه خراسان-بغداد: ویژگیهای معماری، روند شکلگیری و تاریخگذاری215248469010.22084/nb.2022.24609.2355FAیوسفمرادیاستادیار پژوهشکدۀ باستان شناسی، پژوهشگاه میراث فرهنگی و گردشگری، تهران، ایرانJournal Article20210720Trade caravans, military forces, diplomatic missions, kings and their entourage, state couriers, Shiite pilgrims and hajis have inevitably crossed over the Bisotun bridge throughout history. High traffic and damage caused by natural hazards have invariably persuaded governments to invest founds in reconstruction, repair and maintenance of the bridge. Bisotun bridge is built across the Dinavar Ab River oriented on an east-west axis. It is located on the eastern outskirt of the present-day town of Bisotun, on the ‘Great Khorasan Road’. The bridge is 145 m long consisting of six spans. The main architectural components of the bridge are foundation, abutments, stone piers, cutwaters, buttresses, arches, spans, parapets, and passageway. Piers are built with well-dressed stone blocks in different sizes, while the core of the piers are packed with heaps of rubble stone embedded in generous quantities of lime mortar. Walls, buttresses, and arches are built with bricks in various sizes and colors. Prior to the archaeological excavations conducted by the present author in 2001, the Bisotun bridge was rashly designated as Safavid in the literature. However, the results of our excavations and architectural studies have revealed that this bridge was constructed, reconstructed, and restored in eight different stages. The identification of the construction phasing of the bridge is chiefly based on archaeological evidence, architectural comparative studies, type of building materials, and Thermoluminescence dating (TL). The results of our investigations have shown that the construction of the bridge substructure was initiated in the late Sasanian period, but the program was terminated abruptly, as is the case with other Sasanian projects in Bisotun. Subsequently, Ḥasanwayhids, a local Kurdish dynasty in western Iran, completed the construction of the bridge. It is evident that various parts of the bridge underwent extensive repairs or reconstructions over the subsequent periods.
Introduction
Bisotun bridge is built across the Dinavar Ab River oriented on an east-west axis. It is located on the eastern outskirt of the present-day town of Bisotun, on the ‘Great Khorasan Road’. Among the locals, this bridge is also known as Pol-e Kohneh, Pol-e Shah Abbasi, Pol-e Safavi, Pol-e Naderabad, and Pol-e Dinavar Ab.
Since the 18th century, the Bisotun bridge has been repeatedly visited but only occasionally described by travelers and scholars. Their descriptions do not contain any significant information about architectural characteristics of this remarkable bridge and its importance in the transport road network of the region. Prior to our archaeological excavations in 2001, all scholars who had written about the Bisotun bridge believed that it had only five spans and was built during the Safavid period (Kleiss 1990: 277-279; 1996a: 243; Luschey 2013: 299; Golzari, nd: 402; Azarang 1375: 204; Mokhlesi 1379: 66, 370). Their proposed dating is based on the proximity of the bridge to a caravanserai from the Safavid period.
This article aims to provide, for the first time, an accurate description of the architectural characteristics, construction phasing, and chronology of various sections of the bridge based on the results of two seasons of archaeological excavations conducted under the direction of this author in 2001 and 2002.
The Bridge and the Problem of Dating
The archaeological evidence, architectural comparative studies, type of building materials, and Thermoluminescence dating (TL) have revealed that this bridge was constructed, reconstructed, and restored in eight different stages. The construction of the bridge substructure was initiated in the late Sasanian period, possibly during the reign of Khosrow II (590-628 A.D) but the program was terminated abruptly, as is the case with other Sasanian projects in Bisotun. Subsequently, Hasanwayhids, a local Kurdish dynasty in western Iran, completed the construction of the bridge. This date is confirmed by the results of TL dating on two brick samples collected from the western part of the arch of opening no. 3 and the first circular buttress on the northwest part of the bridge. The first brick sample gave a reading of 402±60 A.H (1038±60 years ago) and the second sample provided a reading of 470±69 A.H (970±69 years ago).
The arch of opining no. 6 was rebuilt in Saljuq period. This date is corroborated with the result of the TL dating on a brick sample from the arch which gave a reading of 462±57 A.H (937±57 years ago). During the Ilkhanid period, a platform was built, with rubble stone, upon pier no. 7 of the bridge. The proposed date is supported by the presence of a reasonable number of polychrome sgraffiato and a copper coin from the time of Sultan Abu Saeed (716-736 A.H).
The northern and southern facades of the bridge were destroyed at some point between the Ilkhanid and Safavid periods, and subsequently, rebuilt in the Safavid period. Furthermore, the triangular buttresses were added to the facades. Openings nos. 1 & 2 were also deliberately filled with reused construction material. We collected 2 brick samples for thermoluminescence (TL) dating from the first triangular buttress on the southeast part of the bridge and the facade near opening no. 3. The first brick sample gave a reading of 1084±21A.H (356±21 years ago) and the second sample provided a reading of 1140±21 A.H (300±21 years ago). TL dating revealed that the samples could be attributed to the Safavid period.
During the Qajar period, part of the northern facade of the bridge was reconstructed. The TL dating on a brick sample from the northern façade of the bridge, close to the transverse arch of opening no. 3, gave a reading of 1228±16 A.H (212±16 years ago). The timeframe of the production of the brick (1244-1212 A.H) coincides with the reign of Fath Ali Shah Qajar (1250-1212 A.H). The proposed date roughly correlates with the date mentioned by Mahjoub Shirazi, a well-known poet from the Qajar period. In his poem, Mahjoub Shirazi refers to the reconstruction of the bridge that took place during the time of Mohammad Shah Qajar and by the order of Manouchehr Khan Motamed Al-Dawlah in the years 1253 to 1255 A.H.
In the first Pahlavi period, the fifth opening of the bridge was rebuilt, and the whole surface of the bridge was covered with plaster (mixture of sand and lime).
Conclusion
Bisotun lies on the very famous High Road, which connected the great cities of the Iranian plateau to the major economic and political centers of power on the Mesopotamian lowland throughout history. For millennia, this road has played a significant role in the political, military, economic, commercial, cultural, identity, religious conflicts and interactions of a part of the Eastern world. It was through this road that Islam spread from west to east or the Mongols conquered lots of territories from east to west and brought devastation to Iran and beyond. Trade caravans, military forces, diplomatic missions, kings and their entourage, state couriers, Shiite pilgrims and hajis have inevitably crossed over the Bisotun bridge throughout history. High traffic and damage caused by natural hazards have invariably persuaded governments to invest founds in reconstruction, repair and maintenance of the bridge. The construction of the bridge substructure was initiated in the late Sasanian period, but the program was terminated abruptly. Subsequently, Hasanwayhids, the Kurdish Barzikani tribe in western Iran, completed the construction of the bridge. The bridge underwent extensive repairs or reconstructions over the subsequent periods, i.e., Saljuq, Ilkhanid, Safavid, Qajar and Pahlavi periods.