Bu Ali Sina University Archaeological Research of Iran 2345-5225 12 33 2022 09 23 Ethnoarchaeology of Behavior Settings: Towards Understanding of Territory in Semi-Sedentary of the Early Holocene (A Model-Based Qualitative Research with Case Study) Ethnoarchaeology of Behavior Settings: Towards Understanding of Territory in Semi-Sedentary of the Early Holocene (A Model-Based Qualitative Research with Case Study) 7 34 4190 10.22084/nb.2021.23863.2311 FA Hamid Reza Ghorbani Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Conservation and Restoration, Art University of Isfahan, Isfahan. Iran. 0000-0002-9954-9516 Journal Article 2021 03 07 The phenomenon of “spatial boundary”– among the main components of spatial property– has held an essential role in creating, consolidating, protecting, and identification of sustainable human-constructed environments and semi-sedentary behavior settings, from the early Holocene until now. Features and their determinant material culture are as the data, and the data are constrained in archaeology yet recognizable from the structural aspect. Ethnography, environmental psychology, and architecture suggest the diversity and various exposed and concealed arenas of this phenomenon in the traditional behavior settings. Theme of how the recognition, interpretation of the parameters, and the triple aspects of territory have been in prehistoric behavior settings is inadequately addressed. Due to the limited sources of archaeological literature according to different variables, the previous studies have only partially investigated the concept of assert. Recognition and understanding of the concept of territory is feasible in the light of analogy between the archaeological data and the findings of the behavior traditional settings in the framework of ethnoarchaeology and its practice-oriented reasoning. Middle East is among the pioneering regions in such investigations. Article is a qualitative research relying on archaeological and ethnography samples, it relies on description, analysis, and interpretation from the viewpoint of methodology, and it is an ethnoarchaeological study based on reasoning’s general comparative and structural analogies in terms of method. It is investigated based on observations, interviews, and documentary analysis in dynamic and static contexts. Study results indicate that the parameters and aspects of territory have been present in both archaeological and systemic contexts, and they are perceptible and interpretable through the middle range theory. It would be helpful in both objective and subjective viewpoints for the capability of archeological interpretation of how the different social and spatial human-constructed environments are accessible. Keywords: Ethnoarchaeology, Territory and Territoriality, Behavior Setting, Semi-Sedentary, Archaeological Interpretation. Introduction The territory is among the pivotal components of presenting behavior patterns in the given spatial dimensions of the lifestyles. Evidences exist in the first early temporary or seasonal behavior settings of semi-sedentary and in the traditional lifestyles of the Middle East. Some of the similar features and components, such as territory and territoriality, are perceptible due to the permanence and continuity, and through the middle range theory and analogy reasoning in the light of ethnoarchaeology. Quantitative-qualitative flaw of the archeological data (subject) compared to the evident abundance and observation of the targeted exposed and concealed marking of territory in the architecture of the traditional setting of semi-sedentism necessitates the comprehensiveness (source) of the ethnographic sample in analogy-based investigations. Ethnoarchaeological studies of the Middle East are amenable in three categories the reflections on the behavior of traditional settings, handicrafts research, and experimental and laboratory investigations. Vast spectrum of concepts, including territory, are less addressed from different viewpoints. Answer the question of how the territory parameters have been in the prehistoric period, it is necessary to recognize them from the lens of behavior traditional settings to make analogies for archeological interpretations. Purpose of this paper is to utilize general comparative and structural analogies reasoning in the qualitative research of ethnoarchaeology to understand and interpret territory in the behavior settings of Nemrik 9 and Mʼlefaat compared with the behavior traditional settings of Malle-ye Tangelia. Necessity of this study lies under the perception of territory and its impact on creating space, the arrangement of evident or concealed and permanent or temporary phenomena, how to have access, and how are human-environmental interactions in the archaeological and systemic contexts of semi-sedentary. Territory and territoriality and their components and arenas” bear an identical meaning in the source and the subject. It be only used in the interpretation of similar archaeological contexts. To the special attention paid to the purpose of the research and a targeted selection of the example, the selection method is typical case sampling to achieve representativeness or comparability. They are investigated based on observation, interviews, and documentary analysis of dynamic and static contexts. Results of this research suggested that the components and aspects of the territory phenomenon have been present in both archaeological and systemic contexts, and they are perceptible with a middle-range theory. Article text From the point of view of archaeology, the early artificial environments were established within the framework of semi-sedentism behavior settings alongside creating a territory as a mechanism for targeted marking of ownership, identification, and security. Territory falls into various categories based on different variables. Primary territory is exclusively owned by a given person, group, or institution. Public territory is a public space accessible to all. Secondary territory is the space between the two primary and public territories, which has a private side for some, and public side for others. Different types of territory are conceivable and understandable in the early behavior settings and its traditional types are observed in the Middle East and Iran. Primary arena of the territory is divided into three types based on structural features: primary territory, including the house and it’s inside phenomena; the secondary area, which is the external-surrounding arena of the primary territory, and the public territory includes the public open space. The middle arena of the territory is explainable in three ways considering the behavioral-functional parameters that consist of practicable behaviors in the primary, secondary, and public arenas. Final arena of the territory can be identified based on the perceptive components in all three types of territory. That is, each of the behavioral patterns that could be provided in the appearance of the structural features hold semantic and yet different aspects. Conclusion Results of this research show that the territory and territoriality phenomenon in the archeological context of semi-sedentism of late Pleistocene and early Holocene is recoverable in terms of the structural feature, and perceiving its apparent and concealed, permanent and temporary, private and social, and functional and conceptual dimensions and types is feasible in the systemic context as a result of the middle range theory through ethnoarchaeological in the behavior traditional setting. Perception of arenas and parameters of the territory in both dynamic and static contexts indicates its role in the manner of human-environment interactions, spatial centralization, and individual-social identification in the behavior settings of early and traditional semi-sedentism. Methodology of the present research is like an applied model and enjoys a high capability in ethnoarchaeology of Iran and other regions of the Middle. Other significant results of this research is the facilitation of a more accurate perception and interpretation of the territory and territoriality concept according to the figures and tables to perceive and interpret the behavioral and semantic patterns from different angles and dimensions in the early and traditional behavioral settings. Finding emphasizes approvability and transferability of the results in the range of comprehensives and objectives, in addition to their contribution to the systematic deduction from the source and the subject of the research to answer the research questions in the field of naturalistic generalizability. The phenomenon of “spatial boundary”– among the main components of spatial property– has held an essential role in creating, consolidating, protecting, and identification of sustainable human-constructed environments and semi-sedentary behavior settings, from the early Holocene until now. Features and their determinant material culture are as the data, and the data are constrained in archaeology yet recognizable from the structural aspect. Ethnography, environmental psychology, and architecture suggest the diversity and various exposed and concealed arenas of this phenomenon in the traditional behavior settings. Theme of how the recognition, interpretation of the parameters, and the triple aspects of territory have been in prehistoric behavior settings is inadequately addressed. Due to the limited sources of archaeological literature according to different variables, the previous studies have only partially investigated the concept of assert. Recognition and understanding of the concept of territory is feasible in the light of analogy between the archaeological data and the findings of the behavior traditional settings in the framework of ethnoarchaeology and its practice-oriented reasoning. Middle East is among the pioneering regions in such investigations. Article is a qualitative research relying on archaeological and ethnography samples, it relies on description, analysis, and interpretation from the viewpoint of methodology, and it is an ethnoarchaeological study based on reasoning’s general comparative and structural analogies in terms of method. It is investigated based on observations, interviews, and documentary analysis in dynamic and static contexts. Study results indicate that the parameters and aspects of territory have been present in both archaeological and systemic contexts, and they are perceptible and interpretable through the middle range theory. It would be helpful in both objective and subjective viewpoints for the capability of archeological interpretation of how the different social and spatial human-constructed environments are accessible. Keywords: Ethnoarchaeology, Territory and Territoriality, Behavior Setting, Semi-Sedentary, Archaeological Interpretation. Introduction The territory is among the pivotal components of presenting behavior patterns in the given spatial dimensions of the lifestyles. Evidences exist in the first early temporary or seasonal behavior settings of semi-sedentary and in the traditional lifestyles of the Middle East. Some of the similar features and components, such as territory and territoriality, are perceptible due to the permanence and continuity, and through the middle range theory and analogy reasoning in the light of ethnoarchaeology. Quantitative-qualitative flaw of the archeological data (subject) compared to the evident abundance and observation of the targeted exposed and concealed marking of territory in the architecture of the traditional setting of semi-sedentism necessitates the comprehensiveness (source) of the ethnographic sample in analogy-based investigations. Ethnoarchaeological studies of the Middle East are amenable in three categories the reflections on the behavior of traditional settings, handicrafts research, and experimental and laboratory investigations. Vast spectrum of concepts, including territory, are less addressed from different viewpoints. Answer the question of how the territory parameters have been in the prehistoric period, it is necessary to recognize them from the lens of behavior traditional settings to make analogies for archeological interpretations. Purpose of this paper is to utilize general comparative and structural analogies reasoning in the qualitative research of ethnoarchaeology to understand and interpret territory in the behavior settings of Nemrik 9 and Mʼlefaat compared with the behavior traditional settings of Malle-ye Tangelia. Necessity of this study lies under the perception of territory and its impact on creating space, the arrangement of evident or concealed and permanent or temporary phenomena, how to have access, and how are human-environmental interactions in the archaeological and systemic contexts of semi-sedentary. Territory and territoriality and their components and arenas” bear an identical meaning in the source and the subject. It be only used in the interpretation of similar archaeological contexts. To the special attention paid to the purpose of the research and a targeted selection of the example, the selection method is typical case sampling to achieve representativeness or comparability. They are investigated based on observation, interviews, and documentary analysis of dynamic and static contexts. Results of this research suggested that the components and aspects of the territory phenomenon have been present in both archaeological and systemic contexts, and they are perceptible with a middle-range theory. Article text From the point of view of archaeology, the early artificial environments were established within the framework of semi-sedentism behavior settings alongside creating a territory as a mechanism for targeted marking of ownership, identification, and security. Territory falls into various categories based on different variables. Primary territory is exclusively owned by a given person, group, or institution. Public territory is a public space accessible to all. Secondary territory is the space between the two primary and public territories, which has a private side for some, and public side for others. Different types of territory are conceivable and understandable in the early behavior settings and its traditional types are observed in the Middle East and Iran. Primary arena of the territory is divided into three types based on structural features: primary territory, including the house and it’s inside phenomena; the secondary area, which is the external-surrounding arena of the primary territory, and the public territory includes the public open space. The middle arena of the territory is explainable in three ways considering the behavioral-functional parameters that consist of practicable behaviors in the primary, secondary, and public arenas. Final arena of the territory can be identified based on the perceptive components in all three types of territory. That is, each of the behavioral patterns that could be provided in the appearance of the structural features hold semantic and yet different aspects. Conclusion Results of this research show that the territory and territoriality phenomenon in the archeological context of semi-sedentism of late Pleistocene and early Holocene is recoverable in terms of the structural feature, and perceiving its apparent and concealed, permanent and temporary, private and social, and functional and conceptual dimensions and types is feasible in the systemic context as a result of the middle range theory through ethnoarchaeological in the behavior traditional setting. Perception of arenas and parameters of the territory in both dynamic and static contexts indicates its role in the manner of human-environment interactions, spatial centralization, and individual-social identification in the behavior settings of early and traditional semi-sedentism. Methodology of the present research is like an applied model and enjoys a high capability in ethnoarchaeology of Iran and other regions of the Middle. Other significant results of this research is the facilitation of a more accurate perception and interpretation of the territory and territoriality concept according to the figures and tables to perceive and interpret the behavioral and semantic patterns from different angles and dimensions in the early and traditional behavioral settings. Finding emphasizes approvability and transferability of the results in the range of comprehensives and objectives, in addition to their contribution to the systematic deduction from the source and the subject of the research to answer the research questions in the field of naturalistic generalizability.

https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4190_77cdfc1e11e36a23bb030892ee00b8cf.pdf