بیستون از دیرباز همواره در مسیر پررفتوآمد کاروانهای بازرگانی و نظامی، هیئتهای سیاسی، سفرهای شاهانه بههمراه کارگزاران سلطنتی، پیکهای حکومتی، زائران عتباتعالیات و حاجیان قرار داشته است. این گروهها برای ورود و خروج از بیستون به ناچار باید از روی پل بیستون گذر میکردهاند؛ از اینرو بهدلیل اهمیت فراوان این پل، بازسازی، مرمت و نگهداری آن همواره موردتوجه حکومتها بوده است. پل بیستون در مسیر جادۀ خراسان بزرگ به بغداد در راستای شرقی-غربی برروی رودخانۀ دینورآب در حاشیۀ شرقی شهر کنونی بیستون قرار دارد. این پل 145 متر طول دارد و دارای 6 دهانه است. اجزای معماری تشکیلدهندۀ پل عبارتنداز: بستر پل، پایههای سنگی، پشتبندها، طاق دهانهها، جانپناهها و گذرگاه. پایههای پل با لاشهسنگ و ملات شفتۀ آهک و روکار از سنگهای تراشخورده در اندازههای مختلف ساخته شده است. دیوارها، پشتبندها و طاقهای پل را با آجرهایی در ابعاد و رنگهای متفاوت ساختهاند. تا پیش از انجام پژوهشهای باستانشناختی در اطراف این پل، که به سرپرستی نگارنده در سالهای 1380 و 1381 هش. انجامگرفت، پژوهشگران ساخت آنرا به دورۀ صفویه نسبت میدادند؛ اما کاوشهای باستانشناختی و مطالعات معماری نشانداد که این پل در هشت مرحله و در زمانهای مختلف بنیانگذاری، بازسازی و مرمت شده است. زمانبندی ساخت بخشهای مختلف پل از طریق بررسی شواهد باستانشناختی، مطالعات مقایسهای، بررسی نوع مصالح بهکاررفته، چگونگی کاربرد آنها و همچنین آزمایشهای سنسنجی به روش ترمولومینسانس مشخص شده است. نتایج این پژوهشها نشانداد که پایههای سنگی پل بیستون در اواخر دورۀ ساسانی ساخته شدهاند؛ اما ادامۀ ساخت پل همانند دیگر طرحهای زیرساختی ساسانی در بیستون بهطور ناگهانی متوقف شده است. پسازآن حسنویهها، یکی از حکومتهای محلی نیمۀ غربی ایران، ساخت این پل را به اتمام رساندهاند و در ادوار سپسین (سلجوقی، ایلخانی، صفوی، قاجار و پهلوی اول) نیز بخشهایی از این پل بازسازی و مرمت شده است. https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4690_9cc19292dca51a5397b69ad74d193ebe.pdfدانشگاه بوعلی سیناپژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225123220220622Investigation of the Hypothesis of Similarity and Incorporation of Mythological Varjamkard with Adobe Structures Discovered in Hegmataneh Tepeبررسی فرضیه تشابه ورجمکرد اسطورهای با ساختارهای خشتی مکشوف در محوطه هگمتانه249275469110.22084/nb.2021.24292.2334FAصاحبمحمدیان منصوراستادیار گروه معماری، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، دانشگاه بوعلی سینا، همدان، ایران0000-0002-3399-8618فائزهحاتمی مجدکارشناس ارشد معماری، همدان، ایران.Journal Article20210518Until the middle of the Pahlavi period, Hegmataneh Tepe was called Shah Darab castle and the neighborhood around it was also called Sar Qaleh neighborhood, but in the Pahlavi period Hegmataneh Tepe became official adopted. Based on the scientific archeological excavations that started in this area in 1983, structures related to the Parthian period were discovered, but the hypothesis of the existence of a historical hegmataneh below it and buildings from the Achaemenid period around it are still valid. The main issue of this study is to investigate the possible relationship between brick structures in Hegmataneh Tepe with the mythical city of “Varjamkard” and the main question of this research is what the similarities are between Vandidad’s descriptions of Varjamkard and the ancient city excavated in Hegmataneh hill. This research is of deductive type in terms of research approach and historical in terms of research strategy, and the sources used include written historical notes and archaeological reports. All the collected information is classified by coding method and finally the data is analyzed. The conclusion is that of the thirteen characteristics (codes) identified in Vandidad, seven characteristics: having a map, Mazdaism in the houses, recurring order, having a porch, self-illumination from within, the existence of waterways and the brick structure are very similar to archeological findings. About two characteristics: the name of the city and the reason for building the city, there are similarities in historical sources but there are no archaeological findings. Regarding the four characteristics, being four-cornered, the dimensions of the city, the number of passages and being two-story, the issue of similarity cannot be fully accepted at present, but the similarity is quite possible. Finally, the conclusion of this study is that due to the great similarity between this area explored and Vandidad’s descriptions of Varjamkard, the hypothesis of similarity and mythological Varjmkard with the city relics found in Hegmataneh Tepe is quite possible.
Introduction
The first historical reference to Hegmataneh dates back to the inscription of Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, in 550 AH. The next reference to this city is related to the inscription of Biston and around the year 520 BC (Mulazadeh, Taheri Dehkordi, 2011: 7). The Greek historian Polybius also wrote in the second century BC: “Hegmataneh was at the beginning the capital of the Medes kings ...” (Jackson, 1973: 176). In the Islamic period, the construction of Hamedan was attributed to Jamshid, Bahman and Dara son of Dara (Ibn Shadi, 2010: 521). Among the people of Hamedan, the Tepe called Hegmataneh Tepe today was referred to as Shah Darab Castle neighborhood (Mostafavi, 2002: 55-63). It seems that it was Mostafavi who first introduced the Tepe as Hegmataneh. However, in the scientific archeological excavations carried out from 1983 to 2020 and in 22 seasons, structures from the Parthian period were discovered in this Tepe and the issue of the real nature of this area became more complicated. According to Azarnoosh, the possibility of the existence of remnants of the architecture of the Median and Achaemenid periods in Hamedan and this area is not far from the mind However, this cannot violate the attribution of the architectural model of this area to the Parthian period (Azarnoosh et al., 2016: 135).
What is the subject of this research is to scrutinize the hints made by Azkayi and Sarraf regarding the relationship between Hegmataneh and Varjamkard. From the point of view of historical studies, Azkayi considers the story of “Saro Jam Kard” as another narration of the Avestan story of “Varjamkard” (Azkayi, 2001: 28) (Sarraf, 1998: 102) but no further study has been done in this regard. The main issue of this research is to deal with the hypothesis of similarity and embodiment of myth with the brick structures discovered in Hegmataneh Tepe and it is possible that mythical Varjamkar is the foundation of the ancient city of Hegmataneh.
Discussion
To make a comparison between descriptions of Varjamkard in Vandidad and archaeological findings and historical texts about Hegmataneh, because the main basis of comparison in this study is the text of Avesta, first the second chapter of Vandidad has been coded. Vandidad is one of the sections of the Zoroastrian book, “Avesta”, which includes 22 verses (chapters). Fargard or the second part is the story of Jam and the castle that Jamshid built by order of Ahura Mazda to protect the creatures of Ormazd from a deadly winter.
After carefully examining the text of second chapter of Vandidad, all the existing concepts were first identified, then in a reciprocal process, these codes were increased and decreased several times, and finally 13 codes were established. These codes were then sorted and compressed based on content and form dimensions, and each code was arranged in its own category with the abbreviation V, which stands for Vandidad.
In the continuation of the studies, the 13 codes classified by Fargard II Vandidad were first searched in written historical sources and the found codes were named with the abbreviation H (the first letter of the word Historical) and then the 13 codes of Vandidad were searched in the sources of archaeological excavations and the codes found are labelled with the abbreviation A (the first letter of the word Archaeological). The results of this process for each of the 13 Vandidad codes are discussed below.
Finally, in the conclusion of this research, for each of the 13 codes of Vandidad, first the codes related to historical sources and then the codes related to archeological excavations have been included. Thus, the final results of the study of historical texts and archaeological excavations have been summarized.
Conclusion
About codes V1 and V2 (“name of the city” and “reason for building the city”), as it is clear in the summary, all the similarities are historical and there are no archeological findings in this regard. About code V3 (having a plan) archaeological reports confirm the existence of a plan in the city of Hegmataneh. There is no archeological finding on code V4 (Mazdaism in Varjamkard houses) to confirm such a thing in the reports, but there is a great similarity between the discovered architecture and the principles governing the architecture of Zoroastrian houses. About code V5 (recurring order), the issue is fully confirmed with the archaeological findings. About code V6 (The roof coming from the building), it has been confirmed in archeological reports. No definite archeological findings have been reported on code V7 (Upper building and Surrounding Upper building), but such a possibility has been confirmed by Remy Bushalar. Archaeological reports confirm the V8 code (the door and self-illumination from within). Archaeological reports confirm code V11 (waterways for a haser). Regarding the codes V9, V10 and V12 (being four-cornered, each side is one Aspris (Unit of length), and 18 passes) it is not possible to fully accept the issue of similarity at the moment, but the possibility of similarity cannot be ignored. Regarding the code V13, there are many similarities between the concepts of vandidad and archaeological findings.
Finally, the conclusion is that there are many similarities between the brick structures found in Hegmataneh Tepe and Vandidad’s descriptions of Varjamkard, and it seems that the hypothesis of similarity of mythical Varamjkard with the Parthian city reics found in Hegmataneh is quite probable.تپۀ هگمتانه تا اواسط دورۀ پهلوی، «قلعۀ شاهداراب» و محلۀ پیرامون آن نیز «محلۀ سرقلعه» نامیده میشده است، اما در دورۀ پهلوی بهنام «تپۀ هگمتانه» نامگذاری شد. براساس کاوشهای باستانشناسی علمی که از سال 1362 ه.ش. در این محوطه آغازشده است، ساختارهایی مربوط به دورۀ اشکانی شناسایی شد، اما فرضیۀ وجود هگمتانۀ تاریخی در زیر آن و ساختمانهایی از دورۀ هخامنشی در حوالی آن نیز همچنان مطرح است. مسأله اصلی این پژوهش بررسی و تحقیق دربارۀ وجود رابطۀ احتمالی بین ساختارهای خشتی در تپۀ هگمتانه با شهر اسطورهای «ورجمکرد» است و پرسش اصلی این پژوهش این است که: چه تشابهاتی بین توصیفات وندیداد از ورجمکرد و شهر باستانی کاوششده در تپۀ هگمتانه وجود دارد؟ این تحقیق ازنظر رویکرد پژوهش، یک تحقیق قیاسی و ازنظر راهبرد پژوهش، یک تحقیق تاریخی محسوب میشود و منابع مورداستفاده شامل منابع مکتوب تاریخی و گزارشهای باستانشناسی است. کلیۀ اطلاعات گردآوریشده بهروش کدگذاری طبقهبندی و درنهایت به تحلیل دادهها پرداختهشده است. جمعبندی حاصل از انجام مطالعات این است که: از 13 شاخصۀ (کد) شناساییشده در وندیداد، هفت شاخصه: داشتن نقشه، دین مزداپرستی در خانهها، نظم تکرارشونده، داشتن ایوان، خود روشن از درون، وجود آبراههها و ساختار خشتی، تشابه بسیار زیادی با یافتههای باستانشناسی دارند. دربارۀ دو شاخصه: نام شهر و علت ساخت شهر، مشابهتهایی در منابع تاریخی وجود دارد، اما یافتۀ باستانشناسی وجود ندارد. دربارۀ چهار شاخصه: چهاربر بودن، ابعاد شهر، تعداد گذرگاهها و دوطبقه بودن، نمیتوان درحالحاضر موضوع تشابه را بهطور کامل پذیرفت؛ اما امکان تشابه کاملاً محتمل است. درنهایت، نتیجهگیری حاصل از این پژوهش این است که، با توجه به شباهت بسیار زیاد بین این محوطۀ کاوششده و توصیفات وندیداد از ورجمکرد، فرضیۀ تشابه ورجمکرد اسطورهای با آثار شهر یافتشده در تپۀ هگمتانه کاملاً محتمل است.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4691_ecd6b7543c4f3d12ecd14ccf803f01b2.pdfدانشگاه بوعلی سیناپژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225123220220622Location of the Tomb of Mustarshid Ballah Abbasi based on Archaeological Evidence and Written Historical Sourcesمکانیابی مقبره مُستَرشِد بالله عباسی براساس شواهد باستانشناختی و منابع مکتوب تاریخی277298469210.22084/nb.2021.23250.2259FAسعیدستارنژاددانشجوی دکتری باستان شناسی، گروه باستان شناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه مُحقق اردبیلی، اردبیل، ایران.کریمحاجی زاده باستانیدانشیار گروه باستان شناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه مُحقق اردبیلی، اردبیل، ایران.بهروزافخمیدانشیار گروه باستان شناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه مُحقق اردبیلی، اردبیل، ایران.0000-0003-0586-6949حبیبشهبازی شیراندانشیار گروه باستان شناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه مُحقق اردبیلی، اردبیل، ایران.Journal Article20201214Studies of historical written sources and matching with archeological evidence are one of the coherent scientific methods in archaeological studies of the Islamic era. The northwestern region of Iran, which was known as Azerbaijan in the Islamic era, has various works from the Islamic era. A large part of these works is standing, and some of them are not a trace of their architecture and physical structure today, and they are only mentioned in the texts and sources of the Islamic era. Among these works is the tomb of the 29th Min Caliph Abbasi, Mustarshid Ballah, whose location and location in Azarbaijan, Iran, has remained unknown until now. The location of this tomb is mentioned in different ways in the texts of the Islamic era. In these sources, its location is mostly stated in the village of Maragheh, however, the location of the tomb in Maragheh has been completely abandoned until today. The present research has been carried out in a descriptive-analytical way and based on library studies and the results of field investigations, in order to locate and identify the exact location of the tomb of Mustarshid Ballah, and in this regard, it is looking for a logical answer to the following questions: 1) Based on archaeological evidence and texts Historically, which of the neighborhoods of Maragheh city can be considered the tomb and burial place of the Abbasid Caliph? 2) What are the general evidences for locating the tomb of Mustarshid Ballah? The results obtained from the field data and archeological exploration and analysis of historical texts indicate the location of the tomb in the historical core of Maragheh, in Atabak neighborhood and next to the blue and round tomb towers.
Introduction
The study of written historical sources and the comparison with archaeological evidence are among the coherent scientific methods in the archaeological studies of the Islamic period; And it plays an important role in recognizing cities, historical places and the functional nature of many architectural spaces. Among these, the study of finding the location of a historical monument is one of the fields of interest of researchers. The northwestern region of Iran, known as Azerbaijan during the Islamic era, has a variety of artifacts from the Islamic era. Many of these works are still standing and some of them are not traces of their architecture and physical structure today and have been mentioned only in texts and sources of the Islamic era. Among these works is the tomb of the 29th Abbasid caliph, Mustrashid Ballah, whose location and location in Azerbaijan, Iran, is still unknown. The location of this tomb is mentioned in various texts in the Islamic era. In these sources, its location is mostly mentioned in the city of Maragheh, however, the spatial existence of the tomb in Maragheh has been completely abandoned to this day.
The study of written historical sources about the location of urban spaces and historical monuments is one of the fields of interest for researchers. Locating historical sites in each period requires special methods for that period and that area. In the Islamic era, locating historical buildings, due to the large number of written historical sources and referring to some architectural spaces in these texts, is one of the scientific fields to achieve appropriate theoretical foundations about the nature of a historical building and locating some architectural spaces. In the absence of archaeological data, historical sources can provide valuable information on the basis of which historical sites can be located to some extent. The study of ancient texts and the tracing of historical writings through archaeological research has led to the discovery of the mysteries of many historical sites and the acquisition of valuable information. The northwestern region of Iran in the Islamic era is known by names such as Azerbaijan, Azerbaijan and Azerbaijanis. Many historical events of those cities have been mentioned many times in historical texts. One of the cities of this region, whose name is abundant in Islamic sources; The city is Maragheh. Historians and geographers of the Islamic period in their descriptions of the city of Maragheh, have made many references to its historical monuments and events. This city is based on the written historical texts of the burial place of people such as Amid al - Din Abu al - Fada’il Saeed bin Muhammad Baghdadi, Mohiyatuddin Muhammad bin Al - Arabi Ta’i Hatami, Mohiyya al - Din al - Maghribi, Aladdin Arsalan bin Korpe Mustrashid. Ballah was the 29 th Abbasid caliph, etc. The location of these burial buildings in Maragheh has not been determined yet. It should be noted that studies have been conducted to determine the location of the tomb of the Mustrashid. These researches have generally, due to a purely historical approach and the incompatibility of historical descriptions with cultural data, especially archaeological evidence, caused a mistake in the location of the tomb of Mustrashid. Ballah in the historical context of Maragheh; Therefore, the main issue of the present study is the exact location of the tomb of Mustrashid Abbas Ballah, Caliph 29 Abbasi, by achieving goals such as studying the historical context of Maragheh and identifying its old neighborhoods, the reason for the presence of Mustrashid Khalid in Maragheh, identifying the burial place and location of his tomb. The present research has been done in a descriptive - analytical manner and based on library studies and the results of field surveys, in order to locate and identify the exact location of the tomb of Mustrashid Balshid and in this regard seeks a logical answer to the following questions : A) According to archeological evidence and historical texts, which of the neighborhoods of Maragheh can be considered as the tomb and burial place of the Abbasid Caliph? B) What are the general evidences for locating the tomb of Mustrashid Ballah? The results obtained from field data and archaeological excavations and analysis of historical texts indicate the location of the tomb in the historical core of Maragheh, in the neighborhood of Atabak (Qozat) and next to the towers of blue and circular tombs.
Materials and Methods
Collection of information in the present study, in two ways : library (based on the study of ancient texts of the Islamic period, especially the Middle Ages, which are considered as the primary sources of this research ) and archaeological evidence (the results of excavations in the area of the blue and circular tombs of Maragheh) Done. In this regard, by choosing a descriptive-analytical method and matching the information left from written historical sources with the data obtained from the study and archaeological excavation of the historical context of Maragheh, an attempt has been made to finally identify and introduce the location of the tomb of Mustrashid Bellah abasi.