Bu Ali Sina University Archaeological Research of Iran 2345-5225 12 33 2022 09 23 Study of the Neolithic and Chalcolithic Periods of Qarehdagh Region based on the Archaeological Data of Ahar city Study of the Neolithic and Chalcolithic Periods of Qarehdagh Region based on the Archaeological Data of Ahar city 35 64 4104 10.22084/nb.2021.23328.2264 FA Ali Karimikiya Ph.D. in Archeology, Department of Archeology, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Mohaghegh Ardabili, Ardabil, Iran. 0000-0003-1079-3246 Reza Rezalou Professor, Department of Archeology, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Mohaghegh Ardabili, Ardabil, Iran 0000-0001-7067-1916 Akbar Abedi Assistant Professor, Department of Archeology and Archeology, Tabriz University of Islamic Arts, Tabriz, Iran. Ardeshir Javanmardzadeh Associate Professor, Department of Archeology, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Mohaghegh Ardabili, Ardabil, Iran. Journal Article 2020 12 23 Qarehdagh region and Ahar city, which is located in East Azerbaijan (northwest of Iran), has different ancient sites and cultures. Archaeological studies and chronological table of northwest of Iran have been formed mostly based on archaeological data of the Urmia Lake Basin and extended to other regions of northwest of Iran and the position of other regions, including Qarahdagh region unknown in its cultural sequence remains. Since this area is located among the South Caucasus region, Moghan plain and the Lake Urmia basins of and Ghezel Ozan, it can play an important role in explaining and distinguishing the Neolithic, Chalcolithic periods of the region. And together with the comparison and analysis of recently obtained archaeological data of the region, present a relatively novel result. In order to understand the prehistoric cultures of the region (cultural periods), the following questions are raised: 1- How the chronological sequence of this region is explained according to cultural periods? The main hypothesis related to this question is the existence of Late Neolithic periods and Late Chalcolithic 2-3 (LC2-3) in the Ahar basin; 2- Which cultural features are understood from the common and uncommon cultural elements links (cultural interactions) of the northwest of Iran, including the Moghan plain and the other regions in terms of archaeological data and chronology of the mentioned periods? The present study has been carried out using descriptive-analytical study of archaeological data and data collection is based on field surveys and library studies with the aim of clarifying cultural horizons, the period of residence in the sites and completing the chronological table of the area. As a final point, it can be said that the pottery of the mentioned periods shows similarities with other regions of northwest of Iran, especially with the Urmia Lake basin. Due to the vast dimensions of the studied sites and other archaeological data, it is inferred that the settlements were seasonal and probably used limited by ranchers and nomadic communities. Keywords: Neolithic, Chalcolithic, Chronology, Pottery, Qarehdagh, Ahar, Northwest of Iran. Introduction The northwest of Iran, due to its suitable environmental conditions and special location, has a sequence of settlements from prehistoric to Islamic periods. Identifying archaeological cultures, settlement sequences of different geographic regions and introducing as the archaeological community seems necessary (Bakhtiari et al., 2019: 8). This part of Iran has a special place in archaeological studies, due to its proximity to important cultural areas such as the Caucasus, Anatolia, Zagros, and Mesopotamia regions. In the meantime, northwest of Iran (Azerbaijan) is alone an important cultural and geographic area in Iranian plateau during the prehistoric time of Iran (Talaei, 2011: 64-63). The main objectives of this study include: the survey and study of the role of the northwest of Iran in Neolithic, and Chalcolithic periods, comparison of its cultural data with neighboring regions, and the study of regional and transregional interactions and presenting a chronological framework. The beginning and the end of the Neolithic period varies in different regions of Iran and considering the heterogeneous climatic situation, and due to recent published studies in the other parts of the northwest of Iran, in addition to the Lake Urmia basin whose chronology is the basis of the chronology of the northwest of Iran, it is necessary to revise the chronological table of the area. Regarding to some archeological ambiguities and questions, this area was selected as an important area for studying. These questions are related to the relative chronology of the study area in the Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods; 1- How to explain the chronological sequence of this geographic area in the Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods? The main hypothesis related to this question is the existence of Late Neolithic periods and Late Chalcolithic 2-3 periods in Ahar city; 2- what are the cultural features of common and uncommon connections (cultural interactions) of this region from the northwest of Iran with Moghan region and other parts in terms of archaeological data and chronology of the mentioned periods? The hypothesis that can be presented on this question is that, based on the performed studies, this cultural area shows connections and commonalities with the Moghan region and especially with the Urmia Lake basin based on archaeological data. Archaeological Evidences The pottery of 5 areas related to the Neolithic period of Ahar region, are handmade with vegetable temper, incomplete baking in the range of pea, red, gray, and brick colors. But most pottery are in red, pea, and brick colors. The pottery of this period is often vacuous and most of them are simple, although pottery with black geometric patterns with a dark red coating can be seen among the pottery fragments. Geometric patterns are comparable with Haji Firuoz patterns that among them comb decorations can be seen. According to the form of utensils, potteries are related to shallow utensils such as bowls, cups, as well as short-necked jars and inverted edges. This type of pottery is obtained from most of Neolithic sites in the northwest of Iran and the South Caucasus. As a result of archaeological surveys in Ahar area, a total of 10 sites related to the Late Neolithic period and Late Chalcolithic 2-3 were identified. The relative chronology of these sites has been estimated based on the study of pottery samples and their comparison with samples obtained from the scientific excavations. Accordingly, the 5 identified and introduced areas of the Chalcolithic period are related to the Late Chalcolithic 2-3 period. According to the preliminary study of pottery and their comparison in terms of form, pattern, coating, and etc. with other areas, all the obtained potteries are related to the Late Chalcolithic 2-3 period / Chaff Faced Ware (CFW). The potteries of this period are both handmade and wheel-made and has vegetable temper and minerals. Conclusions Archaeological evidences suggest that the settlements were seasonal, short-lived, and probably used by ranchers and nomadic communities of the Late Chalcolithic period. It is worth to note that in the Late Chalcolithic period, we are witnessing an increase in settlements and population both in the northwest of Iran and in the Caucasus region. Based on the studies and the obtained data from the Ahar area and neighboring regions, the prehistoric situation of the region is clarified to some of extent and determines both the completion of the chronological table and the dispersion and expansion of the areas of the mentioned periods. According to the cultural and chronological sequences, the Qara Dagh region can be divided into the Late Neolithic/Transitional Chalcolithic periods (5400-5000 BC) and the Late Chalcolithic 2-3 period according to the chronologies of Kul Tepe Jolfa and Dava Göz Khoy (3600/3700-4200 BC). Considering to this fact that the Nakhchivani group, whose samples were obtained both from Kul Tepe Jolfa (Trench IV) and also from the South Caucasus geographic area, can be thought as a reason for considering the pottery data of the Late Chalcolithic 3 period in the Kura Araxes I period. Qarehdagh region and Ahar city, which is located in East Azerbaijan (northwest of Iran), has different ancient sites and cultures. Archaeological studies and chronological table of northwest of Iran have been formed mostly based on archaeological data of the Urmia Lake Basin and extended to other regions of northwest of Iran and the position of other regions, including Qarahdagh region unknown in its cultural sequence remains. Since this area is located among the South Caucasus region, Moghan plain and the Lake Urmia basins of and Ghezel Ozan, it can play an important role in explaining and distinguishing the Neolithic, Chalcolithic periods of the region. And together with the comparison and analysis of recently obtained archaeological data of the region, present a relatively novel result. In order to understand the prehistoric cultures of the region (cultural periods), the following questions are raised: 1- How the chronological sequence of this region is explained according to cultural periods? The main hypothesis related to this question is the existence of Late Neolithic periods and Late Chalcolithic 2-3 (LC2-3) in the Ahar basin; 2- Which cultural features are understood from the common and uncommon cultural elements links (cultural interactions) of the northwest of Iran, including the Moghan plain and the other regions in terms of archaeological data and chronology of the mentioned periods? The present study has been carried out using descriptive-analytical study of archaeological data and data collection is based on field surveys and library studies with the aim of clarifying cultural horizons, the period of residence in the sites and completing the chronological table of the area. As a final point, it can be said that the pottery of the mentioned periods shows similarities with other regions of northwest of Iran, especially with the Urmia Lake basin. Due to the vast dimensions of the studied sites and other archaeological data, it is inferred that the settlements were seasonal and probably used limited by ranchers and nomadic communities. Keywords: Neolithic, Chalcolithic, Chronology, Pottery, Qarehdagh, Ahar, Northwest of Iran. Introduction The northwest of Iran, due to its suitable environmental conditions and special location, has a sequence of settlements from prehistoric to Islamic periods. Identifying archaeological cultures, settlement sequences of different geographic regions and introducing as the archaeological community seems necessary (Bakhtiari et al., 2019: 8). This part of Iran has a special place in archaeological studies, due to its proximity to important cultural areas such as the Caucasus, Anatolia, Zagros, and Mesopotamia regions. In the meantime, northwest of Iran (Azerbaijan) is alone an important cultural and geographic area in Iranian plateau during the prehistoric time of Iran (Talaei, 2011: 64-63). The main objectives of this study include: the survey and study of the role of the northwest of Iran in Neolithic, and Chalcolithic periods, comparison of its cultural data with neighboring regions, and the study of regional and transregional interactions and presenting a chronological framework. The beginning and the end of the Neolithic period varies in different regions of Iran and considering the heterogeneous climatic situation, and due to recent published studies in the other parts of the northwest of Iran, in addition to the Lake Urmia basin whose chronology is the basis of the chronology of the northwest of Iran, it is necessary to revise the chronological table of the area. Regarding to some archeological ambiguities and questions, this area was selected as an important area for studying. These questions are related to the relative chronology of the study area in the Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods; 1- How to explain the chronological sequence of this geographic area in the Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods? The main hypothesis related to this question is the existence of Late Neolithic periods and Late Chalcolithic 2-3 periods in Ahar city; 2- what are the cultural features of common and uncommon connections (cultural interactions) of this region from the northwest of Iran with Moghan region and other parts in terms of archaeological data and chronology of the mentioned periods? The hypothesis that can be presented on this question is that, based on the performed studies, this cultural area shows connections and commonalities with the Moghan region and especially with the Urmia Lake basin based on archaeological data. Archaeological Evidences The pottery of 5 areas related to the Neolithic period of Ahar region, are handmade with vegetable temper, incomplete baking in the range of pea, red, gray, and brick colors. But most pottery are in red, pea, and brick colors. The pottery of this period is often vacuous and most of them are simple, although pottery with black geometric patterns with a dark red coating can be seen among the pottery fragments. Geometric patterns are comparable with Haji Firuoz patterns that among them comb decorations can be seen. According to the form of utensils, potteries are related to shallow utensils such as bowls, cups, as well as short-necked jars and inverted edges. This type of pottery is obtained from most of Neolithic sites in the northwest of Iran and the South Caucasus. As a result of archaeological surveys in Ahar area, a total of 10 sites related to the Late Neolithic period and Late Chalcolithic 2-3 were identified. The relative chronology of these sites has been estimated based on the study of pottery samples and their comparison with samples obtained from the scientific excavations. Accordingly, the 5 identified and introduced areas of the Chalcolithic period are related to the Late Chalcolithic 2-3 period. According to the preliminary study of pottery and their comparison in terms of form, pattern, coating, and etc. with other areas, all the obtained potteries are related to the Late Chalcolithic 2-3 period / Chaff Faced Ware (CFW). The potteries of this period are both handmade and wheel-made and has vegetable temper and minerals. Conclusions Archaeological evidences suggest that the settlements were seasonal, short-lived, and probably used by ranchers and nomadic communities of the Late Chalcolithic period. It is worth to note that in the Late Chalcolithic period, we are witnessing an increase in settlements and population both in the northwest of Iran and in the Caucasus region. Based on the studies and the obtained data from the Ahar area and neighboring regions, the prehistoric situation of the region is clarified to some of extent and determines both the completion of the chronological table and the dispersion and expansion of the areas of the mentioned periods. According to the cultural and chronological sequences, the Qara Dagh region can be divided into the Late Neolithic/Transitional Chalcolithic periods (5400-5000 BC) and the Late Chalcolithic 2-3 period according to the chronologies of Kul Tepe Jolfa and Dava Göz Khoy (3600/3700-4200 BC). Considering to this fact that the Nakhchivani group, whose samples were obtained both from Kul Tepe Jolfa (Trench IV) and also from the South Caucasus geographic area, can be thought as a reason for considering the pottery data of the Late Chalcolithic 3 period in the Kura Araxes I period.

https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4104_e910a63844df7022c9b194d39b2686bf.pdf

Bu Ali Sina University Archaeological Research of Iran 2345-5225 12 33 2022 09 23 Analysis, Classification and Typology of Chalcolithic Pottery of Silakhor Plain-Borujerd Analysis, Classification and Typology of Chalcolithic Pottery of Silakhor Plain-Borujerd 65 87 4146 10.22084/nb.2021.23332.2267 FA Ali Monadi PhD Student, Department of Archaeology, Science and Research Unit, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. Hamid Valipour Associate Professor, Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran, Iran. Amir Sadegh Naghshineh Assistant Professor, Department of Archaeology, Iran and a Member of the Faculty of Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran, Iran Journal Article 2020 12 24 Silakhor plain in the north of Lorestan is one of the important areas of Central Zagros, which has many settlements related to the chalcolithic age. Investigations and studies conducted in this plain have so far shown 80 ancient sites related to the chalcolithic age. The data of this research was taken from the survey and identification that took place in 2005 in the Silakhor plain, as well as re-examination and supplementary survey of the authors from this. In this research, 51 representative pottery samples from the chalcolithic age pottery in the area of this site have been studied typologically. In this research an attempt has been made to answer the question that how the typological comparison of chalcolithic age pottery of Silakhor plain can be effective in regulating the chronology of the region. The typology and comparisons made in relation to the pottery of this period in the Silakhor plain show that the common pottery cultures of the chalcolithic age in this area are affected by the developments in the northern regions of Garin-Kouh and Sefid-Kouh (Kangavar Vally). Therefore, the chronology of Kangavar Vally in the chalcolithic can be extended to the Silakhor plain as well as on other hand, the typology of pottery types in this research can be effective in understanding the cultures late chalcolithic period and in the Bronze Age. The typological similarities of the chalcolithic pottery of the Silakhor plain with the pottery of the Godin III period show the chalcolithic and, consequently, the Bronze Age. After studies conducted on the collected pottery, 51 pottery samples, which were more representative, were separated and studied further. In this regard, we have tried to present at least one example of each pottery sample in this article. The collected samples represent that early, middle and late periods of the chalcolithic age in the Silakhor plain. Keywords: Central Zagros, Silakhor Plain, Chalcolithic Age, Pottery Typology, Chronology. Introduction Silakhor is a relatively large plain located in Borujerd and Durud cities. The plain is one of the mountainous plains of the Central Zagros region, which is located at an average height of 1500 above sea level. The presence of abundant water resources and fertile soil has made us witness the existence of 80 ancient sites related to the chalcolithic period in the northern half of this plain (Broujerd), (Parviz, 2005). Despite the archaeological investigations and studies that have been conducted in this area in recent years, no targeted study has been conducted regarding the chalcolithic age of this area. In this research, an attempt has been made to analyze the situation of the chalcolithic age of this area through two data sources, the first source of data is related to the survey report that was carried out by Ahmad Parviz in 2005 from Borujerd city (Parviz, 2005). The second source of information is related to the re-examinations that the authors have made in relation to this research of the chalcolithic sites of this area. The purpose of these studies is to firstly examine the chronology of this area in the chalcolithic age based on the typology of the collected pottery and secondly to clarify the settlement status of Silakhor plain (Broujerd) in this period. In order to do this, the pottery findings collected after investigation and study have been separated and some of the representative samples have been presented and typified in this research. The purpose of this work was to outline the general chronology of the Silakhor plain in the chalcolithic age. After the studies conducted on the collected pottery, 51 the pottery samples, which were more representative, were separated and studied further. In this regard, we have tried to present at least on example of each pottery sample in this article. The collected samples represent the three periods of early, middle and late chalcolithic in Silakhor plain. In addition, the identified areas related to the chalcolithic age on GIS maps based on the geographic coordinates (UTM) registered by outputting from GIS software, it is determined how after each of these areas is from the nearest river, and their height compared to open water has Bern recorded. In this research, an attempt has been recorded. In this research, an attempt has been made to answer this question: How can the taxonomic comparison of chalcolithic age pottery and Silakhor plain be effective in regulating the chronology of this region? Pottery Findings from the Main Areas of the Study Site After examining the sites of the chalcolithic age of the Silakhor plain and collecting pottery related to this period, 51 representative pottery samples of this period were separated for comparison and typology. The purpose of doing this typology is to know the pottery cultures of the study area and also to check the chronology of this medium. From the point of view of typology, the pottery has been comparable with pottery of Kangavar Vally and Mahidasht in the three periods of the early, middle and late periods of the chalcolithic age. To analyze the pottery findings of this research, it is necessary to place the pottery in three periods: early, middle and late. In the chronology of the Kangavar and Mahidasht chalcolithic age each of the mentioned periods is known as Dalma, Sehgabi and Gobin VII and VI. Each of the mentioned periods has its own types of pottery. In this research, all types of common pottery in Kangavar and Mahidasht have not been seen; however, all the studied pottery of Silakhor plain are comparable with the pottery of mentioned northern regions. Undoubtedly, by conducting further investigations in Dilakhor plain, other common pottery can be seen in Kangavar and Mahidasht (Central Zagros) in the chalcolithic age. Conclusion The typology of the collected pottery (51pottery samples) showed that the common cultures in the Silakhor plain are the same as the common patterns of the northern regions in the Kangavar plain. Therefore, the chronology of Kangavar valley in the chalcolithic age in Silakhor plain can also be generalized. This can be recognized through the types of simple and engraved pottery presented in this research. Three types of pottery from Kangavar valley, Siah Bid and Jaghamaran have been seen among the pottery in Mahidasht. Therefore, it is possible to study the chalcolithic age in Silakhor plain in three periods: early, middle and late. The typological similarities of Silakhor plain pottery with other areas of Central Zagros indicate close connections between eastern Lorestan and the northern part of Central Zagros in the chalcolithic age. Part of these connections seems to be in the direction of the communication corridor that was formed on the northern slopes of Garin Mountain and on the edge of Gamasiab River, which connect the east of Lorestan, Kangavar and Mahidasht. Basically, in the central zeroes, the shape of the unevenness has been effective in the spread of cultures in prehistoric times. The existence of this communication path has undoubtedly had a significant impact on this cultural homogeneity in the chalcolithic age. The presence of various types of pottery in all three periods of the chalcolithic age also shows the continuity of settlement in the Silakhor plain. The homogeneities and similarities of Silakhor plain clay are cleanly evident in the early (Dalma) middle (Sehgabi) and late (Godin VII) chalcolithic age. Silakhor plain in the north of Lorestan is one of the important areas of Central Zagros, which has many settlements related to the chalcolithic age. Investigations and studies conducted in this plain have so far shown 80 ancient sites related to the chalcolithic age. The data of this research was taken from the survey and identification that took place in 2005 in the Silakhor plain, as well as re-examination and supplementary survey of the authors from this. In this research, 51 representative pottery samples from the chalcolithic age pottery in the area of this site have been studied typologically. In this research an attempt has been made to answer the question that how the typological comparison of chalcolithic age pottery of Silakhor plain can be effective in regulating the chronology of the region. The typology and comparisons made in relation to the pottery of this period in the Silakhor plain show that the common pottery cultures of the chalcolithic age in this area are affected by the developments in the northern regions of Garin-Kouh and Sefid-Kouh (Kangavar Vally). Therefore, the chronology of Kangavar Vally in the chalcolithic can be extended to the Silakhor plain as well as on other hand, the typology of pottery types in this research can be effective in understanding the cultures late chalcolithic period and in the Bronze Age. The typological similarities of the chalcolithic pottery of the Silakhor plain with the pottery of the Godin III period show the chalcolithic and, consequently, the Bronze Age. After studies conducted on the collected pottery, 51 pottery samples, which were more representative, were separated and studied further. In this regard, we have tried to present at least one example of each pottery sample in this article. The collected samples represent that early, middle and late periods of the chalcolithic age in the Silakhor plain. Keywords: Central Zagros, Silakhor Plain, Chalcolithic Age, Pottery Typology, Chronology. Introduction Silakhor is a relatively large plain located in Borujerd and Durud cities. The plain is one of the mountainous plains of the Central Zagros region, which is located at an average height of 1500 above sea level. The presence of abundant water resources and fertile soil has made us witness the existence of 80 ancient sites related to the chalcolithic period in the northern half of this plain (Broujerd), (Parviz, 2005). Despite the archaeological investigations and studies that have been conducted in this area in recent years, no targeted study has been conducted regarding the chalcolithic age of this area. In this research, an attempt has been made to analyze the situation of the chalcolithic age of this area through two data sources, the first source of data is related to the survey report that was carried out by Ahmad Parviz in 2005 from Borujerd city (Parviz, 2005). The second source of information is related to the re-examinations that the authors have made in relation to this research of the chalcolithic sites of this area. The purpose of these studies is to firstly examine the chronology of this area in the chalcolithic age based on the typology of the collected pottery and secondly to clarify the settlement status of Silakhor plain (Broujerd) in this period. In order to do this, the pottery findings collected after investigation and study have been separated and some of the representative samples have been presented and typified in this research. The purpose of this work was to outline the general chronology of the Silakhor plain in the chalcolithic age. After the studies conducted on the collected pottery, 51 the pottery samples, which were more representative, were separated and studied further. In this regard, we have tried to present at least on example of each pottery sample in this article. The collected samples represent the three periods of early, middle and late chalcolithic in Silakhor plain. In addition, the identified areas related to the chalcolithic age on GIS maps based on the geographic coordinates (UTM) registered by outputting from GIS software, it is determined how after each of these areas is from the nearest river, and their height compared to open water has Bern recorded. In this research, an attempt has been recorded. In this research, an attempt has been made to answer this question: How can the taxonomic comparison of chalcolithic age pottery and Silakhor plain be effective in regulating the chronology of this region? Pottery Findings from the Main Areas of the Study Site After examining the sites of the chalcolithic age of the Silakhor plain and collecting pottery related to this period, 51 representative pottery samples of this period were separated for comparison and typology. The purpose of doing this typology is to know the pottery cultures of the study area and also to check the chronology of this medium. From the point of view of typology, the pottery has been comparable with pottery of Kangavar Vally and Mahidasht in the three periods of the early, middle and late periods of the chalcolithic age. To analyze the pottery findings of this research, it is necessary to place the pottery in three periods: early, middle and late. In the chronology of the Kangavar and Mahidasht chalcolithic age each of the mentioned periods is known as Dalma, Sehgabi and Gobin VII and VI. Each of the mentioned periods has its own types of pottery. In this research, all types of common pottery in Kangavar and Mahidasht have not been seen; however, all the studied pottery of Silakhor plain are comparable with the pottery of mentioned northern regions. Undoubtedly, by conducting further investigations in Dilakhor plain, other common pottery can be seen in Kangavar and Mahidasht (Central Zagros) in the chalcolithic age. Conclusion The typology of the collected pottery (51pottery samples) showed that the common cultures in the Silakhor plain are the same as the common patterns of the northern regions in the Kangavar plain. Therefore, the chronology of Kangavar valley in the chalcolithic age in Silakhor plain can also be generalized. This can be recognized through the types of simple and engraved pottery presented in this research. Three types of pottery from Kangavar valley, Siah Bid and Jaghamaran have been seen among the pottery in Mahidasht. Therefore, it is possible to study the chalcolithic age in Silakhor plain in three periods: early, middle and late. The typological similarities of Silakhor plain pottery with other areas of Central Zagros indicate close connections between eastern Lorestan and the northern part of Central Zagros in the chalcolithic age. Part of these connections seems to be in the direction of the communication corridor that was formed on the northern slopes of Garin Mountain and on the edge of Gamasiab River, which connect the east of Lorestan, Kangavar and Mahidasht. Basically, in the central zeroes, the shape of the unevenness has been effective in the spread of cultures in prehistoric times. The existence of this communication path has undoubtedly had a significant impact on this cultural homogeneity in the chalcolithic age. The presence of various types of pottery in all three periods of the chalcolithic age also shows the continuity of settlement in the Silakhor plain. The homogeneities and similarities of Silakhor plain clay are cleanly evident in the early (Dalma) middle (Sehgabi) and late (Godin VII) chalcolithic age.