Conclusion
According to studies, the tomb of Mustrashid Ballah Abbasi was one of the ritual-burial spaces of Maragheh, which was built during the Seljuk period. In general, the surviving texts of medieval Islamic historians and geographers have written the location of the tomb of Mustrashid Abbasullah Abbasi in the Atabak neighborhood of Maragheh and inside the schoolyard. Atabak neighborhood has retained its former name to this day and its approximate range is still recognizable among the people of Maragheh. Atabak neighborhood is located in the area of Khajeh Nasir and Ouhadi streets, and today traces of Seljuk tombs remain in this area. In this neighborhood, religious buildings such as Atabaki Mosque (Shoja Al - Dawlah), Hojjat al-Salam Mosque (Shahidin / Zanjirli) and other historical mosques of the city have still maintained their existence despite significant changes. Based on the pottery found from the excavation of the tower of blue and circular tombs related to the early and middle centuries of Islam, it can be seen that the settlement in this area of the city has existed since the first centuries of Islam.
General evidence for locating the tomb of Khalifa Abbasi in this part of the city is the existence of five tombs from the Seljuk period, a historical school, a mosque and references to historical sources adjacent to this building in the neighborhood of Atabakiyeh; Thus, archaeological evidence and written historical sources show that the remains of one of the two tombs discovered from the Seljuk period in the area of the tower of the Seljuk tombs are blue and circular, the main location of the tomb of Khalifa Abbasi. This tomb is the oldest known tomb in Maragheh city; According to historical sources, it dates back to 530 AH.مطالعات منابع مکتوب تاریخی و تطبیق با شواهد باستانشناختی، از روشهای منسجم علمی در مطالعات باستانشناختی دوران اسلامی است؛ و نقش بسزایی در شناخت شهرها، مکانهای تاریخی و ماهیت کارکردی بسیاری از فضاهای معماری دارد. در اینمیان مطالعه برروی یافتن مکان یک اثر تاریخی، از زمینههای موردعلاقۀ پژوهشگران است. منطقۀ شمالغرب ایران که در دوران اسلامی بانام «آذربایجان» شناختهشده، دارای آثار متنوعی از دوران اسلامی است. بخش زیادی از این آثار پابرجاست و برخی نیز اثری از معماری و ساختار کالبدی آنها امروزه نیست و تنها در متون و منابع دوران اسلامی بدانها اشاراتی شده است؛ ازجملۀ این آثار، مقبرۀ بیستونهمین خلیفۀ عباسی، یعنی «مُسترشِد بالله» است که تاکنون موقعیت و محل این مقبره در آذربایجان ایران، ناشناخته مانده است. مکان این مقبره در متون دوران اسلامی بهصورتهای مختلف ذکرشده است. در این منابع، موقعیت قرارگیری آن بیشتر در «بَلده» مراغه قیدشده، بااینوجود موجودیت مکانی مقبره در مراغه تا به امروز کاملاً مهجور واقع گشته است. پژوهش پیشِرو به شیوۀ توصیفی -تحلیلی و براساس مطالعات کتابخانهای و نتایج بررسیهای میدانی، بهمنظور مکانیابی و شناسایی محل دقیق مقبرۀ مسترشدبالله به انجام رسیده و در اینراستا بهدنبال پاسخ منطقی برای این پرسشها است: الف) براساس شواهد باستانشناختی و متون تاریخی، کدامیک از محلههای شهر مراغه را میتوان مکان مقبره و محل دفن خلیفۀ عباسی دانست؟ ب) شواهد کلی برای مکانیابی مقبرۀ مسترشدبالله کدامند؟ نتایج بهدستآمده از دادههای میدانی و کاوش باستانشناختی و تحلیل متون تاریخی، موقعیت مکانی مقبره را در هستۀ تاریخی شهر مراغه، در محلۀ اَتابَک (قُضات) و کنار برجمقبرههای کبود و مدور مطابقت میدهد.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4692_f769b48c134b13d5f3275ab08b72fdc4.pdfدانشگاه بوعلی سیناپژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225123220220622The Role and Position of Kerman in the Economic and Social Dynamics of Southeastern Iran; Based on the Historical Texts, Study and Analysis of Islamic Period Pottery Findings in the Area of Qal’eh Dokhtarپویایی اجتماعی و اقتصادی کرمان در جنوبشرق ایران؛ بر پایه متون تاریخی و یافتههای سفال دوران اسلامی در محوطه قلعهدختر299321469310.22084/nb.2021.23260.2262FAسارهطهماسبی زادهدانشجوی دکتری باستان شناسی، گروه باستان شناسی، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، دانشگاه بوعلی سینا، همدان، ایران.مریممحمدیاستادیار گروه باستان شناسی، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، دانشگاه بوعلی سینا، همدان، ایران0000-0003-0876-4534سعیدامیرحاجلواستادیار گروه باستان شناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرس، تهران، ایران.رضاریاحیان گهرتیدانشجوی دکتری باستان شناسی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد علوم و تحقیقات، تهران، ایران.Journal Article20201216Qal’eh Dokhtar area, located on the eastern outskirts of Kerman, with an area of about 10 hectares, has been an important part of the spatial organization of the ancient city of Kerman. The range of architectural works and material culture in it, especially pottery pieces, indicate the cultural and historical importance of this area. The questions are what are the most important types of pottery in the area of Qal’eh Dokhtar? What were the ups and downs of Kerman’s cultural relations with other areas, especially in the cities of southeastern Iran and close to the Persian Gulf, and what role has this city played in the economic and social dynamics of southeastern Iran? In this article, by studying the types of pottery in Qal’eh Dokhtar and comparing them with the pottery of other contemporaries and borders, the position and role of Kerman in the continuous process of cultural interactions or “social dynamics” and, consequently, the economic dynamics of Kerman should be explained. The data collection method in this article is documentary and field study and the research approach and method is descriptive-analytical. The field data is the result of a chapter of archaeological survey, test excavation and excavation in Qal’eh Dokhtar in 1398(SH). The results show that the studied pottery is in a very diverse range of unglazed and glazed imported and local types and each is divided into many subgroups. These specimens are very similar to the pottery of the Islamic sites of Sistan and the shores of the Makran Sea and the areas of the Persian Gulf. The chronology of Qal’eh Dokhtar Castle in Kerman and in comparison, with the bordering lands in the east and south and the study of historical texts also indicate the existence of cultural interactions with the aforementioned areas. Therefore, Kerman in the Islamic era, especially from the Seljuk to Safavid eras, was one of the communication crossings of the Persian Gulf and the Makran Sea with the northern areas and has acted as a mediator in the network of economic and cultural interactions between the south and southeast.
Introduction
Considering the geographical location, size, name of the site and archeological features, Qal’eh Dokhtar is probably the same as “ Qal’eh Kohan” in historical books and historical geography of the sixth century AH onwards. In the restoration project of Qal’eh Dokhtar in 1398 under the supervision of the fourth author, new finds from the historical and Islamic period were identified in this area, which include various architectural spaces and different types of pottery and other movable cultural materials.
Despite the importance of Qal’eh Dokhtar in the eastern part of the ancient city of Kerman, the share of this work in archaeological research in Kerman is insignificant. In other words, the location of this area in the city of Kerman and among the cultures of the Islamic era in southeastern and southern Iran has not been considered and has been neglected in the network of interactions between the northern and southern coasts of the Makran Sea and the Persian Gulf. Considering that understanding the cultural interactions of ancient societies is possible through analysis and comparison of cultural materials with each other (Shirazi and Dahmardeh Pahlavan, 1393: 43) and typology and stylistics of pottery (Heidari et al., 1397: 58), The study of the pottery obtained from the excavation and study in Qal’eh Dokhtar will clarify the neglected aspects of this area. Therefore, in the present study, by studying and comparing the typology of pottery obtained from excavation and study in Qal’eh Dokhtar in Kerman with contemporaneous areas in Sistan, the shores of the Makran Sea and the Persian Gulf, a clear understanding of the cultural relations of these areas, especially from the era Seljuk to Safavid.
<strong>Research questions and hypotheses: </strong>The research questions are: What are the types of pottery in the area of Qal’eh Dokhtar? What were the ups and downs of Kerman’s cultural relations with other areas, especially the cities of southeastern Iran and the Persian Gulf, and what role did this city play in the economic and social dynamics of southeastern Iran from the Seljuk to Safavid eras?
Research Method
The data of this research have been collected through library studies and field activities and the research is descriptive-analytical. First, more than 500 pieces of pottery obtained from the study of Qal’eh Dokhtar in 1398 have been typified and among them, 29 pieces of pottery have been selected as indicators in this article and the analysis of regional and trans-regional links has been done based on stylistic similarities of pottery. Simultaneously with these studies, historical sources have been studied in order to analyze archeological cultural materials in a historical context.
Text
After examining and classifying the significant pottery pieces in Qal’eh Dokhtar, samples were selected that are comparable to the pottery of Sistan Basin, the shores of the Makran Sea and the Persian Gulf. The basis of comparison in this study was “pottery style and patterns”. Of course, one should not expect a complete copy of all the compared samples. Therefore, it seems that in some cases, the similarity of the examples of Qal’eh Dokhtar with the pottery of the proposed areas is more in general, not in detail. But in most cases, there are many similarities and similarities.
On the other hand, the purpose of comparing the typology of the pottery of the Islamic period of Qal’eh Dokhtar was to determine the cultural connections of this area with other regions. Based on the comparison of the technique of making and decorating pottery, many similarities can be seen with the reported samples from Sistan Basin, the shores of the Makran Sea and the Persian Gulf. These similarities indicate economic and cultural interactions in these areas.
Conclusion
In the present study, while introducing the types of pottery of the Islamic era in Qal’eh Dokhtar, its relations with other areas near and far were studied based on the pottery obtained from these areas and based on historical texts and comparison of pottery, the role and position of Kerman in the social and economic dynamics of southern and southeastern Iran should be explained. A brief look at the similarities of Qal’eh Dokhtar pottery pieces with the studied areas such as Sistan, Makran Sea shores and Islamic sites on the Persian Gulf shows that circulation and exchange Cultural materials, especially luxury pottery, among these centers were influenced by active and thriving trade on the shores of the Persian Gulf and the Makran Sea and there have been extensive interactions between Qal’eh Dokhtar and the above areas, especially during the Seljuk domination of Kerman and the shores of the Persian Gulf and the Makran Sea. This communication system and network of interactions had led to the economic and social dynamics of Kerman and population centers in the south and southeast of Iran in the Middle Ages, and Kerman as an intermediary center played an important role in this dynamism. This position was preserved in the Safavid period as evidenced by written sources and cultural materials, especially samples of Abi and Sefid pottery.محوطۀ قلعهدختر در حاشیۀ شرقی شهر کرمان، با عرصۀ حدود 10 هکتاری، بخش مهمی از سازمان فضایی شهر کهن کرمان در دوران اسلامی بوده است. گسترۀ آثار معماری و مواد فرهنگی، بهویژه قطعات سفال بر اهمیت فرهنگی و تاریخی این محوطه دلالت مینمایند؛ درحالیکه در پژوهشهای پیشین، نقش و جایگاه قلعهدختر در بستر تاریخی و فرهنگی شهر کرمان مغفول مانده است. بر ایناساس، در مقالۀ حاضر این پرسشها مطرح است که مهمترین گونههای سفال در محوطۀ قلعهدختر کدام است؟ برهمکنش فرهنگی کرمان با نواحی دیگر، بهویژه شهرهای جنوبشرق ایران و حاشیۀ خلیجفارس چگونه بوده است؟ در این پژوهش تلاش شده بامطالعۀ گونههای سفال دوران اسلامی در قلعهدختر و مقایسۀ آنها با سفالهای سایر محوطههای همعصر و هممرز، جایگاه و نقش کرمان در فرآیند مستمر «برݣݣهمکنشهای فرهنگی» یا «پویایی اجتماعی» و بهتبع آن، «پویایی اقتصادی» کرمان تبیین شود. گردآوری اطلاعات در این مقاله، بهروشهای اسنادی و میدانی صورتگرفته و رویکرد و روش پژوهش، توصیفی-تحلیلی است. دادههای میدانی حاصل یکفصل بررسی، گمانهزنی و کاوش قلعهدختر در سال 1398 است. نتایج نشان میدهد سفالهای موردمطالعه در طیف متنوع بدونلعاب و لعابدار از انواع وارداتی و محلی قرار دارند و هر یک به زیرگروههایی تقسیم میشوند. این نمونهها مشابهت زیادی با سفالهای محوطههای اسلامی در سیستان (زابل)، سواحل دریای مُکران (نیکشهر و چابهار) و محوطههای حاشیۀ خلیجفارس (هرمزگان، خوربس، بندر مهروبان، رأسالخیمه و کیش) دارند. مقایسۀ گونهشناختی و گاهنگاری سفال قلعهدختر و تحلیل محتوای متون تاریخی نشانگر برهمکنشهای فرهنگی با نواحی پیشگفته است؛ بنابراین، کرمان در دوران اسلامی، بهویژه از عصر سلجوقی تا صفوی، یکی از گذرگاههای ارتباطی محوطههای حاشیۀ خلیجفارس و دریای مکران با محوطههای شمالیتر بوده است و در شبکۀ تعاملات اقتصادی و برهمکنشهای فرهنگی جنوب و جنوبشرق نقش واسطه داشته است. https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4693_0b291f77e568fff9405afcd91dfcb03a.pdfدانشگاه بوعلی سیناپژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225123220220622Analysis of Dragon-Slaying Archetype and Reflect on Mina’i Pottery Image’s from Iranواکاوی کهنالگوی اژدهاکشی و بازتاب آن بر نقوش سفال های مینایی ایران323350469410.22084/nb.2021.24554.2350FAملیکایزدانیاستادیار گروه هنر اسلامی، دانشکدۀ صنایع دستی، دانشگاه هنر اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران.0000-0001-8936-6751Journal Article20210717Mina’i pottery is a reflection of archetypal systems in the Medieval Islamic dynasty and a source of inspiration for Persian painting in the next periods. In this research, the archetypal appearance of the dragon-killing on Mina’i has been investigated. Structure and sources of the ancient dragon-slaying topic that has been reflected on Mina’i are considered with descriptive and analytic methods. The hypothesis of this research is that before the appearance of dragon-slaying in Islamic manuscripts, its images were found in Mina’i. The present study tries to answer the following questions: In what sense, were the first ancient signs or concepts of dragon-slaying formed? What are the ancient and intercultural concepts influencing the formation of the dragon-slaying theme on Mina’i ware? One of the aims of the research is to achieve the fundamental images, ancient concepts and intercultural influences in the formation of the dragon-killing theme in the Islamic era. So comparative study on 5 Mina’i and 8 pre-Islamic cultural data from Mesopotamia and ancient Iran has done to consider contents and forms of snakelike dragon motifs. The results demonstrate that although many of archeological evidences in the field of dragon-slaying are found in ancient texts and documents, but the oldest examples of pictorial dragon-slaying are attributed to Mesopotamia in the third millennium BC, which shows the defeat of the hero with the seven-headed dragon. Other results of the research indicate that, in terms of dragon-slaying themes, the Hasanlu Bowl can be considered the most complete battle between the dragon and the hero that fights the dragon and releases the water that fertilizes. More than a century later, dragon-slaying is depicted in Great patriarchal Shāhnāme. Almost a thousand years later, after transformation in forms and concepts in this battle happens or even if has been removed from the minds, it can be seen in the 6th AH on Mina’i and maybe under the influence of Shāhnāme.
Introduction
Archetype is a predisposition to perceive the world in certain ways that are inherited from past generations; not a specific idea or belief. Is much the same across different cultures (a “universal thought form”) and is in the collective unconscious. Archetypes include the anima, animus, shadow, persona, hero various animals, the self and etc. (Ewen, 2014: 62). The presence of the archetype’s concepts can be seen in many visual art and artifact that remains from different historical eras. Since ancient times, dragons were seen as the fantastical embodiment of chaosو evil, and drought. They seem to be an important part of legends and myths in almost every culture ever (except china) since the cradle of civilization to the Islamic dynasty. A hero who symbolically kills a Dragon is a mythological concepts witch had higher meaning during historical ages in many cultures around the world that can be seen in literature, belief, and religion in the form of inscription, Motifs, and artifacts. It is indeed evident that the various dragon-slaying myths in several cultures influenced each other repeatedly and in all directions, each society building its own myth out of various components in a manner unique and particular. In this archetypal transition, some concepts are changed, omitted, forgotten, or even a new purpose for dragon-slaying is determined. In previously published researches, have specifically addressed the mythological studies on dragon meaning with an emphasis on ancient documents such as Mesopotamian manuscripts, Zoroastrian writings, and Shāhnāme Firdausi that have been limited to Transformation and even forgetting the concepts on Islamic samples such as Mina’i ceramics. Additional studies have examined Mina’i with a focus on patterns, inscription, and themes or reflation of Persian literature on Mina’i motifs. This paper focuses on aspects of the representation of killing the dragon on Mina’i with an iconographical approach. The main hypothesis of this article is that for the first time in the Islamic era, dragon-slaying appears on Mina’i wares. This research is the descriptive-analytical method. One of the aims of the research is to achieve the fundamental images, ancient concepts, and intercultural influences in the formation of the dragon-killing theme in the Islamic era. Dragon-slaying on Mina’i has also been considered in comparison with ancient sources. In order to understand the content and images of dragon-slaying, motifs on Mina’i and textual and visual sources found on seals in ancient Iran and neighboring civilizations have been studied.