https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4146_109f91266ef89cc3690079b28abfe9a3.pdf

Bu Ali Sina University Archaeological Research of Iran 2345-5225 12 33 2022 09 23 Godin VII Period and the Revive of Early Late Chalcolithic Period Studies of the West Iran Godin VII Period and the Revive of Early Late Chalcolithic Period Studies of the West Iran 89 113 4102 10.22084/nb.2021.22132.2176 FA Sirvan Mohammadi Ghasrian Ph.D. in Archeology, Department of Archeology, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran. 0009-0004-8974-3392 Journal Article 2020 07 17 During Early Late Chalcolithic period at the end of the fifth millennium BC, It has been claimed that an event has occurred in the West Iran to be seen by a severe decline in the number of residential areas and functioned to bring a shift by which the sedentary societies were changed to the more mobile pastoralists using open-air or cave areas instead of large occupational sites. But review of archaeological investigation carried out recently in west of Iran challenge this hypothesis. Recently there have been a number of field activities on the LC sites in western Iran are showing that at the end of fifth millennium BC, in the Zagros region there has been not only an indication of drastic decline in settlement areas but instead this area would be experienced a dense population growth. In addition there are some hypothesis regarding the formation, settlement pattern, pottery, chronology and… that did not fix with recent studies. This uncertainty raised many questions regarding this study. So in order to response to this question and give a new view to the archaeology of early late chalcolithic period of western Iran, the data of this period(particularly the well-known Godin VII period) has been investigated. The result showing that not only there is not a severe decline in the number of residential areas, but early late chalcolithic period cultures of western Iran had developed. Also, the Godin VII culture is not limited just the east of Central Zagros and extended beyond this region. Many areas at the north of central Zagros in Kurdistan province had Godin VII culture. At the east also this culture extended to the eastern edge of central plateau of Iran like Qazvin region. Regarding the importance of Godin VII period as it corresponding the early urbanization in Mesopotamian world, it should pay more attentions by archaeologists. Keywords: Godin VII. Late Chalcolithic. Red slipped pottery. Central Zagros. Introduction Godin VII period(VII/VI3) named Godin VII hereafter in this paper become well known in the prehistory of west of Iran after 2 season of archaeological excavations at Godin Tepe carried out by Rroyal Ontario Museum expedition around 1964-1975. Godin VII period considered as a first phase of late chalcolithic coming after middle chalcolithic deposits of Godin Tepe (Godin X-VIII) characterized by disappearance of painted ceramics and replacement of plain chaff tempered of Godin VII style. during the Early Late Chalcolithic period started around the end of the fifth millennium BCE, it has been claimed that there has been a drastic decline in the population size and eventually in the number of settlements caused the Zagros region to have had any considerable settlement sites (Abdi 2003:431-433; Johnson 1987:129-131; Wright 1987:145-147) and as Hole has stated (Hole 1994:132-134, 2011:7); in the some valleys of the region such an event has imposed the settlements to be abandoned. In addition, according to the significant decrease in the number of permanent settlements, it has been claimed also that the Late Chalcolithic sites might be more likely converted to open-air or cave sites suggesting a shift to the more mobile pastoral way of life (Henrickson 1989: 288). But as a result of the recent archaeological investigations carried out in the region we will challenge the issues of the two general hypotheses mentioned regarding a sudden interruption or rather instead the continuity of the Late Chalcolithic culture of western Iran. Recently there have been a number of field activities on the LC sites in western Iran are showing that at the end of fifth millennium BC, in the Zagros region there has been not only an indication of drastic decline in settlement areas but instead this area would be experienced a dense population growth. A large number of identified LC sites in western Iran are seen as relatively higher mounds (tells) seem to have concealed the solid architectural materials as well as thick cultural deposits may implying potentially as the remains of sedentary farmer villages. Nearly all issues regarding of Godin VII period studies in west of Iran are mainly based on studies of 1964-1975. But as a result of recent investigations many of them have been challenged and refused. The present paper would try to update the studies of Godin VII period showing that this period has a key role in prehistoric period of western Iran. Discussion The most northern well known site possessing Godin VII cultural characteristics in western Iran is Tepe Nameshir located in Baneh county, north-west of Kurdistan province (Saed Moucheshi et al. 2017:fig8). Moreover, there exist a handful of fieldwork reports mainly by the Iranians pointing to a wider expansion of Godin VII ceramics across the western Iran, e.g. Marivan (Mohammadifar and Motarjem 2001), Tepe Kalnan (Saed Moucheshi et al. 2011), Tepe Gheshlagh in Bijar region (Sharifi and Motarjem 2018), Sanandaj (Zarehi et al. 2017, Mohammadi Ghasrain et al. 2019), Qorveh plain (Sharifi and Zeynivand 2018), Ziwieh (Mohammdi Ghasrian and Hozhabri 2017) and Karaftou (Jahangiri and Ahmadinia 2018:257). Godin VII ceramic was reported also from Soha Chai tepe excavation (Rahimi et al. 2016) and by Abharroud basin surveys in Zanjan area (Alibaigi et al. 2012; Khosrawi et al. 2013). In addition to Kurdistan and Zanjan, almost all eastern valleys of Kermanshah including Sahneh (Mohammdifar and Motarjem 2003), Harsin (Motarjem and Mohammadifar 2002), Sonqor (Heydarian and Ghorbani 2016:24) and Kangvar (Young 1975:192) are seen to have been influenced by Godin VII traditions. The same culture also was extended southern ward to reach Asadabad, Nehavand (Young 1961) and Hamedan (Balmaki, 2013) and even toward southernmost into Luristan (Goff, 1971, Henrickson, 1994). Beside the Iranian west, the cultural realm of Godin VII tradition also has been to affect the Central Plateau of this country, i.e. those Plume ware of Tepe Ghabristan (Ghabristan I)(Majidzadeh, 1978: 96, 1981: 143) is supposed to be influenced by Godin VII. In the areas such as Kangavar valley (Young, 1975:192 Henrickson, 1994:92) Sanandaj (Zarehi et al. 2016), Songhor (Heydarian and Ghorbani, 2016:24), Marivan (Zamain Dadaneh et al. 2019:39-40), Qorveh (Sharifi and Zeynivand, 2018:736) and Karaftou (Jahangiri and Ahmadinia, 2018:257), most of the findings were classified as being made during LC period. Apart from the LC site abundances in the study area there is evidence of structural component of many sites to be used as indication for sedentary life. A number of Godin VII period’s site as discussed in the following have been dug out recently and yielded so many building materials, remains of upstanding mud brick walls as well as thick cultural deposits. Conclusion We briefly reviewed three theories relating to the terminal fifth millennium BC in western Iran. They stated that: - At the end of the fifth millennium BC a drastic decline of settlements were occurred in the Zagros through which many sites were abandoned (Hole 1994, 2011; Abdi 2003). - Late Chalcolithic sites were converted to open-air or cave sites so that the subsistent strategies of the region were also shifted to mobile pastoralism way of life (Henrickson, 1989:288). - Late Chalcolithic (Godin VII) ceramic as known from the Kangavar valley are apparently missing almost entirely in the High Rod valleys (west of Sahneh area) (Levine and Young 1987:35). On the basis of recently found evidence from different fieldworks we challenged the issue stressing a sharp decrease of the settlements number in the Zagros region. In contrary to aforementioned concepts we argued that at the end of the fifth millennium BC, Godin VII tradition covered vast areas of western Iran. All valleys from the Little Zab basin in the north west of Kurdistan to the eastern valley of Central Zagros represent plain/coarse Godin VII diagnostic ceramic types. In addition, we argued that most of the Godin VII cultural layer in the study area represented solid architectural remains as the representative of housing structures for sedentary people while the pastoralist seasonal or temporary camps are generally relatively small in size and were built with no durable materials. Finally, the statement that “Godin VII traditions are apparently missing almost entirely in the High Road…”could also be challenged by the findings reported from the Taq-e Bostan site excavation which has been located at the same area. Remarkably instead of the proposed drastic cultural changes with the beginning of the Late Chalcolithic period, it can be seen that at the end of the fifth millennium BC in western Iran, the first sign of socio-economic complexity, Craft Specialization, hierarchical societies and initial administrative systems were emerged and gradually were improved. During Early Late Chalcolithic period at the end of the fifth millennium BC, It has been claimed that an event has occurred in the West Iran to be seen by a severe decline in the number of residential areas and functioned to bring a shift by which the sedentary societies were changed to the more mobile pastoralists using open-air or cave areas instead of large occupational sites. But review of archaeological investigation carried out recently in west of Iran challenge this hypothesis. Recently there have been a number of field activities on the LC sites in western Iran are showing that at the end of fifth millennium BC, in the Zagros region there has been not only an indication of drastic decline in settlement areas but instead this area would be experienced a dense population growth. In addition there are some hypothesis regarding the formation, settlement pattern, pottery, chronology and… that did not fix with recent studies. This uncertainty raised many questions regarding this study. So in order to response to this question and give a new view to the archaeology of early late chalcolithic period of western Iran, the data of this period(particularly the well-known Godin VII period) has been investigated. The result showing that not only there is not a severe decline in the number of residential areas, but early late chalcolithic period cultures of western Iran had developed. Also, the Godin VII culture is not limited just the east of Central Zagros and extended beyond this region. Many areas at the north of central Zagros in Kurdistan province had Godin VII culture. At the east also this culture extended to the eastern edge of central plateau of Iran like Qazvin region. Regarding the importance of Godin VII period as it corresponding the early urbanization in Mesopotamian world, it should pay more attentions by archaeologists. Keywords: Godin VII. Late Chalcolithic. Red slipped pottery. Central Zagros. Introduction Godin VII period(VII/VI3) named Godin VII hereafter in this paper become well known in the prehistory of west of Iran after 2 season of archaeological excavations at Godin Tepe carried out by Rroyal Ontario Museum expedition around 1964-1975. Godin VII period considered as a first phase of late chalcolithic coming after middle chalcolithic deposits of Godin Tepe (Godin X-VIII) characterized by disappearance of painted ceramics and replacement of plain chaff tempered of Godin VII style. during the Early Late Chalcolithic period started around the end of the fifth millennium BCE, it has been claimed that there has been a drastic decline in the population size and eventually in the number of settlements caused the Zagros region to have had any considerable settlement sites (Abdi 2003:431-433; Johnson 1987:129-131; Wright 1987:145-147) and as Hole has stated (Hole 1994:132-134, 2011:7); in the some valleys of the region such an event has imposed the settlements to be abandoned. In addition, according to the significant decrease in the number of permanent settlements, it has been claimed also that the Late Chalcolithic sites might be more likely converted to open-air or cave sites suggesting a shift to the more mobile pastoral way of life (Henrickson 1989: 288). But as a result of the recent archaeological investigations carried out in the region we will challenge the issues of the two general hypotheses mentioned regarding a sudden interruption or rather instead the continuity of the Late Chalcolithic culture of western Iran. Recently there have been a number of field activities on the LC sites in western Iran are showing that at the end of fifth millennium BC, in the Zagros region there has been not only an indication of drastic decline in settlement areas but instead this area would be experienced a dense population growth. A large number of identified LC sites in western Iran are seen as relatively higher mounds (tells) seem to have concealed the solid architectural materials as well as thick cultural deposits may implying potentially as the remains of sedentary farmer villages. Nearly all issues regarding of Godin VII period studies in west of Iran are mainly based on studies of 1964-1975. But as a result of recent investigations many of them have been challenged and refused. The present paper would try to update the studies of Godin VII period showing that this period has a key role in prehistoric period of western Iran. Discussion The most northern well known site possessing Godin VII cultural characteristics in western Iran is Tepe Nameshir located in Baneh county, north-west of Kurdistan province (Saed Moucheshi et al. 2017:fig8). Moreover, there exist a handful of fieldwork reports mainly by the Iranians pointing to a wider expansion of Godin VII ceramics across the western Iran, e.g. Marivan (Mohammadifar and Motarjem 2001), Tepe Kalnan (Saed Moucheshi et al. 2011), Tepe Gheshlagh in Bijar region (Sharifi and Motarjem 2018), Sanandaj (Zarehi et al. 2017, Mohammadi Ghasrain et al. 2019), Qorveh plain (Sharifi and Zeynivand 2018), Ziwieh (Mohammdi Ghasrian and Hozhabri 2017) and Karaftou (Jahangiri and Ahmadinia 2018:257). Godin VII ceramic was reported also from Soha Chai tepe excavation (Rahimi et al. 2016) and by Abharroud basin surveys in Zanjan area (Alibaigi et al. 2012; Khosrawi et al. 2013). In addition to Kurdistan and Zanjan, almost all eastern valleys of Kermanshah including Sahneh (Mohammdifar and Motarjem 2003), Harsin (Motarjem and Mohammadifar 2002), Sonqor (Heydarian and Ghorbani 2016:24) and Kangvar (Young 1975:192) are seen to have been influenced by Godin VII traditions. The same culture also was extended southern ward to reach Asadabad, Nehavand (Young 1961) and Hamedan (Balmaki, 2013) and even toward southernmost into Luristan (Goff, 1971, Henrickson, 1994). Beside the Iranian west, the cultural realm of Godin VII tradition also has been to affect the Central Plateau of this country, i.e. those Plume ware of Tepe Ghabristan (Ghabristan I)(Majidzadeh, 1978: 96, 1981: 143) is supposed to be influenced by Godin VII. In the areas such as Kangavar valley (Young, 1975:192 Henrickson, 1994:92) Sanandaj (Zarehi et al. 2016), Songhor (Heydarian and Ghorbani, 2016:24), Marivan (Zamain Dadaneh et al. 2019:39-40), Qorveh (Sharifi and Zeynivand, 2018:736) and Karaftou (Jahangiri and Ahmadinia, 2018:257), most of the findings were classified as being made during LC period. Apart from the LC site abundances in the study area there is evidence of structural component of many sites to be used as indication for sedentary life. A number of Godin VII period’s site as discussed in the following have been dug out recently and yielded so many building materials, remains of upstanding mud brick walls as well as thick cultural deposits. Conclusion We briefly reviewed three theories relating to the terminal fifth millennium BC in western Iran. They stated that: - At the end of the fifth millennium BC a drastic decline of settlements were occurred in the Zagros through which many sites were abandoned (Hole 1994, 2011; Abdi 2003). - Late Chalcolithic sites were converted to open-air or cave sites so that the subsistent strategies of the region were also shifted to mobile pastoralism way of life (Henrickson, 1989:288). - Late Chalcolithic (Godin VII) ceramic as known from the Kangavar valley are apparently missing almost entirely in the High Rod valleys (west of Sahneh area) (Levine and Young 1987:35). On the basis of recently found evidence from different fieldworks we challenged the issue stressing a sharp decrease of the settlements number in the Zagros region. In contrary to aforementioned concepts we argued that at the end of the fifth millennium BC, Godin VII tradition covered vast areas of western Iran. All valleys from the Little Zab basin in the north west of Kurdistan to the eastern valley of Central Zagros represent plain/coarse Godin VII diagnostic ceramic types. In addition, we argued that most of the Godin VII cultural layer in the study area represented solid architectural remains as the representative of housing structures for sedentary people while the pastoralist seasonal or temporary camps are generally relatively small in size and were built with no durable materials. Finally, the statement that “Godin VII traditions are apparently missing almost entirely in the High Road…”could also be challenged by the findings reported from the Taq-e Bostan site excavation which has been located at the same area. Remarkably instead of the proposed drastic cultural changes with the beginning of the Late Chalcolithic period, it can be seen that at the end of the fifth millennium BC in western Iran, the first sign of socio-economic complexity, Craft Specialization, hierarchical societies and initial administrative systems were emerged and gradually were improved.