Results and Discussion
In this research dragon-slaying on five Mina’i ceramics has been investigated. These images are from the Vollmoeller Collection in Zurich, Calouste Gulbenkian Museum, the Freer Gallery of art, and the Sarikhani Private collection. These wares are compared with 7 ancient Mesopotamian seals and the Hasanlu bowl.
In the Ilkhanid dynasty, the dragon-slaying theme first time is represented in the illustrations of the Great Mongol Shāhnāme. Mina’i pottery is believed to have originated in Seljuk, Kharazmshahid, and Ilkhanid Iran from the late twelfth to the early thirteenth century. It is possible that these concepts, before the presence of dragon-slaying in miniature painting, for the first time in the Islamic dynasty, were drawn in a form of narrative colorful miniature on Mina’i. The current research focuses on characterizing and identify the effect of archeological and archetypal evidence such as texts, images, mythological behavior, and personal mind that perhaps are the first cause of dragon-slaying appearance.
The result of this study indicates that although the visual elements of dragon-slaying have not been observed in Iran for more than a thousand years, the reflection of this archetype on various artworks shows that although this battle has been influenced by the replacement, change, and forgetting of previous elements in different historical times. The other results demonstrate that although much archeological evidence in the field of dragon-slaying is found in several ancient texts and documents, the oldest examples of pictorial dragon-slaying are attributed to Mesopotamia in the third millennium BC, which shows the defeat of the hero with the seven-headed dragon. It can be said that the presence of dragon-slaying on Mina’i is seen for the first time in the visual sources of the Islamic dynasty in Iran. This image is the same narration from ancient times but with a different meaning which is depicted based on the text of Shāhnāme.
Conclusion
The survey of the archetype “slaying-dragon” on Mina’i, indicates that probably before the presence of this pottery type, images of dragon killing were not available on Islamic Persian artifacts. Visual representation of a hero, as a horseman or on foot, fighting a snake-dragon (one, three, or seven-headed); It is a traditional formula and lasting arrangement from ancient times. However, in ancient times, the dragon image is scary but failed or running away, which is the focus of the image. In Mina’i, the emphasis is on the hero images and visual values but dragons are sometimes trapped under the horse’s legs. In all of the archaeological finds in this research (Mina’i, ancient seals, and Hasanlu bowl) no related text indicates the identity of the hero and the dragon. There is speculation to identify the characters. Enamel pottery is probably not the first pictorial example of a dragon in the Islamic period, but it is one of the first pictorial sources before the appearance of the Chinese dragon in Iranian works. Although dragon-slaying reflects cultural exchanges over several thousand years, it also leaves unanswered the achievement of a definitive view of the nature of the first dragon-slaying thought.نگارههای سفال مینایی در دورۀ میانی اسلامی، بهعنوان بازتابی از نظامهای کهنالگویی و منبع الهام نگارگران در دوران بعد است. در این پژوهش، کهنالگوی اژدهاکشی، در سفال مینایی بررسیشده است. برای خوانش محتوایی و شکلی اژدهاکشی در سفال مینایی، به مطالعۀ علل شکلگیری و خویشکاری اژدها در منابع متنی و تصویری یافتشده برروی مهرها و نقوشبرجسته در آثار کهن ایران و سرزمینهای همجوار پرداختهشده و بر ایناساس، پنج سفال مینایی و هشت داده فرهنگی پیش از اسلام با روش توصیفی-تحلیلی بررسیشده است. با توجه به این فرضیه که، پیش از ظهور اژدهاکشی در نسخ خطی دوران اسلامی، میتوان نشانههای آنرا در سفالینهنگاری مینایی یافت، پرسشهای اصلی پژوهش پیشِرو این است که تصاویر بنیادین، مفاهیم کهن و بینافرهنگی تأثیرگذار در شکلگیری تصویر اژدهاکشی در دوران اسلامی کدام است؟ ریشههای کهنالگویی مبتنیبر اژدهاکشی در سفال مینایی چیست؟ بر ایناساس، مهمترین هدف پژوهش حاضر، دستیابی به تصاویر کهن و بنیادین تأثیرگذار در شکلگیری مضمون اژدهاکشی بر سفال مینایی است تا بتوان پاسخی مناسب در جهت شناخت بهتر جایگاه این مضمون در هنر و فرهنگ ایران یافت. با توجه به نتایج پژوهش، کهنترین نمونههای تصویری اژدهاکشی را میتوان در بینالنهرین در هزارۀ سوم پیشازمیلاد یافت که شکست اژدهای هفتسر را توسط قهرمان نشان میدهد. نقوش جام حسنلو بهعنوان کاملترین مضمون روایی نبرد قهرمان و اژدها در این پژوهش است. زمان پیدایش نخستین نمونههای تصویری اژدهاکشی در ایران در دوران اسلامی، قرن ششم هجریقمری و احتمالاً تحتتأثیر شاهنامه، برروی سفال مینایی آشکار میشود. بیش از یک سدۀ بعد نیز، اژدهاکشی در شاهنامۀ بزرگ ایلخانی به تصویر درمیآید. تقریباً پس از هزار سال فقدان عناصر تصویری اژدهاکشی در ایران، بازتاب دوباره این کهننمونه بر سفال مینایی نشان میدهد که گویا مفهوم این نبرد در گسترۀ زمان، تحتتأثیر جانشینی، تغییر و فراموشی عناصر پیشین قرارگرفته، ولی بهعنوان میراثی پویا در محتوای ناخودآگاه جوامع جریان داشته است.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4694_569e39fd2203710a2f7971b3649df683.pdfدانشگاه بوعلی سیناپژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225123220220622Reading the Physical Quality of Tabriz Bazaar based on Metraqchi Drawingبازخوانی ساختار کالبدی بازار تبریز بر اساس نگاره مطراقچی351375469510.22084/nbsh.2020.21177.2099FAازیتابلالی اسکوییدانشیار گروه معماری و شهرسازی، دانشکدۀ معماری و شهرسازی، دانشگاه هنر اسلامی تبریز، تبریز، ایرانسپهرآمردانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد معماری، گروه معماری و شهرسازی، دانشکدۀ معماری و شهرسازی، دانشگاه هنر اسلامی تبریز، تبریز، ایران.زهراافشاریاندانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد معماری، گروه معماری و شهرسازی، دانشکدۀ معماری و شهرسازی، دانشگاه هنر اسلامی تبریز، تبریز، ایران.Journal Article20200229Understanding the historic city of Tabriz, a city that has seen various governments and has always been a storehouse of Iranian architectural and urban artifacts, can help us gain useful information. The Bazaar of Tabriz as a vital element of the city has played a significant role in shaping its structure. The present study aims to create a context for reviewing and preserving the surviving works in the Bazaar of Tabriz which is essential to protect the urban structure. To identify the physical elements of the Bazaar, historical texts, documents and miniature map of Metraqchi as the only source of visualization of past architecture and urban design of Tabriz are used. On the other hand, the content and relation of Metraqchi’s maps with architectural and urban elements of Tabriz Bazaar are studied. Considering the above the research method is based on content analysis And from the interpretive-historical method based on the study of historical books And in this way, first the library information required in relation to the city of Tabriz and the historical bazaar, by referring to the libraries and reviewing the historical versions in Tabriz And citations of historical texts, travelogues of travelers, miniatures of Metraqchi, paintings and photographs collected, Then, with the interpretive-historical method, The writings are analyzed and the written and visual documents are compared. The results of studies include theoretical, written and visual information about the Bazaar and some of its important architectural elements, including Jahanshah (Blue) mosque, Ostad and Shagerd mosque, Jame mosque, Hajat mosque, Chahar Menar, Dal-Zal Tomb and Qaysariyeh Bazaar is presented in form of a table. The analysis is based on the current position of the building and its position on the existing maps and pictures. The description is based on the books and the features of the building in the Metraqchi’s maps.
Introduction
The architectural and historical monuments of each city are like the identity card of that city and show the identity, antiquity and physical characteristics of that city, so with proper knowledge and analysis of historical monuments, good results can be obtained from the structure, political, and cultural features of a city. The spatial structure of the city of Tabriz, as one of the most important historical cities in Iran, is still in a state of ambiguity due to its location on the geographical-political borders, as well as the numerous earthquakes that have always plagued it. As in the contemporary architecture of Tabriz, not much information is available about how the spatial structure of Tabriz was. The Tabriz Bazaar is important as one of the influential elements in the spatial structure of Tabriz, and its presence is considered important in contemporary architecture. There are countless research methods to explore the former structure of the city of Tabriz. Hand-drawn maps as one of the most authoritative historical sources are the best method of obtaining information about building architecture and issues related to architecture such as materials, construction, antiquity, and social structure. Hand-drawn maps of the Ottoman painter, Nasuh Metraqchi, in this regard are among the first resources available to understand the architecture and history of Iranian cities. Nasuh Metraqchi was a relative of Suleiman the Magnificent, the Ottoman sultan, who accompanied him to Iran during the campaign between 940 and 942 A.H, and while preparing a report on this campaign, he drew pictures of important cities between these campaigns (Hanachi, 41, 1385). In these pictures, the details are shown according to their importance and the mapping method and it is quite meaningful. Besides, the artistic aspects of objects, architectural features, shapes, colors, etc. are drawn to reflect its characteristics, and this is very valuable (Zahed Salvi, 2017, 29). This hand-drawn map contains a new style compared to other paintings and depicts the architectural and structural features of a city. In this drawing, we will be able to identify and separate the buildings based on their use, antiquity, and location, and get a glimpse of what they were. Therefore, in this research, an attempt has been made to study and identify more information about the Metraqchi map, along with other historical documents to obtain appropriate information about Tabriz Bazaar.
Synopsis
The drawings fall into different categories and styles, including the schools of Shiraz, Herat, Tabriz, Qazvin, and Isfahan, which have aspects such as the type of drawing, design, and color composition used in the drawings. There are similarities and differences. In the meantime, Metraqchi’s hand-drawn map cannot be placed in any of these existing categories and has a completely different perspective from other drawings. Therefore, a separate category can be considered for it.
In the map drawn from Tabriz, the important monuments and buildings of a city and its connections are depicted, and in some cases, it also refers to the plant and animal species in the region. The use of special colors and drawings such as platforms, various types of roof coverings, etc. have shown the explicit and distinctive view of this painter in the architecture and urban planning of the city. In his maps, Metraqchi has depicted several cities on his way, among which Tabriz has a wider map with more details. The important buildings due to its geographical, political-governmental and religious position have been drawn with specific color principles and combinations. In these drawings, in addition to the features of urban planning and architecture of Tabriz, the vegetation and animal species of the region and the accesses are covered by Metraqchi. Metraqchi’s maps have a good view of Tabriz and depict most of the important buildings and elements. In the building, there are lots of details such as differences in color, line, direction, and form of the building, which It is very valuable in terms of identifying and analyzing the architecture and urban planning of a city. And it is believed that by examining this painting and historical documents in hand, it is possible to identify some of these buildings and re-read Metraqchi’s painting.
Conclusion
According to the analysis, Metraqchi has drawn a picture of the city of Tabriz with an east-west orientation. In drawing the buildings, the painter has used special colors and drawings and has separated the local, service, royal and urban buildings. In this painting, royal buildings are seen in pink and service buildings are seen in gray. Buildings with a platform are local and small, and buildings without a platform are urban buildings. In this map, the river (Mehran River) divides the city into two southern and northern fronts, and the bazaar is in the southern part of the map and has two north-south lines and an east-west line. Hajat Mosque (code 7), Jame Mosque (code 3), Ustad and Shagerd Mosque (code 6), several caravanserais in the long row of north-south and buildings such as Qeisaria Mansion (code 2) are in shorter order. Jahanshah Mosque (current Kaboud Mosque with code 1) and Ustad and Shagardan Mosque (code 6) are on the east-west row. The three colours brown, green and orange are the prominent colours of the Bazaar and analyses show that the destroyed market or old has the brown colour and the buildings with an orange body and green roof are the markets under construction.شناخت شهر تاریخی تبریز، شهری که حکومتهای مختلفی را به خود دیده و همواره مخزنی از آثار معماری و شهرسازی ایران بوده، میتواند ما را در دستیابی به اطلاعاتی مفید یاری رساند و اݣݣینامر نیازمند شناخت ساختار آن است. بازار بهعنوان عنصر حیاتبخش شهر تبریز، جزو بدنههای اصلی شهر بوده و نقشی پررنگ در شکلگیری ساختار آن داشته است؛ لذا در پژوهش حاضر، در تلاشیم باهدف ایجاد زمینهای جهت بازخوانی و حفاظت از آثار بهجا مانده در بازار تبریز که جزو ضرورتهای حفاظت از ساختار شهری است، علاوهبر بهرهگیری از متون تاریخی و نقشهها، با استفاده از نگارۀ مطراقچی بهعنوان تنها منبع تصویری از معماری و شهرسازی گذشتۀ تبریز (که عناصر مختلف مورداستفاده در آن همچون رازی سربهمهر مانده)، به شناسایی عناصر کالبدی بازار تبریز پرداخته، تا به پاسخی مناسب در این رابطه که، کدامیک از عناصر معماری و شهرسازی بازار تبریز در دست نگارههای مطراقچی ترسیمشدهاند؟ و عناصر موجود در راستای بازار در نگارۀ مطراقچی دربردارندۀ چه مضامینی است؟ دستیابیم. با درنظر گرفتن مطالب فوق روش پژوهش برمبنای تحلیل محتوا صورتگرفته و از روش تفسیری-تاریخی بر پایۀ بررسی کتب تاریخی، نگارۀ مطراقچی، وقفنامهها، سفرنامۀ سیاحان، نقاشیها و عکسها و نقشهها بهدستآمده است. نتایج مطالعات شامل: اطلاعات نظری، نوشتاری و تصویری در ارتباط با بازار و برخی عناصر مهم معماری و با توجه به نگارۀ مطراقچی، حاکی از آن است که، این نگاره یک نقشۀ ترسیمی از موقعیت بنا، با توجه به ویژگیهای آن بوده و در اینمیان رنگ و صفه از ویژگیهای شناسایی بنا است. در این نگاره، بازار بهعنوان هستۀ اصلی شهر در بخش جنوبی قرارگرفته و دارای دو راستۀ شمالی-جنوبی و یک راستۀ شرقی-غربی بوده و بناهایی ازجمله: مسجد جهانشاه(کبود)، مسجد استادشاگرد، مسجد جامع، مسجد حاجت، چهارمنار، مقبرۀ دال و ذال و بازار قیصریه در آن رؤیت میگردد که، در قالب یک جدول ارائهشده و تحلیلها براساس موقعیت کنونی بنا و موقعیت آن در نقشه و نگارۀ موجود، شرح بنا براساس کتب و ویژگیهای بنا در نگارۀ مطراقچی بیانشده است.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4695_324ec2c4395ee58d379ad3d812b9b769.pdfدانشگاه بوعلی سیناپژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225123220220622Interactions at Home: Measurement of the Effect of Eyvan on Strengthening Collective Interactions in the Private Realm of the Traditional Houses in Kashan based on the Notion of Space Syntaxتعاملات در خانه: سنجش میزان تأثیر ایوان برتقویت تعاملات جمعی در عرصه خصوصی خانه سنتی ایرانی بر مبنای نگرش نحو فضا نمونه موردی: خانههای سنتی کاشان377401469610.22084/nb.2022.25372.2430FAسعیدعلیتاجردانشیار گروه معماری، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، دانشگاه بوعلی سینا، همدان، ایران0000-0001-6302-6417زهراحاجی باباییکارشناسی ارشد معماری، گروه معماری، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، دانشگاه بوعلی سینا، همدان، ایران.Journal Article20211215The architecture of traditional Iranian houses has been characterized by a wide variety of features that cover all aspects of life, including social and cultural aspects. Given that the environment influences behavior and shapes behavioral patterns, the relations and organization of space in these houses have been the focus of many studies. Among the characteristics of traditional Iranian houses is an in-between space which is called “Eyvan” in traditional Iranian architecture. The present study investigates the role of Eyvan as an organizing space in creating (shaping) and enhancing the quality of ‘interaction’ in traditional Iranian houses. Space syntax is a framework for examining how space configuration could help to express a certain sociocultural meaning. Social interaction in an environment creates meanings which can be evaluated through the configuration of that environment. Thus, the traditional houses in Kashan, central Iran, which have a variety of Eyvans are good cases for the analysis of interactions as a social behavior. This case study uses mixed-method research combining description, analysis, and inferential arguments. The techniques consist of library research, software simulation using UCL Depth Map, and comparative analysis. The results from software analysis suggest that in traditional houses in Kashan, Eyvan contributes to the enhancement of interaction among the organized spaces surrounding it. Also, it is regarded as an important space to create a hierarchy which distinguishes different spaces in terms of their value and helps to determine the level of privacy according to the overall space organization. In this way, interactions become flexible and vary according to how two spaces might be related. Another major finding concerning the effect of the house plan on its Eyvans and their subsequent effect on their surrounding spaces is that L-shaped houses provide the highest degree of integration. Higher integration would mean a higher amount of interaction taking place in this type of plan..