https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4102_9ca8c9b0996bbf05ae7753d34667a6fd.pdf

Bu Ali Sina University Archaeological Research of Iran 2345-5225 12 33 2022 09 23 Evidence of the Ritual-Spiritual Function of Cowrie in the Ancient Tissues of Iran from the Third Millennium to the End of the First Millennium BC based on the Approach of the Ethnoarchaeology Evidence of the Ritual-Spiritual Function of Cowrie in the Ancient Tissues of Iran from the Third Millennium to the End of the First Millennium BC based on the Approach of the Ethnoarchaeology 115 142 3991 10.22084/nb.2021.23478.2283 FA Parisa Naseri PhD. Student in Archaeology, Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Art and Architecture, Bu-Ali Sina University, Hamadan, Iran. 0000-0002-6517-6790 ABBAS MOTARJEM Associate Professor, Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Art and Architecture, Bu-Ali Sina University, Hamadan, Iran 0000-0001-5521-0767 Journal Article 2021 01 15 shell A type of seashell called Cowrie, which in Persian is called by several names such as “Gajak” or “Kojak” and... So far, in many ancient deposits from the third millennium BC to the first millennium BC, mainly in the form of personal ornaments with the deceased and in some cases from the places of worship in large numbers, has been obtained. In all published reports, the mere accompaniment of these objects with other personal ornaments has introduced them as personal ornaments, while the question arises as to how this decorative tradition has remained for more than five thousand years. Given that some of today’s indigenous peoples believe beyond the aesthetic aspect of shell; These beliefs can be considered remnants of more ancient rituals? Based on this, it is hypothesized that the continued use of a non-indigenous object over time is related to a religious-ritual belief. Why at the same time the scope of such a phenomenon in the form of use in prayer and burial contexts not only in the cultural borders of Iran but also in large areas of the Eastern Levant and the Middle East has already been reported. Field ethnographic study of some indigenous peoples in western and southwestern Iran shows that these objects are used only for children regardless of gender and in adults only for women, which indicates the existence of a kind of gender and age taboo for it and belief The association of these objects with the person, in addition to the special aesthetic aspect, causes the repulsion of an evil eye They eliminate imperfection and attract goodness and blessings. This phenomenon is seen in ancient textures in the form of shell in the graves of women and children in excavation reports. But there is no sign of the use of these shell as a dignified commodity that belongs to a certain class of people in society. In a comparative analysis on the goals envisaged for this Kajak in both the contexts of ethnology today and contexts of ancient attitude toward ritual and spiritual practice, this assumption is approved only aspects of belief has caused Kajak shell has been considered for a long time and have been transported as a precious commodity by a commercial network from the coasts of the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean to parts of the Iranian plateau. Keywords: Archaeology of Death, Shell, Cowrie Shell, Ethnoarchaeology. Introduction The oyster is a species of marine life that is itself a member of a group of small to large marine gastropods of the family Cypraeidae, which are classified as “Cypraea”. The biological origin of this species belongs to the seas and does not exist in any river or lake. Unlike pottery and other man-made objects, this data is not used as part of the survival of living things, sometimes with slight modifications to their natural form, but discovered in a place other than their habitat and Archaeological deposits indicate that they have moved over long distances. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is to clarify the reasons for the use and function of this finding among ancient deposits from the third millennium to the beginning of history on the plateau of Iran. From a methodological point of view, in this research, a comparative-comparative method is used to explain this finding among ancient deposits as an unknown part of the problem and Ethnoarchaeology and living folk deposits as a known part. Therefore, the basis of the study is based on comparative and field methods. The statistical population is the collection of archaeological information taken from all available sources, including archaeological excavation reports and published cases without emphasis on specific specimens in the period from the third millennium to the first millennium BC, and the main reason for focusing on the tribes of the western region. And southwestern Iran due to the greatest overlap of the biological area of these tribes with the range of ancient sites studied. Research data So far, as a result of many archaeological excavations in Iran, samples of Cowries shell have been obtained. From the Neolithic period, oyster type Kajak from Choghasfid site and Tape Ali kush in Dehloran plain (Hole, et all, 1969: 244) and Tape Haji Firooz in the south of Urmia lake (Voigt, 1983: 263) have been reported. Kajak type in many sites of ruralization and the beginning of urbanization, such as Tel Millian Fars (Reese, 2003b, 103), Shahre sokhte (2300 to 2800) (Durante, 1977: 335: 15–6, pl. 1), Tel Iblis (Evett, 1967: 216, 217: Fig. 7) Tape Yahya (Tosi & Biscione, 1981: 39, 67: nr. 52, 78: nr. 84) & (Cataliotti-Valdina, 1979: 90) and Kazabad Ilam (Stein, 1940: pl. X: 2–3.) Have also been reported. (Reese, 1989a: 80–81). Hull believes that in light of the prevalence of interregional trade in terms of the origin of certain commodities such as turquoise and obsidian, he has mentioned the existence of shell (Dentalium, Cowrie) as one of these commodities, while their biological origin is related to the Mediterranean Sea. And the Persian Gulf has been mentioned (Hole. et all. 1969: 53, 78, 244). On the other hand, in the excavations related to the Elamite sites and the Bronze Age cemeteries of the Pishkuh areas in the Zagros, the discovery of numerous specimens of Kajak shell; Shows that in the Iron Age of Poshtkuh in the cemeteries Pusht Kaboud, Katal Gal Gal (KT.A1, KT.A7, KT.A9, KT.A10, KT.A13 with 2, 23. 1. 4) (Overlet, 2003). ) And Bordbal (BB.1, BB.3 and BB.10) have also been reported as oyster gifts with the dead (Overlet, 2003). The latest finding is the presence of shell of the type in Zagros cemetery in Sanandaj (Amelirad et all, 2012, 96. Pi 39). In which the position of the shell as a kind of necklace with the deceased indicates its use as individual decorations. In today’s ethnographic contexts, among some Lor and Kurdish tribes, the oyster’s Kajak is used as a victim or’s repellent force to protect children from evil eyes, and sometimes it is combined with strings of pecan seeds and some teeth. Of the animals, it is often attached to the child’s shoulder with a locking pin or in front of the baby’s sugar headband (Tawfiqi 1393: 87). Kojak shell is also sewn on the bridle of horses and donkeys, as well as camel hats. The front of the horse saddle, which is strong and sturdy and is placed vertically, is often adorned with a shell (Pollack, 1989: 343). (Figure 5). Among the cattle breeders of Bakhtiari and Qashqai tribes and Kurds of the western region, they installed blue beads and shell on the musk tripod and the musk itself, and the shell is considered to mean the blessing of the day and the increase of musk butter. Also, in a study on knitted bedspreads of Qashqai nomads, a technique called oeiiy Weaving has been mentioned, on which often crooked shells have been installed to repel the evil eye (Tawfiqi, 2014: 47). Among the nomads of the Bakhtiari tribe, Kajak shell and blue beads are attached to children’s wooden cradles. Likewise, mothers who have just given birth wear it on their arms or put it on a ring. In Lorestan, blue or blue beads are called kujeh or khazf, and its large type is used to repel evil eye from animals; And of its smaller type, they seek help from children to ward off the evil eye (Asadian Khorramabadi, 1353: 233), for example, among the Bakhtiari lors, there are (black stone) and (shell bead). These beads are embroidered on the baby’s outer garment or hat (Filberg, 1990: 221, 222). Conclusion Study and comparison of two discussions focusing on the use of Kajak shell in two different time frames, ie the third millennium to the first millennium BC and parts of modern local tribes in Iran confirm the signs of the use of this type of non-local shell. The oyster, which is the closest estimated source for those shores of the Persian Gulf in the south of the Iranian plateau, and sometimes the distance from the nearest coastal point to the cemeteries and areas from which these shells have been discovered and identified has been nearly a thousand kilometres. Historical and spatial analysis of the shell used according to the place of their discovery showed that the majority of them are related to two specific places, shrines and graves. The common denominator of these two contexts is related to the religious and cosmological thoughts and ideas of the people who removed them, and no doubt the components and objects within these spaces reflect their least religious value. The period is considered for the comfort of the deceased. This trend has been observed almost without interruption until the first half of the first millennium BC and simultaneously with the historical period of Iran. Eventually, since the formation of Islam as the official and dominant religion in most places, virtually all non-Islamic burial methods have become obsolete, and therefore the use of Kajak shell or any other decorative and ritual object in the grave has been eliminated, but ethnographic evidence shows that there are still signs of some beliefs and attitudes to this day, and in the meantime, the historical texts of the Islamic era confirm them, so that in many dictionaries such as Kanz al-Laghat from the eighth century AH is still a common belief of the people. Indicate the excretion of evil eyes by the white bead. The similar conditions of use of shell among some native tribes of modern Iran in the western and southwestern regions of Iran show that in both archaeological and ethnographic contexts, the use of this oyster is used only for women, children and no cases for men. Secondly, it has not been seen that in both contexts, the use of small shell has been used only for religious and decorative matters with religious meaning. For example, graves, temples and sacred spaces and the belief in repelling evil forces and wounded eyes fall into the category of religious affairs. shell A type of seashell called Cowrie, which in Persian is called by several names such as “Gajak” or “Kojak” and... So far, in many ancient deposits from the third millennium BC to the first millennium BC, mainly in the form of personal ornaments with the deceased and in some cases from the places of worship in large numbers, has been obtained. In all published reports, the mere accompaniment of these objects with other personal ornaments has introduced them as personal ornaments, while the question arises as to how this decorative tradition has remained for more than five thousand years. Given that some of today’s indigenous peoples believe beyond the aesthetic aspect of shell; These beliefs can be considered remnants of more ancient rituals? Based on this, it is hypothesized that the continued use of a non-indigenous object over time is related to a religious-ritual belief. Why at the same time the scope of such a phenomenon in the form of use in prayer and burial contexts not only in the cultural borders of Iran but also in large areas of the Eastern Levant and the Middle East has already been reported. Field ethnographic study of some indigenous peoples in western and southwestern Iran shows that these objects are used only for children regardless of gender and in adults only for women, which indicates the existence of a kind of gender and age taboo for it and belief The association of these objects with the person, in addition to the special aesthetic aspect, causes the repulsion of an evil eye They eliminate imperfection and attract goodness and blessings. This phenomenon is seen in ancient textures in the form of shell in the graves of women and children in excavation reports. But there is no sign of the use of these shell as a dignified commodity that belongs to a certain class of people in society. In a comparative analysis on the goals envisaged for this Kajak in both the contexts of ethnology today and contexts of ancient attitude toward ritual and spiritual practice, this assumption is approved only aspects of belief has caused Kajak shell has been considered for a long time and have been transported as a precious commodity by a commercial network from the coasts of the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean to parts of the Iranian plateau. Keywords: Archaeology of Death, Shell, Cowrie Shell, Ethnoarchaeology. Introduction The oyster is a species of marine life that is itself a member of a group of small to large marine gastropods of the family Cypraeidae, which are classified as “Cypraea”. The biological origin of this species belongs to the seas and does not exist in any river or lake. Unlike pottery and other man-made objects, this data is not used as part of the survival of living things, sometimes with slight modifications to their natural form, but discovered in a place other than their habitat and Archaeological deposits indicate that they have moved over long distances. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is to clarify the reasons for the use and function of this finding among ancient deposits from the third millennium to the beginning of history on the plateau of Iran. From a methodological point of view, in this research, a comparative-comparative method is used to explain this finding among ancient deposits as an unknown part of the problem and Ethnoarchaeology and living folk deposits as a known part. Therefore, the basis of the study is based on comparative and field methods. The statistical population is the collection of archaeological information taken from all available sources, including archaeological excavation reports and published cases without emphasis on specific specimens in the period from the third millennium to the first millennium BC, and the main reason for focusing on the tribes of the western region. And southwestern Iran due to the greatest overlap of the biological area of these tribes with the range of ancient sites studied. Research data So far, as a result of many archaeological excavations in Iran, samples of Cowries shell have been obtained. From the Neolithic period, oyster type Kajak from Choghasfid site and Tape Ali kush in Dehloran plain (Hole, et all, 1969: 244) and Tape Haji Firooz in the south of Urmia lake (Voigt, 1983: 263) have been reported. Kajak type in many sites of ruralization and the beginning of urbanization, such as Tel Millian Fars (Reese, 2003b, 103), Shahre sokhte (2300 to 2800) (Durante, 1977: 335: 15–6, pl. 1), Tel Iblis (Evett, 1967: 216, 217: Fig. 7) Tape Yahya (Tosi & Biscione, 1981: 39, 67: nr. 52, 78: nr. 84) & (Cataliotti-Valdina, 1979: 90) and Kazabad Ilam (Stein, 1940: pl. X: 2–3.) Have also been reported. (Reese, 1989a: 80–81). Hull believes that in light of the prevalence of interregional trade in terms of the origin of certain commodities such as turquoise and obsidian, he has mentioned the existence of shell (Dentalium, Cowrie) as one of these commodities, while their biological origin is related to the Mediterranean Sea. And the Persian Gulf has been mentioned (Hole. et all. 1969: 53, 78, 244). On the other hand, in the excavations related to the Elamite sites and the Bronze Age cemeteries of the Pishkuh areas in the Zagros, the discovery of numerous specimens of Kajak shell; Shows that in the Iron Age of Poshtkuh in the cemeteries Pusht Kaboud, Katal Gal Gal (KT.A1, KT.A7, KT.A9, KT.A10, KT.A13 with 2, 23. 1. 4) (Overlet, 2003). ) And Bordbal (BB.1, BB.3 and BB.10) have also been reported as oyster gifts with the dead (Overlet, 2003). The latest finding is the presence of shell of the type in Zagros cemetery in Sanandaj (Amelirad et all, 2012, 96. Pi 39). In which the position of the shell as a kind of necklace with the deceased indicates its use as individual decorations. In today’s ethnographic contexts, among some Lor and Kurdish tribes, the oyster’s Kajak is used as a victim or’s repellent force to protect children from evil eyes, and sometimes it is combined with strings of pecan seeds and some teeth. Of the animals, it is often attached to the child’s shoulder with a locking pin or in front of the baby’s sugar headband (Tawfiqi 1393: 87). Kojak shell is also sewn on the bridle of horses and donkeys, as well as camel hats. The front of the horse saddle, which is strong and sturdy and is placed vertically, is often adorned with a shell (Pollack, 1989: 343). (Figure 5). Among the cattle breeders of Bakhtiari and Qashqai tribes and Kurds of the western region, they installed blue beads and shell on the musk tripod and the musk itself, and the shell is considered to mean the blessing of the day and the increase of musk butter. Also, in a study on knitted bedspreads of Qashqai nomads, a technique called oeiiy Weaving has been mentioned, on which often crooked shells have been installed to repel the evil eye (Tawfiqi, 2014: 47). Among the nomads of the Bakhtiari tribe, Kajak shell and blue beads are attached to children’s wooden cradles. Likewise, mothers who have just given birth wear it on their arms or put it on a ring. In Lorestan, blue or blue beads are called kujeh or khazf, and its large type is used to repel evil eye from animals; And of its smaller type, they seek help from children to ward off the evil eye (Asadian Khorramabadi, 1353: 233), for example, among the Bakhtiari lors, there are (black stone) and (shell bead). These beads are embroidered on the baby’s outer garment or hat (Filberg, 1990: 221, 222). Conclusion Study and comparison of two discussions focusing on the use of Kajak shell in two different time frames, ie the third millennium to the first millennium BC and parts of modern local tribes in Iran confirm the signs of the use of this type of non-local shell. The oyster, which is the closest estimated source for those shores of the Persian Gulf in the south of the Iranian plateau, and sometimes the distance from the nearest coastal point to the cemeteries and areas from which these shells have been discovered and identified has been nearly a thousand kilometres. Historical and spatial analysis of the shell used according to the place of their discovery showed that the majority of them are related to two specific places, shrines and graves. The common denominator of these two contexts is related to the religious and cosmological thoughts and ideas of the people who removed them, and no doubt the components and objects within these spaces reflect their least religious value. The period is considered for the comfort of the deceased. This trend has been observed almost without interruption until the first half of the first millennium BC and simultaneously with the historical period of Iran. Eventually, since the formation of Islam as the official and dominant religion in most places, virtually all non-Islamic burial methods have become obsolete, and therefore the use of Kajak shell or any other decorative and ritual object in the grave has been eliminated, but ethnographic evidence shows that there are still signs of some beliefs and attitudes to this day, and in the meantime, the historical texts of the Islamic era confirm them, so that in many dictionaries such as Kanz al-Laghat from the eighth century AH is still a common belief of the people. Indicate the excretion of evil eyes by the white bead. The similar conditions of use of shell among some native tribes of modern Iran in the western and southwestern regions of Iran show that in both archaeological and ethnographic contexts, the use of this oyster is used only for women, children and no cases for men. Secondly, it has not been seen that in both contexts, the use of small shell has been used only for religious and decorative matters with religious meaning. For example, graves, temples and sacred spaces and the belief in repelling evil forces and wounded eyes fall into the category of religious affairs.

https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_3991_dfbd282c18300fa0eccceea6c5fac41f.pdf

Bu Ali Sina University Archaeological Research of Iran 2345-5225 12 33 2022 09 23 Propaganda in Neo-Assyria and Achaemenid Monarchies based on Written and Visual Evidence Propaganda in Neo-Assyria and Achaemenid Monarchies based on Written and Visual Evidence 143 180 4813 10.22084/nb.2022.23973.2320 FA Ali Asghar Salahshoor Ph.D. Candidate in Archaeology, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran. 0000-0001-5435-4929 Bahman Firoozmandi Professor, Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran Journal Article 2021 04 01 Although the terms psychological warfare and propaganda are relatively new, the concepts are very old indeed. Both have a lengthy history in the ancient Near East where they were practiced for thousands of years before the Persians arrived on the scene. One of the tools for the stability of ancient ideological systems was propaganda. The Neo- Assyrian and Achaemenid Empires also used propaganda to advance their ideology and maintain their power and authority. How the kings of Neo- Assyria and the Achaemenids portrayed or described themselves and liked how other lands or people saw or understood them shows using propaganda in their written and visual documents and evidence. Undoubtedly, in the royal contexts of Neo-Assyria and the Achaemenids, they did not depict or write all the facts so that their ideology would not be harmed and their power, authority, and legitimacy to rule over the vast people and territories of their Empires would not be compromised. They portrayed or described a self-image that frightened the subject people and lead to their submission, or impressed them by showing and describing the glory and greatness, and the universal order and dominance of Empire. This research using written and visual sources and evidence of the royal contexts of Neo-Assyria and Achaemenid examines the tools and goals of propaganda, their intended audiences, as well as propaganda methods and strategies, especially in inscriptions and architectural reliefs, and identifies similarities and differences. The fundamental differences between Neo-Assyrian and Achaemenid propaganda is the emphasis on violence in the royal ideology of the Assyrians Empire.Tools such as royal reliefs, steles, seals, coins (Achaemenid period), and inscriptions were ancient media that communicated with their specific and universal audiences and directed their thoughts and minds, and Assyrians and Achaemenids were aware of their influence and used them in their propaganda. Keywords: Neo-Assyria, Achaemenian, Power, Ideology, Propaganda. Introduction Propaganda has a lengthy history in the ancient Near East where it was practiced for thousands of years before the Persians. Some of their predecessors, for example, the Assyrians, advanced the use of propaganda and psychological warfare to an art form and there is every reason to believe that the Persians took up right where the Assyrians left off. Ancient Near Eastern propaganda operated not only in the medium of texts but also mediated through architecture (so-called public buildings), infrastructures - and pictures (from miniature to monumental art). There are fundamental differences in the strategies and methods of propaganda of Neo- Assyria and the Achaemenids, one of the most important of which is the visual and verbal violence of the Assyrians. They probably depicted or described violent scenes to impress the audience and visitors to their palaces. The strategy of the Achaemenids is not to depict or describe violent and war scenes, especially in their reliefs and royal inscriptions, except for Bistun monument, especially its inscription which speaks of violence and violent confrontation with the insurgents and their severe punishment. The propagandistic nature of Bistun monument is not obscured. The Assyrians and the Achaemenids used propaganda concerning legitimacy and boasting in their texts and images to highlight their claim of supremacy and dominance, although propaganda in the Achaemenid period was accompanied by a kind of relatively voluntarily and freely integration, participation, and cooperation of the subject people and lands of the Empire which can be clearly seen in the inscriptions and especially the reliefs of Persepolis (gift-bearers or tributary (?) and throne-bearers scenes). How did the kings of Neo- Assyria and the Achaemenids see themselves and their monarchy, and how did others (courtiers, internal and local elites, subject people, etc.) want to be seen and perceived them? What were the propaganda methods and strategies? What were their propaganda tools? Who was their propagandistic audience? To what extent did they depict or describe real facts and events? And whether it can be recognized from their written and visual evidence or not? What was their imagination of the subject people and lands? All of these are questions that this research tries to answer by examining and analyzing the written and visual sources and evidence of the royal contexts of Neo-Assyria and Achaemenid, but each of these questions requires independent research, and this research has only answered these questions in general. Paper text The Neo- Assyria and Achaemenid Empires, using tools and media such as inscriptions, reliefs, steles, seals, and coins (Achaemenid period), propagated the discourse of the monarchy and used them to impress their public and specific audiences. With their propaganda tools, they sought to present an ideal rather than a real image of the king and their monarchy to internal and external audiences, an image of a mighty, powerful king and a vast and powerful Empire with people and lands who different languages and cultures, to somehow neutralize any rebellion and conspiracy on their behalf, and to show that no force will be able to withstand these powerful Empires. To achieve these goals, each has somehow dealt with distortion of reality. The reliefs and inscriptions of the royal context of Neo- Assyria are full of illustrations and descriptions of scenes of violence, killing, torture and persecution, the siege of cities, slaughter, beheading, and so on. Undoubtedly, such images and descriptions affected the audience and terrified them in the direction of psychological warfare. However, for example, Assyrian reliefs did not tell many facts, they portrayed the outcome of the war, and have hidden their failures and mistakes and have not shown them. The Assyrians have always been depicted victorious in the reliefs of their palaces, inscriptions, and royal annals. Of course, few inscriptions have pointed to the difficulties and hardships of war and the stubbornness of the enemies. The strategy and practice of the Achaemenids in this regard is different from that of the Assyrians and is perspicaciously and Intelligently; They generally did not depict or describe scenes of violence or war. For example, Achaemenid reliefs in Persepolis, instead of showing such scenes, show reliefs that evoke calm, peace, order, cooperation, and participation of different people and ethnic groups of the Empire. Conclusion The purposeful propaganda of Achaemenids (Unlike Assyrians) ignored the humiliating motifs of subjugation and humiliation of the subjugated lands and used motifs in which there was no trace of fear, and what is shown is peace and respect for the different cultures. The potential audience of propaganda tools cannot be said with certainty because so little evidence has been obtained, and this is more true of the Achaemenid Empire. However, it is possible that the audience of the royal inscriptions (especially the Assyrian ones), because they had to be read and were more complex to decipher, was mostly elite and literate, and the reliefs of the palaces had a more audiences because it was easier to decode. Of course, citing Bistun inscription found in Babylon and Elephantine in Egypt, and Herodotus, who confirms the writing of multilingual inscriptions in the Achaemenid periphery, it may be possible that the Achaemenid inscriptions were also targeted for more audiences. Among the propaganda tools, seals and coins were intended for the general public, probably because they were circulating in a wider area of the Achaemenid Empire, although the extent of the seals’ influence in the Neo- Assyria period was probably intended for specific propaganda purposes. Although the terms psychological warfare and propaganda are relatively new, the concepts are very old indeed. Both have a lengthy history in the ancient Near East where they were practiced for thousands of years before the Persians arrived on the scene. One of the tools for the stability of ancient ideological systems was propaganda. The Neo- Assyrian and Achaemenid Empires also used propaganda to advance their ideology and maintain their power and authority. How the kings of Neo- Assyria and the Achaemenids portrayed or described themselves and liked how other lands or people saw or understood them shows using propaganda in their written and visual documents and evidence. Undoubtedly, in the royal contexts of Neo-Assyria and the Achaemenids, they did not depict or write all the facts so that their ideology would not be harmed and their power, authority, and legitimacy to rule over the vast people and territories of their Empires would not be compromised. They portrayed or described a self-image that frightened the subject people and lead to their submission, or impressed them by showing and describing the glory and greatness, and the universal order and dominance of Empire. This research using written and visual sources and evidence of the royal contexts of Neo-Assyria and Achaemenid examines the tools and goals of propaganda, their intended audiences, as well as propaganda methods and strategies, especially in inscriptions and architectural reliefs, and identifies similarities and differences. The fundamental differences between Neo-Assyrian and Achaemenid propaganda is the emphasis on violence in the royal ideology of the Assyrians Empire.Tools such as royal reliefs, steles, seals, coins (Achaemenid period), and inscriptions were ancient media that communicated with their specific and universal audiences and directed their thoughts and minds, and Assyrians and Achaemenids were aware of their influence and used them in their propaganda. Keywords: Neo-Assyria, Achaemenian, Power, Ideology, Propaganda. Introduction Propaganda has a lengthy history in the ancient Near East where it was practiced for thousands of years before the Persians. Some of their predecessors, for example, the Assyrians, advanced the use of propaganda and psychological warfare to an art form and there is every reason to believe that the Persians took up right where the Assyrians left off. Ancient Near Eastern propaganda operated not only in the medium of texts but also mediated through architecture (so-called public buildings), infrastructures - and pictures (from miniature to monumental art). There are fundamental differences in the strategies and methods of propaganda of Neo- Assyria and the Achaemenids, one of the most important of which is the visual and verbal violence of the Assyrians. They probably depicted or described violent scenes to impress the audience and visitors to their palaces. The strategy of the Achaemenids is not to depict or describe violent and war scenes, especially in their reliefs and royal inscriptions, except for Bistun monument, especially its inscription which speaks of violence and violent confrontation with the insurgents and their severe punishment. The propagandistic nature of Bistun monument is not obscured. The Assyrians and the Achaemenids used propaganda concerning legitimacy and boasting in their texts and images to highlight their claim of supremacy and dominance, although propaganda in the Achaemenid period was accompanied by a kind of relatively voluntarily and freely integration, participation, and cooperation of the subject people and lands of the Empire which can be clearly seen in the inscriptions and especially the reliefs of Persepolis (gift-bearers or tributary (?) and throne-bearers scenes). How did the kings of Neo- Assyria and the Achaemenids see themselves and their monarchy, and how did others (courtiers, internal and local elites, subject people, etc.) want to be seen and perceived them? What were the propaganda methods and strategies? What were their propaganda tools? Who was their propagandistic audience? To what extent did they depict or describe real facts and events? And whether it can be recognized from their written and visual evidence or not? What was their imagination of the subject people and lands? All of these are questions that this research tries to answer by examining and analyzing the written and visual sources and evidence of the royal contexts of Neo-Assyria and Achaemenid, but each of these questions requires independent research, and this research has only answered these questions in general. Paper text The Neo- Assyria and Achaemenid Empires, using tools and media such as inscriptions, reliefs, steles, seals, and coins (Achaemenid period), propagated the discourse of the monarchy and used them to impress their public and specific audiences. With their propaganda tools, they sought to present an ideal rather than a real image of the king and their monarchy to internal and external audiences, an image of a mighty, powerful king and a vast and powerful Empire with people and lands who different languages and cultures, to somehow neutralize any rebellion and conspiracy on their behalf, and to show that no force will be able to withstand these powerful Empires. To achieve these goals, each has somehow dealt with distortion of reality. The reliefs and inscriptions of the royal context of Neo- Assyria are full of illustrations and descriptions of scenes of violence, killing, torture and persecution, the siege of cities, slaughter, beheading, and so on. Undoubtedly, such images and descriptions affected the audience and terrified them in the direction of psychological warfare. However, for example, Assyrian reliefs did not tell many facts, they portrayed the outcome of the war, and have hidden their failures and mistakes and have not shown them. The Assyrians have always been depicted victorious in the reliefs of their palaces, inscriptions, and royal annals. Of course, few inscriptions have pointed to the difficulties and hardships of war and the stubbornness of the enemies. The strategy and practice of the Achaemenids in this regard is different from that of the Assyrians and is perspicaciously and Intelligently; They generally did not depict or describe scenes of violence or war. For example, Achaemenid reliefs in Persepolis, instead of showing such scenes, show reliefs that evoke calm, peace, order, cooperation, and participation of different people and ethnic groups of the Empire. Conclusion The purposeful propaganda of Achaemenids (Unlike Assyrians) ignored the humiliating motifs of subjugation and humiliation of the subjugated lands and used motifs in which there was no trace of fear, and what is shown is peace and respect for the different cultures. The potential audience of propaganda tools cannot be said with certainty because so little evidence has been obtained, and this is more true of the Achaemenid Empire. However, it is possible that the audience of the royal inscriptions (especially the Assyrian ones), because they had to be read and were more complex to decipher, was mostly elite and literate, and the reliefs of the palaces had a more audiences because it was easier to decode. Of course, citing Bistun inscription found in Babylon and Elephantine in Egypt, and Herodotus, who confirms the writing of multilingual inscriptions in the Achaemenid periphery, it may be possible that the Achaemenid inscriptions were also targeted for more audiences. Among the propaganda tools, seals and coins were intended for the general public, probably because they were circulating in a wider area of the Achaemenid Empire, although the extent of the seals’ influence in the Neo- Assyria period was probably intended for specific propaganda purposes.