Introduction
According to environmental psychologists, the physical circumstances of the environment play such a crucial role in human thoughts and behavior that any study of behavior is next to impossible without considering these circumstances. In environmental psychology, behavior is studied through its interaction with the physical, architectural, and symbolic dimensions of the environment (Mortazavi, 2001)see (Gifford, 2007).
This is best manifested in the traditional architecture of older Iranian cities where there seen to be purposeful attempts to create identity for architectural elements. The Sialk region in Kashan belongs to one of the oldest civilizations in the world which dates back to 7000 years ago. Kashan has preserved many of its valuable traditional houses whose architecture is prominent among all cities in Iran. According to Kashan’s Organization of Cultural Heritage, approximately 1700 historic monuments have been so far identified in this city. Thus, the buildings examined in the present study have appealing characteristics which make them interesting for analysis.
<strong>Research Hypotheses and Questions:</strong> with the components and spaces organized, a residential space could establish efficient connections among the inhabitants, which may result in interaction among individuals in this physical context.
<strong>The Research Questions are as Following:</strong> 1) What is the effect of the in-between space (eyvan) on social interaction in the private realm of traditional houses in Kashan? 2) How can we use space syntax to examine the intensity of activities caused by the eyvan?
<strong>Research Method:</strong> The main aim of space syntax is to seek out approaches to the description of configured spaces. Such description should be capable of discovering the underlying social logic of space and act as a basis for secondary theories to explain social and cultural events (Groat and Wang, 2013).
Literature Review
In Iran, Abbaszadegan (2002) and Memariyan (2002) were the first researchers to make use of the framework of space syntax. Afterwards, this framework was applied to the study of urban fabric in Iran(Yazdanfar et al., 2008)(Rismanchiyan and Bell, 2011). In the field of architecture, Kamalipoor et al. (2012) classified the formal composition of vernacular architecture in Kerman, Iran, and studied space configuration in terms of the divisions of guest-meeting spaces in traditional houses in this city. However, there is still a gap in the application of this framework to architecture, particularly with an emphasis on environmental psychology(Alitajer and Molavi Nojoumi, 2016).
Context of Study
The present study deals with traditional houses in the city of Kashan. The main reason for selecting this city is that many of its historic houses make use of the in-between space of eyvan which is the topic of our study.
In this section, based on the numerical results as well as the visibility graph produced by UCL Depth Map, the parameters of connectivity, integration, and depth will be examined for eyvans in the traditional houses in Kashan.
For the analysis of the effect of eyvan on its surrounding spaces and on the interaction taking place in the house, we made a number of hypothetical changes to the plans and examined the produced plans using software simulation. These changes are as following:
1) Closing the eyvan on all sides;
2) Closing the eyvan on three sides and leaving it open only on the courtyard side;
3) Closing the eyvan only on the courtyard side and leaving the other sides open;
4) Eliminating the wall between the hall (talar) and the eyvan in a way that a single, unified space is created.
In addition to the above hypothetical plans, the original plans of the houses were also analyzed in order to make comparisons and arrive at conclusions concerning the effect of the changes. To obtain a more comprehensible classification of the data, we also divided the houses according to their formal composition:
U-shaped: Banikazemi House, Hosseini House
L-Shaped: Pahlavanzadeh House, Haj-ghorban House
Two opposing sections: Kheiriyeh House, Abrishami House, Saleh House
Two courtyards (interior and exterior yards): Hashemiyan House, Mahinsara-ye Raheb House
Interestingly, in our analyses, the obtained spectrum was quite solid and harmonious in the original plans while it was not so in cases where hypthetical physical changes had been affected in the plans.
Conclusion
Iranian traditional houses were a place for people to learn and practice lifestyle habits and behaviors, thereby fulfilling as many of the needs of the users as possible. The spatial organization of these buildings appropriately guided users according to what activity they intended to perform. For this reason, any change to their physical structure would disrupt the organization and negatively affect the connectivity between spaces
As a result of changes 1, 2, and 3 to the eyvan and the subsequent decrease in connectivity, the affectability of spaces has been reduced, which has also reduced the amount of interaction. The excessive rise in connectivity brought about by change 4 has increased integration and penetrability, which has eliminated boundaries and made compatible interaction among family members impossible.
Making changes to the eyvan would disrupt this hierarchical structure.
This hierarchy engenders boundaries which contribute to a spatial organization that is flexible enough to accommodate various types of interaction.
Our numerical data and classification of formal compositions indicate that the level of connectivity and integration is highest in L-shaped plans. This can be explained by the adjacency of spaces, existence of a coherent and continuous structure, and strong connection among spaces in this type of plan.
معماری خانههای سنتی ایرانی دارای شاخصهای کیفی فراوانی بودهاند که تمام ابعاد زندگی همچون ابعاد اجتماعی-فرهنگی را دربر میگیرند؛ ازجمله شاخصهای کیفی بسیار مهم در خانههای سنتی ایرانی، وجود فضاهای مابین است که در معماری سنتی ایران اصطلاحاً «ایوان» نامیده میشود. این پژوهش بهدنبال پاسخ به این پرسش است که، آیا تأثیر ایوان به عنوان یک فضای سازماندهنده بر ایجاد و تقویت «تعاملات» اجتماعی ساکنین بهعنوان یکی از مهمترین ابعاد اجتماعی-فرهنگی خانۀ ایرانی، قابل اثبات است یا فقط نسبتی است که از سر دلبستگی و یا تفنن به معماری ایرانی داده می شود؟ این مهم در خانههای سنتی ایران به کمک نظریۀ «نحو فضا»، مورد بررسی قرار میگیرد. نظریۀ نحو فضا نگرشی است بیانگر این موضوع که وضعیت پیکرهبندی فضا چگونه یک معنای اجتماعی و فرهنگی را بیان میکند. تعاملات اجتماعی موجود در یک محیط معنایی است که میتوان آنرا در پیکرهبندی آن محیط مورد سنجش قرار داد؛ بدینترتیب، خانههای سنتی کاشان در مرکز ایران، بهدلیل وجود فضاهای مابین متنوع در آن، نمونههای مناسبی برای تحلیل تعاملات بهعنوان یک رفتار اجتماعی است. این پژوهش، ازجمله پژوهشهای موردی با شیوۀ تحقیق ترکیبی دربرگیرندۀ روش توصیفی، تحلیلی و درنهایت استدلال منطقی است. موضوع پژوهش با مطالعات کتابخانهای، شبیهسازی نرمافزار UCL Depth map و مقایسۀ تطبیقی مورد بررسی قرار گرفته است. نتایج نشان میدهد که در خانههای سنتی کاشان فضای ایوان بهعنوان یک فضای تأثیرگذار بر ایجاد و تقویت تعاملات موجود در فضاهای سازماندهیشده در اطرافش، نقش مهمی داشته است. همچنین ایوان بهعنوان یک فضای مهم در ایجاد سلسلهمراتب در خانههای سنتی از همارزش شدن فضاها جلوگیری کرده و حریمها را بهطور صحیحی در سازماندهی موجود فضاها، ایجاد میکند. نتیجۀ مهم دیگر، تأثیر ترکیب شکلی خانهها بر ایوان و تأثیر متقابل آن بر سایر فضاهای اطراف است، که در اینمیان خانههای با پلان Lشکل، بیشترین میزان همپیوندی را دارا میباشند. این موضوع بیانگر صورتگیری تعاملات بیشتر فضاها در این نوع از پلانها است.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4696_8863e496cb028e6230dc6961c40fff19.pdf