https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4813_187acf7982f3c169b3075132380986e4.pdf

Bu Ali Sina University Archaeological Research of Iran 2345-5225 12 33 2022 09 23 Partian and Sasanian Burials at Bavanat River Basin, Fars Partian and Sasanian Burials at Bavanat River Basin, Fars 181 205 4265 10.22084/nb.2021.22504.2202 FA Morteza Khanipour Post-Doctoral Fellowship in Archaeology, Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran, 0000-0002-9828-0826 Hosseinali Kavosh Assistant Professor, Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Art and Architecture, University of Zabol, Zabol, Iran. Journal Article 2020 09 09 Burial is part of the spiritual and material culture of each nation, which has its own characteristics in each region and period. Since the burial method originates from the thoughts, ideas and culture of the society, by studying them, it is possible to reconstruct the process of cultural evolution of ancient societies. Studying burial practices and rituals has always been of the interest of researchers in the Sassanid field, and as a result of the researches, we see diversity in the burial practices of this period. Archaeological survey at the Bavanat River Basin, which took place in 2015, revealed evidence of two burial methods, including cairn burial or Khereft Khane, as well as pillar ossuary. Considering the variety of burial methods of this period in Fars, what were the burial methods of the Parthian and Sassanid eras in the Bavanat and what are the characteristics of the burial places? Therefore, the current research with a comparative-descriptive approach tries to explain the burials of the historical period of Bavanat in order to answer the raised questions. On top of the most of the Bavanat River basin Mountains, cairn burials have been identified that have a circular plan and are accumulate with stones of various dimensions with no mortar. Due to the wide distribution of cairn burials from Pakistan to southwestern Iran and the southern coasts of the Persian Gulf, different chronologies have been provided for such burials, however, according to the cultural materials obtained from other parts of Fars and comparing them to identification burials, this type of burial can be attributed to the Parthian and Sassanid periods. There are different opinions about the function of the second type of burial, pillar ossuary that according to the inscriptions obtained around of the city of Istakhr, they can be considered as having a burial function related to the Sassanid period that were identified at Pahneh Mil Fenjan and Cheraghkoshi sites. Keywords: Partian, Sasanian, Cairn Burial, Khereft Khaneh, Dakhmak. Introduction Bavanat County is located in the northeast of Fars province and consists of two districts: Markazi and Mazayjan. It is attempted to determine the studied region according to the natural geographical range without considering new political borders. To this end, the Bavanat River Basin which is located in two Districts of this county was surveyed. Archeological research was carried out in a survey and intensive way to identify all sites and relics that reflect the activities of past human societies in the region. In this research, in addition of using all the information of historical texts and environmental studies, it was tried to conduct a field study in the basin of Bavanat River and by studying different features and surface findings, the relationship between cultural sites and settlement patterns are investigated and meanwhile by comparing with the adjacent regions, the relationship between these cultural sites in different periods with the environment and geography of the region is studied. In general, the most important goals of this archaeological research in 2015 were as the following: identifying all historical sites of different periods of the region; preparing archaeological maps of the studied region in the different cultural periods; studying and investigating the process of settlement changes in different periods, presenting the sequence of the relative chronology of the region based on surface findings; studying the effect of environment on the formation of settlements; recognizing regional and trans-regional interactions based on surface findings. The existence of numerous settlements, castles, stone walls, ritual places such as Monj and Kouh Yaghi all show the prosperity and importance of this region in the Sassanid period. Despite the various researches that have been carried out about burial rituals and places, none of them have mentioned the burial places of the historical period of Bavanat region. During the archeological surveys that took place in Bavanat County, traces of historical burials were identified. Identified Traces This region has high altitudes and several water resources and basins such as rivers, springs and streams in the region. The most important water source in this region is Bavanat River, which has a main role in the formation of the settlements of the region. Following his studies in several regions around Iran, Stein conducted brief surveys and sounding in Bavanat as well (Stein, 1936). Furthermore, Helwing and Askari surveyed a number of sites in Monj as part of ICAR’s rescue survey in the Marvast Dam (Helwing, 2007). During the conducted researches, 200 sites that dated from the Neolithic to the late Islamic Period were identified. These sites include ancient sites, historical castles, temple, mosque, bridge, cemetery, mill, petroglyph, ancient mines, and slag site. During the survey, cairns burial were identified in eight places in Bavanat river basin. Although these types of graves are named as cairn or Dambi burial, but among the local people of Fars, such graves are known as Khereft Khaneh. Another type of burials in this area is a pillar ossuary. The structure of this type of burial is in the form of holes and stone columns. The first type is a hole carved on the horizontal surface of large stones and rocks, which is similar to graves carved into the stone and the complete corpse is not placed in it, similar to the ossuary. Discussion By studying the graves in Bavanat, it is possible to explain the ritual and burial structures of the region during the historical period. Cairn burial is one of the burial types in Bavanat, due to the wide geographical distribution of this type of graves, many efforts have been made to date these graves. The most important factor that has made the dating of these cemeteries difficult is the destruction and looting of the contents inside the grave. However, during the excavations that took place in this type of burial in Fars, they were generally dated to the Parthian and Sassanid periods, and by comparing the excavated samples, we can relatively compare the graves obtained from Bavanat to the Parthian and Sassanid periods. The second type of burial in Bavanat is Dakhmak or pillar ossuary. The structure of this type of burial is in the form of holes and stone columns. The first type is a hole and carved on the horizontal surface of large stones and rocks, which is similar to cairn burial carved in the rock, and in terms of secondary burial and not placing a complete body in it, it is similar to Studan. Since according to the existing inscriptions, similar burials have been considered to have a funerary function, therefore, the samples found in the Bavanat can also be considered to have a funerary function and contemporary with the Sassanid era. Conclusion One of the characteristics of burials in the Parthian and Sassanid periods was their diversity, which has its own method and characteristics in different places. During the survey in Bavanat river basin, two types of burials were identified with structures known as cairn Burial and Dakhmak. Cairn Burials have more distribution and number in the region, so that in this survey, eight places were identified, and more graves can be identified in case of further survey. Dakhmak and columns were identified from the two places of the Mill Fenjan and the Cheraghkoshi, which according to the samples identified from Naqsh-Rostam, Istakhar, Semirom, Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad and the reading of their inscriptions, can be used for burial and considered related to the Sassanid period. Cairn Burials exist in large areas of South and Southeast Iran as well as the southern coasts of the Oman Sea and the Persian Gulf, but there are pillar ossuary or Dakhmak burials only in limited areas, and with the samples identified from Bavanat, it is possible that Eastern Fars was also considered as one of the distribution areas of this type of burial. Burial is part of the spiritual and material culture of each nation, which has its own characteristics in each region and period. Since the burial method originates from the thoughts, ideas and culture of the society, by studying them, it is possible to reconstruct the process of cultural evolution of ancient societies. Studying burial practices and rituals has always been of the interest of researchers in the Sassanid field, and as a result of the researches, we see diversity in the burial practices of this period. Archaeological survey at the Bavanat River Basin, which took place in 2015, revealed evidence of two burial methods, including cairn burial or Khereft Khane, as well as pillar ossuary. Considering the variety of burial methods of this period in Fars, what were the burial methods of the Parthian and Sassanid eras in the Bavanat and what are the characteristics of the burial places? Therefore, the current research with a comparative-descriptive approach tries to explain the burials of the historical period of Bavanat in order to answer the raised questions. On top of the most of the Bavanat River basin Mountains, cairn burials have been identified that have a circular plan and are accumulate with stones of various dimensions with no mortar. Due to the wide distribution of cairn burials from Pakistan to southwestern Iran and the southern coasts of the Persian Gulf, different chronologies have been provided for such burials, however, according to the cultural materials obtained from other parts of Fars and comparing them to identification burials, this type of burial can be attributed to the Parthian and Sassanid periods. There are different opinions about the function of the second type of burial, pillar ossuary that according to the inscriptions obtained around of the city of Istakhr, they can be considered as having a burial function related to the Sassanid period that were identified at Pahneh Mil Fenjan and Cheraghkoshi sites. Keywords: Partian, Sasanian, Cairn Burial, Khereft Khaneh, Dakhmak. Introduction Bavanat County is located in the northeast of Fars province and consists of two districts: Markazi and Mazayjan. It is attempted to determine the studied region according to the natural geographical range without considering new political borders. To this end, the Bavanat River Basin which is located in two Districts of this county was surveyed. Archeological research was carried out in a survey and intensive way to identify all sites and relics that reflect the activities of past human societies in the region. In this research, in addition of using all the information of historical texts and environmental studies, it was tried to conduct a field study in the basin of Bavanat River and by studying different features and surface findings, the relationship between cultural sites and settlement patterns are investigated and meanwhile by comparing with the adjacent regions, the relationship between these cultural sites in different periods with the environment and geography of the region is studied. In general, the most important goals of this archaeological research in 2015 were as the following: identifying all historical sites of different periods of the region; preparing archaeological maps of the studied region in the different cultural periods; studying and investigating the process of settlement changes in different periods, presenting the sequence of the relative chronology of the region based on surface findings; studying the effect of environment on the formation of settlements; recognizing regional and trans-regional interactions based on surface findings. The existence of numerous settlements, castles, stone walls, ritual places such as Monj and Kouh Yaghi all show the prosperity and importance of this region in the Sassanid period. Despite the various researches that have been carried out about burial rituals and places, none of them have mentioned the burial places of the historical period of Bavanat region. During the archeological surveys that took place in Bavanat County, traces of historical burials were identified. Identified Traces This region has high altitudes and several water resources and basins such as rivers, springs and streams in the region. The most important water source in this region is Bavanat River, which has a main role in the formation of the settlements of the region. Following his studies in several regions around Iran, Stein conducted brief surveys and sounding in Bavanat as well (Stein, 1936). Furthermore, Helwing and Askari surveyed a number of sites in Monj as part of ICAR’s rescue survey in the Marvast Dam (Helwing, 2007). During the conducted researches, 200 sites that dated from the Neolithic to the late Islamic Period were identified. These sites include ancient sites, historical castles, temple, mosque, bridge, cemetery, mill, petroglyph, ancient mines, and slag site. During the survey, cairns burial were identified in eight places in Bavanat river basin. Although these types of graves are named as cairn or Dambi burial, but among the local people of Fars, such graves are known as Khereft Khaneh. Another type of burials in this area is a pillar ossuary. The structure of this type of burial is in the form of holes and stone columns. The first type is a hole carved on the horizontal surface of large stones and rocks, which is similar to graves carved into the stone and the complete corpse is not placed in it, similar to the ossuary. Discussion By studying the graves in Bavanat, it is possible to explain the ritual and burial structures of the region during the historical period. Cairn burial is one of the burial types in Bavanat, due to the wide geographical distribution of this type of graves, many efforts have been made to date these graves. The most important factor that has made the dating of these cemeteries difficult is the destruction and looting of the contents inside the grave. However, during the excavations that took place in this type of burial in Fars, they were generally dated to the Parthian and Sassanid periods, and by comparing the excavated samples, we can relatively compare the graves obtained from Bavanat to the Parthian and Sassanid periods. The second type of burial in Bavanat is Dakhmak or pillar ossuary. The structure of this type of burial is in the form of holes and stone columns. The first type is a hole and carved on the horizontal surface of large stones and rocks, which is similar to cairn burial carved in the rock, and in terms of secondary burial and not placing a complete body in it, it is similar to Studan. Since according to the existing inscriptions, similar burials have been considered to have a funerary function, therefore, the samples found in the Bavanat can also be considered to have a funerary function and contemporary with the Sassanid era. Conclusion One of the characteristics of burials in the Parthian and Sassanid periods was their diversity, which has its own method and characteristics in different places. During the survey in Bavanat river basin, two types of burials were identified with structures known as cairn Burial and Dakhmak. Cairn Burials have more distribution and number in the region, so that in this survey, eight places were identified, and more graves can be identified in case of further survey. Dakhmak and columns were identified from the two places of the Mill Fenjan and the Cheraghkoshi, which according to the samples identified from Naqsh-Rostam, Istakhar, Semirom, Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad and the reading of their inscriptions, can be used for burial and considered related to the Sassanid period. Cairn Burials exist in large areas of South and Southeast Iran as well as the southern coasts of the Oman Sea and the Persian Gulf, but there are pillar ossuary or Dakhmak burials only in limited areas, and with the samples identified from Bavanat, it is possible that Eastern Fars was also considered as one of the distribution areas of this type of burial.

https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4265_53c5b2affa12eed84dfec9bfd83550b1.pdf

Bu Ali Sina University Archaeological Research of Iran 2345-5225 12 33 2022 09 23 Survey on the Status of Tylos Island in the Partho-Sasanian Periods Survey on the Status of Tylos Island in the Partho-Sasanian Periods 207 232 4339 10.22084/nb.2021.24978.2383 FA Samer Nazari PhD. Student in Archeology, Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran. Marzieh Sharbaf PhD. Student in Archeology, Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran. Journal Article 2021 09 21 Tylos Island, which is known as Bahrain, has located on the eastern coast of the Arabian Peninsula. It plays a special role in preserving the economic life of the Persian Gulf. The first identified settlement of T‌ylos Island dates back to the 5th and 6th millennium BC. Arriving of Alexander’s successors to the region in 4th century BC, the island was strongly influenced by the Hellenistic culture and was mentioned as Tylos in written sources. With the rise of the Parthian and Sasanian powers, the expansion of commerce in this region along with other northern and southern islands of the Persian Gulf was supported by the kings. Today, in the archaeological literature of southern parts of the Persian Gulf, following the Greek word for Tylos, the use of the term Tylos period has become in common. According to some scholars, this period historically includes Alexander’s dominance of the Persian Empire in the late 4th century BC until the emergence of Islam in the 7th century AD. According to historical reports and archaeological evidence, the use of term Tylos culture for this one-thousand-year period needs more consideration. The purpose of present study is to identify status of Tylos Island during the Partho-Sasanian period and to recognize its position regarding to the effective presence of Iranian cultures in the region. Based on the archaeological evidence & comparative studies, it is suggested not to use the term of Tylos period when the Parthian and Sasanian powers emerged in the Persian Gulf. Keywords: Tylos, Bahrain, Southern Persian Gulf, Seleucid, Parthian, Sasanian. Introduction Bahrain, along with its surrounding islands, is located in the form of an archipelago between the Qatar Peninsula and the Arabian Peninsula. It was the center of international sea trade that connected the Sumerians and other peoples of the ancient Mesopotamia with the Indus Valley, and it has always been important in terms of military and commercial aspects through times. From the middle of the 3rd century BC, Bahrain witnessed an exceptional era of prosperity during the Hellenistic and Parthian periods, and was known in the Greco-Roman world under the name Tylos. In 129 AD, Bahrain came under the control of the Parthians and then the Sasanian. Mostly, the period from the end of the 4th century BC until the advent of Islam is known as the Tylos period in the studies related to the southern Persian Gulf. This attribution often represents the influence of Hellenistic culture and tradition on the island of Tylos. The purpose of this article is to take a critical look at the chronology of Bahrain Island during the Tylos period, and to better understanding the position of this region in the Iranian archeology studies. Recognizing the position of Tylos Island in the Partho-Sasanian periods and the influence of Iranian governments on the region is the other goals of the present research. According to the objectives of the research, some questions are also raised in this part, such as: Was the culture of Tylos Island distinct from the Iranian culture in the Partho-Sasanian periods? Is the use of “Tylos period” an appropriate and correct interpretation in the archaeological literature of the southern Persian Gulf, in order to refer to almost a thousand years from the decline of the Achaemenids to the rise of Islam in this region? Or should it be used with more caution? In the following, we try to give appropriate answers to the above questions. Discussion During the years 1950-1960, many researches were carried out in different areas of Bahrain by Danish archaeologists. Apart from the limited evidence of settlements in the sites of Barbar and Saar, dated to the late Tylos period, the only known settlement from this period is Qala’at al-Bahrain. It is the most famous site which provides a precise framework for the chronology of cultural periods before Islam and the Islamic era of Bahrain. The cultural findings related to this period include glass and pottery from cemeteries as well as Greek inscriptions that were obtained from Qala’at al-Bahrain and other areas, which shows the attention of Alexander’s successors and Characene kingdom to Bahrain. With the gradual decline of the Seleucids, this region continued to exist as a semi-independent government during the Parthian period. According to the Palmyrian inscription dated to 131 AD, during the reign of Mehrdad, King of Charax Spasinu is introduced as the satrap of Tylos people. Therefore, Mehrdad took control of this region at the beginning of the second century AD. According to the reports of Islamic historians, the first awareness of Bahrain goes back to the time of Ardašir Bābakān during the Sasanian period. Among his first conquests in Iran, Bahrain is also mentioned as an Iranian region, and it is said that he defeated its ruler named Sanatruq, and captured Bahrain. In historical writings, it has been repeatedly mentioned that the agents and emirs of Bahrain were Iranian throughout the Sasanian period until the rise of Islam. Some Iranian emirs of Bahrain gained special importance in the history of this region. The prosperity of trade routes and economic activities played a major role in settling and paying attention to this area in the Sasanian period. There are comparable archaeological evidences with Parthian and Sasanian samples from other regions including glass, pottery, sculpture, and architecture. These cultural findings, which range from the late Parthian to the late Sasanian period, are often obtained from reliable cultural contexts such as cemeteries, Qala’at al-Bahrain and other ancient sites. All these findings have been introduced under the title of Tylos culture, despite their similarity with Partho-Sasanian art. Written sources and archeological evidences clearly show that this region was part of the Partho-Sasanian territory in terms of culture and politics and the kings were interested in maintaining and controlling this water basin due to its commercial position in this period of time. Conclusion According to the historical-archaeological evidence of the continuous presence of Iranians in the region, it does not seem appropriate to use the term “Tylos culture” to refer to the period from the end of the 4th century BC to the 7th century AD. In this article, the authors tried to review this issue by evaluating and clarifying the position of Tylos Island in the Partho-Sasanian periods according to the available data. Incomplete and sometimes inaccurate information that is mistakenly or intentionally repeated by the Western and Arab researchers, in connection with the southern Persian Gulf area, in some cases will provide incorrect conclusions and misleading results in historical and archaeological studies. It seems that the attribution of the island’s name as a culture was formed by western researchers according to the Greek domination times and spread of Hellenistic culture, and it became popular in the archaeological literature of the south of the Persian Gulf, but its continuation as a dominant culture is not appropriate until the Islamic era. The use of the term “Tylos culture” can contain a volume of concepts related to Hellenistic traditions, while with the end of Seleucid, although Hellenistic traditions continued in different forms, but with the rise of new powers, the previous traditions faded. Therefore, it is appropriate to be more careful in using the term Tylos period popularized by the western researchers. Tylos Island, which is known as Bahrain, has located on the eastern coast of the Arabian Peninsula. It plays a special role in preserving the economic life of the Persian Gulf. The first identified settlement of T‌ylos Island dates back to the 5th and 6th millennium BC. Arriving of Alexander’s successors to the region in 4th century BC, the island was strongly influenced by the Hellenistic culture and was mentioned as Tylos in written sources. With the rise of the Parthian and Sasanian powers, the expansion of commerce in this region along with other northern and southern islands of the Persian Gulf was supported by the kings. Today, in the archaeological literature of southern parts of the Persian Gulf, following the Greek word for Tylos, the use of the term Tylos period has become in common. According to some scholars, this period historically includes Alexander’s dominance of the Persian Empire in the late 4th century BC until the emergence of Islam in the 7th century AD. According to historical reports and archaeological evidence, the use of term Tylos culture for this one-thousand-year period needs more consideration. The purpose of present study is to identify status of Tylos Island during the Partho-Sasanian period and to recognize its position regarding to the effective presence of Iranian cultures in the region. Based on the archaeological evidence & comparative studies, it is suggested not to use the term of Tylos period when the Parthian and Sasanian powers emerged in the Persian Gulf. Keywords: Tylos, Bahrain, Southern Persian Gulf, Seleucid, Parthian, Sasanian. Introduction Bahrain, along with its surrounding islands, is located in the form of an archipelago between the Qatar Peninsula and the Arabian Peninsula. It was the center of international sea trade that connected the Sumerians and other peoples of the ancient Mesopotamia with the Indus Valley, and it has always been important in terms of military and commercial aspects through times. From the middle of the 3rd century BC, Bahrain witnessed an exceptional era of prosperity during the Hellenistic and Parthian periods, and was known in the Greco-Roman world under the name Tylos. In 129 AD, Bahrain came under the control of the Parthians and then the Sasanian. Mostly, the period from the end of the 4th century BC until the advent of Islam is known as the Tylos period in the studies related to the southern Persian Gulf. This attribution often represents the influence of Hellenistic culture and tradition on the island of Tylos. The purpose of this article is to take a critical look at the chronology of Bahrain Island during the Tylos period, and to better understanding the position of this region in the Iranian archeology studies. Recognizing the position of Tylos Island in the Partho-Sasanian periods and the influence of Iranian governments on the region is the other goals of the present research. According to the objectives of the research, some questions are also raised in this part, such as: Was the culture of Tylos Island distinct from the Iranian culture in the Partho-Sasanian periods? Is the use of “Tylos period” an appropriate and correct interpretation in the archaeological literature of the southern Persian Gulf, in order to refer to almost a thousand years from the decline of the Achaemenids to the rise of Islam in this region? Or should it be used with more caution? In the following, we try to give appropriate answers to the above questions. Discussion During the years 1950-1960, many researches were carried out in different areas of Bahrain by Danish archaeologists. Apart from the limited evidence of settlements in the sites of Barbar and Saar, dated to the late Tylos period, the only known settlement from this period is Qala’at al-Bahrain. It is the most famous site which provides a precise framework for the chronology of cultural periods before Islam and the Islamic era of Bahrain. The cultural findings related to this period include glass and pottery from cemeteries as well as Greek inscriptions that were obtained from Qala’at al-Bahrain and other areas, which shows the attention of Alexander’s successors and Characene kingdom to Bahrain. With the gradual decline of the Seleucids, this region continued to exist as a semi-independent government during the Parthian period. According to the Palmyrian inscription dated to 131 AD, during the reign of Mehrdad, King of Charax Spasinu is introduced as the satrap of Tylos people. Therefore, Mehrdad took control of this region at the beginning of the second century AD. According to the reports of Islamic historians, the first awareness of Bahrain goes back to the time of Ardašir Bābakān during the Sasanian period. Among his first conquests in Iran, Bahrain is also mentioned as an Iranian region, and it is said that he defeated its ruler named Sanatruq, and captured Bahrain. In historical writings, it has been repeatedly mentioned that the agents and emirs of Bahrain were Iranian throughout the Sasanian period until the rise of Islam. Some Iranian emirs of Bahrain gained special importance in the history of this region. The prosperity of trade routes and economic activities played a major role in settling and paying attention to this area in the Sasanian period. There are comparable archaeological evidences with Parthian and Sasanian samples from other regions including glass, pottery, sculpture, and architecture. These cultural findings, which range from the late Parthian to the late Sasanian period, are often obtained from reliable cultural contexts such as cemeteries, Qala’at al-Bahrain and other ancient sites. All these findings have been introduced under the title of Tylos culture, despite their similarity with Partho-Sasanian art. Written sources and archeological evidences clearly show that this region was part of the Partho-Sasanian territory in terms of culture and politics and the kings were interested in maintaining and controlling this water basin due to its commercial position in this period of time. Conclusion According to the historical-archaeological evidence of the continuous presence of Iranians in the region, it does not seem appropriate to use the term “Tylos culture” to refer to the period from the end of the 4th century BC to the 7th century AD. In this article, the authors tried to review this issue by evaluating and clarifying the position of Tylos Island in the Partho-Sasanian periods according to the available data. Incomplete and sometimes inaccurate information that is mistakenly or intentionally repeated by the Western and Arab researchers, in connection with the southern Persian Gulf area, in some cases will provide incorrect conclusions and misleading results in historical and archaeological studies. It seems that the attribution of the island’s name as a culture was formed by western researchers according to the Greek domination times and spread of Hellenistic culture, and it became popular in the archaeological literature of the south of the Persian Gulf, but its continuation as a dominant culture is not appropriate until the Islamic era. The use of the term “Tylos culture” can contain a volume of concepts related to Hellenistic traditions, while with the end of Seleucid, although Hellenistic traditions continued in different forms, but with the rise of new powers, the previous traditions faded. Therefore, it is appropriate to be more careful in using the term Tylos period popularized by the western researchers.

https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4339_feade1d2047977cd0cefdafc40175a99.pdf

Bu Ali Sina University Archaeological Research of Iran 2345-5225 12 33 2022 09 23 Sassanid Period Gypsum Baking Workshop, Discovered from Barzqualeh Site of Lorestan Sassanid Period Gypsum Baking Workshop, Discovered from Barzqualeh Site of Lorestan 233 266 4216 10.22084/nb.2021.23682.2304 FA Ali Farhani Asistant Professor, Research Institute of Archaeology Research Institute of Cultural Heritage and Tourism (RICHT), Tehran, Iran 0000-0002-8743-0390 Zohreh Oveisi-Keikha Assistant Professor, Department of Architecture, Faculty of Art and Architecture, Zabol University, Zabol, Iran. Seyyedeh Sara Mohammadi PhD. in Archaeology, Expert of the Research Institute of Historical and Cultural Buildings and Textures, Institute of Cultural Heritage and Tourism (RICHT), Tehran, Iran. Journal Article 2021 02 08 Gypsum is one of the oldest materials that has been used in Iran from about 14,000 years ago until today. In the Sassanid era, the extensive use of gypsum in the construction and decoration of buildings and the production of various artifacts is a prominent feature. Despite the great evidence of the use of gypsum in different periods and extensive research on Sassanid tore, no scientific and archaeological evidence has been reported from the workshop units related to gypsum baking and processing until 1393 AH. In the spring of 2014, from the excavation of the Sassanid site of Barzqualeh in Lorestan, a workshop unit was discovered, and evidence showed its function as a kiln for baking gypsum. The importance of this finding as the first known example of such a workshop in Iran and the Sassanid era caused it to be addressed in this article. The main purpose of this study is to describe the process of discovery and introduction of the workshop, inform researchers, and compensate for the lack of information about this type of workshop. The most important research questions include: 1- Where are the gypsum baking workshops set up in the Barzqualeh area? 2- What variables were effective in choosing the place and form of their construction? 3- What patterns and components are included? The hypotheses were that due to the environmental conditions and its gypsum formation in the northern and northwestern parts of the city, it was possible that there were gypsum baking workshops in these parts. Variables such as frequency, ease of access, and proximity of mines to the city, constant water flow, the presence of inter-valley terraces, sufficient fuel, wind flow in the valleys were effective in choosing the construction site. Their construction plan is probably circular or multifaceted and has a firebox, ventilator, and raw material loading site. The present study is a descriptive-analytical method and is based on the results of archaeological surveys and theoretical studies. Keywords: Lorestan, Barzqualeh, Gypsum Kiln, Sassanid, Architecture. Introduction Gypsum is one of the materials that has been popular in the architecture of different periods of Iran due to its abundance, easy access, cheap extraction and high ductility. The oldest evidence of the use of gypsum in Iran, about 14 thousand years ago, has been obtained from the excavations of Choghaglan hill in Ilam. The peak of gypsum use in Iran is from the Parthian period onwards, especially the،Sassanid period. The،Sassanid used gypsum as a mortar in the erection of building components and elements, a coating for surfaces and a method for decorating and arranging buildings. Despite the widespread use of gypsum, so far no examples of workshops related to gypsum baking and processing in،Sassanid areas or before and after it haven’t been reported before the compilation of this article. The only place that has evidence of this issue is the city of Barzqualeh belonging to the،Sassanid era in the west of the country and south of the Central Zagros region in Lorestan province, in the basin of Seymareh dam, during archaeological rescue excavations in 1393 AH, a perfect example of a gypsum kiln was discovered. The present study is based on explaining how to discover and introduce the discovered furnace from the excavation of Barzqualeh site in order to compensate for the lack of information about this type of industrial workshops. This research is a descriptive-analytical method, relying on surveys, field excavations and library studies to answer questions such as: gypsum baking workshop units required by the residents of Barzqualeh, which were used in the construction of most of the architectural spaces of the gypsum, where? What was their architectural structure like? Considering the environmental conditions and the abundance of gypsum mines in the northern parts of Barzqualeh, it was possible that along the valleys located in this part, it would be possible to identify gypsum firing workshop units and their architectural structure. In this connection, a point on the eastern slope of Farash Valley was selected and named Trench No. 3. Exploration of this trench led to the discovery of a gypsum kiln. According to the excavations and the certainty of the history of Barzqualeh as a city from the،Sassanid period, and the evidence obtained from the discovered furnace, its attribution to the‌, Sassanid period is definite. Exploration Description Excavation in Trench 3 led to the discovery of circular instruments with a diameter of 5 meters with industrial application and kilns for firing gypsum, with a surrounding wall stone thickness of 55 cm and an average height of 1.5 meters with mud mortar and internal lining. It is made of flowers. The structure has an entrance from the southwest and temperature control valves in the northeast, which are installed towards the prevailing wind of the region. In the center of the structure, the clay arms are crescent-shaped on the floor and on them, another arm is installed horizontally for strength, and below these arms, there is a kiln firebox and triple arms in the east and west of the furnace. The outer part of the eastern part of the kiln was full of gypsum related to the kiln activity. Two architectural periods were identified in the kiln. The first or older period consists of 16 layers and two phases. In the first phase, the arms of the east and west sections and valves and stone pits were used. The presence of debris indicates that the furnace was abandoned in this phase after use. The architectural evidence of the second phase is the arms of the central and eastern parts, the fire house, the temperature control valve and the gypsum depots in the eastern part of the furnace. Due to the arrangement of gypsum stones parallel to the crescent arms and the remains of the firebox ash, it seems that in this phase, the furnace was left unused. The second or newer period includes long periods from the time the furnace was abandoned to the present day, and includes 4 layers. The second layer has several pieces of pottery. The pottery from Layer 4 is a typical example that belongs to the ‌Sassanid period in comparison with the pottery obtained from other excavations. According to the abundant evidence of ‌Sassanid works in Barzqualeh, it is possible to attribute the discovery of Trench 3 to the ‌Sassanid era. Conclusion The present article sought to introduce Barzqualeh gypsum baking industrial workshop and explain the process of its discovery. The residents of Barzqualeh, with full knowledge of the environmental landscape and careful study, have chosen a suitable place to carry out their industrial activities. The architectural structure of the furnace and the correct arrangement of its elements and components by the craftsmen show their accuracy in using natural forces. The opening of the furnace is located in the southwestern part and the vents related to the ventilation or exhalation flow are located in the northeastern part. The size of the loaded raw materials indicates that they are harvested in a suitable and portable size, so that in addition to being easy to transport, they can be cooked faster. To save time and money, the workshop has been set up in a place that has easy access to the surrounding gypsum mines. Considering that this workshop is the first known example of gypsum kilns in Iran and neighboring regions, it may be possible to speak with more confidence about the production process and operation of the most widely used building and decorative materials of the Sassanid era. And by studying it more closely, in future researches of Sassanid era sites, similar examples can be searched more carefully. Gypsum is one of the oldest materials that has been used in Iran from about 14,000 years ago until today. In the Sassanid era, the extensive use of gypsum in the construction and decoration of buildings and the production of various artifacts is a prominent feature. Despite the great evidence of the use of gypsum in different periods and extensive research on Sassanid tore, no scientific and archaeological evidence has been reported from the workshop units related to gypsum baking and processing until 1393 AH. In the spring of 2014, from the excavation of the Sassanid site of Barzqualeh in Lorestan, a workshop unit was discovered, and evidence showed its function as a kiln for baking gypsum. The importance of this finding as the first known example of such a workshop in Iran and the Sassanid era caused it to be addressed in this article. The main purpose of this study is to describe the process of discovery and introduction of the workshop, inform researchers, and compensate for the lack of information about this type of workshop. The most important research questions include: 1- Where are the gypsum baking workshops set up in the Barzqualeh area? 2- What variables were effective in choosing the place and form of their construction? 3- What patterns and components are included? The hypotheses were that due to the environmental conditions and its gypsum formation in the northern and northwestern parts of the city, it was possible that there were gypsum baking workshops in these parts. Variables such as frequency, ease of access, and proximity of mines to the city, constant water flow, the presence of inter-valley terraces, sufficient fuel, wind flow in the valleys were effective in choosing the construction site. Their construction plan is probably circular or multifaceted and has a firebox, ventilator, and raw material loading site. The present study is a descriptive-analytical method and is based on the results of archaeological surveys and theoretical studies. Keywords: Lorestan, Barzqualeh, Gypsum Kiln, Sassanid, Architecture. Introduction Gypsum is one of the materials that has been popular in the architecture of different periods of Iran due to its abundance, easy access, cheap extraction and high ductility. The oldest evidence of the use of gypsum in Iran, about 14 thousand years ago, has been obtained from the excavations of Choghaglan hill in Ilam. The peak of gypsum use in Iran is from the Parthian period onwards, especially the،Sassanid period. The،Sassanid used gypsum as a mortar in the erection of building components and elements, a coating for surfaces and a method for decorating and arranging buildings. Despite the widespread use of gypsum, so far no examples of workshops related to gypsum baking and processing in،Sassanid areas or before and after it haven’t been reported before the compilation of this article. The only place that has evidence of this issue is the city of Barzqualeh belonging to the،Sassanid era in the west of the country and south of the Central Zagros region in Lorestan province, in the basin of Seymareh dam, during archaeological rescue excavations in 1393 AH, a perfect example of a gypsum kiln was discovered. The present study is based on explaining how to discover and introduce the discovered furnace from the excavation of Barzqualeh site in order to compensate for the lack of information about this type of industrial workshops. This research is a descriptive-analytical method, relying on surveys, field excavations and library studies to answer questions such as: gypsum baking workshop units required by the residents of Barzqualeh, which were used in the construction of most of the architectural spaces of the gypsum, where? What was their architectural structure like? Considering the environmental conditions and the abundance of gypsum mines in the northern parts of Barzqualeh, it was possible that along the valleys located in this part, it would be possible to identify gypsum firing workshop units and their architectural structure. In this connection, a point on the eastern slope of Farash Valley was selected and named Trench No. 3. Exploration of this trench led to the discovery of a gypsum kiln. According to the excavations and the certainty of the history of Barzqualeh as a city from the،Sassanid period, and the evidence obtained from the discovered furnace, its attribution to the‌, Sassanid period is definite. Exploration Description Excavation in Trench 3 led to the discovery of circular instruments with a diameter of 5 meters with industrial application and kilns for firing gypsum, with a surrounding wall stone thickness of 55 cm and an average height of 1.5 meters with mud mortar and internal lining. It is made of flowers. The structure has an entrance from the southwest and temperature control valves in the northeast, which are installed towards the prevailing wind of the region. In the center of the structure, the clay arms are crescent-shaped on the floor and on them, another arm is installed horizontally for strength, and below these arms, there is a kiln firebox and triple arms in the east and west of the furnace. The outer part of the eastern part of the kiln was full of gypsum related to the kiln activity. Two architectural periods were identified in the kiln. The first or older period consists of 16 layers and two phases. In the first phase, the arms of the east and west sections and valves and stone pits were used. The presence of debris indicates that the furnace was abandoned in this phase after use. The architectural evidence of the second phase is the arms of the central and eastern parts, the fire house, the temperature control valve and the gypsum depots in the eastern part of the furnace. Due to the arrangement of gypsum stones parallel to the crescent arms and the remains of the firebox ash, it seems that in this phase, the furnace was left unused. The second or newer period includes long periods from the time the furnace was abandoned to the present day, and includes 4 layers. The second layer has several pieces of pottery. The pottery from Layer 4 is a typical example that belongs to the ‌Sassanid period in comparison with the pottery obtained from other excavations. According to the abundant evidence of ‌Sassanid works in Barzqualeh, it is possible to attribute the discovery of Trench 3 to the ‌Sassanid era. Conclusion The present article sought to introduce Barzqualeh gypsum baking industrial workshop and explain the process of its discovery. The residents of Barzqualeh, with full knowledge of the environmental landscape and careful study, have chosen a suitable place to carry out their industrial activities. The architectural structure of the furnace and the correct arrangement of its elements and components by the craftsmen show their accuracy in using natural forces. The opening of the furnace is located in the southwestern part and the vents related to the ventilation or exhalation flow are located in the northeastern part. The size of the loaded raw materials indicates that they are harvested in a suitable and portable size, so that in addition to being easy to transport, they can be cooked faster. To save time and money, the workshop has been set up in a place that has easy access to the surrounding gypsum mines. Considering that this workshop is the first known example of gypsum kilns in Iran and neighboring regions, it may be possible to speak with more confidence about the production process and operation of the most widely used building and decorative materials of the Sassanid era. And by studying it more closely, in future researches of Sassanid era sites, similar examples can be searched more carefully.

https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4216_bd853b475d59821e100d3d24303d7747.pdf

Bu Ali Sina University Archaeological Research of Iran 2345-5225 12 33 2022 09 23 An Investigation of Archaeological Excavation (Sondage) Results and Analysis of the Symbolic Motifs of Tombstones in the Sefidchah Historical Cemetery An Investigation of Archaeological Excavation (Sondage) Results and Analysis of the Symbolic Motifs of Tombstones in the Sefidchah Historical Cemetery 267 291 4217 10.22084/nb.2021.23059.2246 FA Atefeh Rasouli Ph.D in Archaeology, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran Meysam Miri Ahoodashti Ph.D in Archaeology, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. Journal Article 2020 11 18 Sefid Chah Historical Cemetery is one of the largest and oldest cemeteries of the Islamic era, whose oldest tombs date back to the early Islamic centuries. Sefid Chah village is in the Yanehsar section of Behshahr city in Mazandaran province. This study aims to sondage and set the limit of this area, analyze the tombstone motifs, and compare it with other similar cemeteries in other parts of Iran. One of the questions of this research is the main reason for the burial sequence during different periods in this cemetery? Moreover, what was the reason for the importance of this cemetery for the people of this region? The present research hypothesis in answer to this question is that due to its mountainous and impassable Yaneh Sar, this region has been a haven and refuge for the opponents of the Bani Umayyad and Bani Abbas governments since the beginning of Islam. Therefore, this region is the burial place of many shrines. Also, the people from the distant past believe that due to this region’s high lime and soil type, their corpses decompose late and last longer, and for this reason, it sanctified from the distant past. In this research, using sondage, surface survey study, and objective observations, have been determined to set the limit of cemetery and analysis of the tombstones of this historic cemetery. The results show that most of the tombstones in this cemetery include Islamic, geometric, and symbolic motifs. Its monuments are very similar to the tombstones of Darul Salam Cemetery in Shiraz and Nahar Khoran Cemetery in Gorgan. Due to no discovery of cultural materials, this area has been used only as a cemetery since the early Islamic centuries. Keywords: Altar Tombs, Coffin Tombs, Petroglyph, Sefid Chah, Symbolic Motifs. Introduction Sefid Chah cemetery is the most prominent Islamic cemetery in Iran, which has many graves that date back to the early centuries of Islam and almost 1200 years ago. However, most of these graves either have been destroyed, or their tombstones damaged severely. Sefid Chah Cemetery consists of four parts, the most critical of which is related to the central region. The Central Cemetery is the largest and the oldest tombstone discovered in this part. Most parts of the main cemetery belong to the year 830 AH, the Timurid period. According to the tombstone of the eighth and ninth centuries AH, these graves belonged to Sadat Mir Emadi, Sadat Marashi, Rooz Afzooni, and other local kings in this region (Vafaei, 1381: 11). Historical records show that the area of Hezar Jerib has been significant since the Achaemenid period because the Mards and Tapurs, who were the first inhabitants of northern Iran, especially the Tabarestan region, were The local governor of this region in the Achaemenid period. During the Parthian period, the land of Tabarestan and Gorgan, especially the mountainous region of hezar jerib, was significant due to its proximity to the second Parthian capital (Sad darvazeh city- present-day Damghan) (Asgari, 1350: 120-118). The most important ruling dynasty of Hezar jerib in the Islamic period was the Bavandian or Al-Bavand dynasty, which ruled in Tabarestan from 94 BH until 750 AH. The main issue of this research is finding out that in the early centuries of Islam, the Sefid Chah region was the seat of the rulers of Hezar jerib or was used only as a cemetery. The necessity and lack of knowledge in this research are very little research done concerning Sefid Chah cemetery. This cemetery is the most prominent Islamic cemetery in Iran, which is very important in terms of the type and variety of graffiti designs. The tombstones of Sefid Chah are in the chest and altar form with masterpieces of various and unique designs, which originate from nature, the simple and unpretentious life of the people of this land. Analysis of Tombstone Motifs in Sefid Chah Historical Cemetery Tombstones in every region and every country were related to the architecture and culture of that region. For example, tombstones found during the Islamic period in Spain and Africa have crescent-shaped horseshoe arches, which were specific to the architecture of these regions. Horseshoe arches are found in many architectural monuments discovered in Spain and Africa, including palaces and mosques. In the Islamic world, tombstones have various shapes, representing each region’s architecture. In Sefid Chah cemetery, the tombstones are mostly altar and chest-shaped, both of which have an architectural background in Iran (author). Due to the high rainfall in this area, most houses have gabled roofs. The alter motif is A design belonging to Mithraism engraved on tombstones after Islam from the fourth century AH onwards (Razi, 1371: 103-90). The altar tombs of Sefid Chah cemetery, which constitute the maximum number of tombstones in this region, have been taken from Iranian architectural monuments. An altar is a sanctuary considered a window to God and the truth of existence before and after Islam. So, carving its image on tombstones has not been irrelevant (Author). The issue that distinguishes this cemetery from other Islamic cemeteries in different parts of Iran is the particular designs. However, Sefid Chah Cemetery is the only cemetery of the Islamic period with the most abstract plant motifs, geometric, symbolic motifs, altar motifs, and no human motif obtained from this area, which is unique in this regard. Another issue is the principle of symmetry between geometric and plant motifs, which is very significant. Discussion The architecture and culture have influenced tombstones in every region and every country in that region. For example, tombstones found in Islamic Age in Spain and Africa have horseshoe crescent arches which were the architectural tradition of these regions. Because been found many horseshoe arches in Spain and Africa, in the Islamic world, tombstones have various shapes that are the architectural tradition in these regions. In Sefid Chah cemetery, tombstones are mostly altar and box-shaped, both of which have an architectural background in Iran. The more tombstones in Sefid Chah cemetery are altar tombstones. Among other cemeteries in Islamic Age similar to the Sefid Chah can be mentioned to Darolsalam cemetery in Shiraz, Onar cemetery in Ardabil, Eile Gouran cemetery in west Islamabad, and Nahar Khoran cemetery in Gorgan. Conclusion Based on seven boreholes excavated to set the cemetery’s limit, this area’s soil texture is very rocky and full of lime. In the past, the conditions of this soil were very unfavorable for agriculture. For this reason, artifacts representing human settlements have not have found. So, according to the excavation made around this cemetery, due to the religious monument (Imamzadeh seh tan), this area was used only as a cemetery from the early Islamic centuries. According to this cemetery’s historical background, since the Timurid period, this cemetery has expanded considerably. Another critical point shows that Sefid Chah Cemetery is the only cemetery from the early Islamic centuries to the present century because the people around this area believe that because the soil of this area has much lime, their corpses rot late. They bury their dead here due to the sanctity of this place, which caused the cemetery’s expansion. Therefore, today the cemetery is larger than the residential part of the village. Due to the uncontrolled growth of the cemetery and land scarcity, people bury their dead in old graves, which has caused many old tombstones to be broken and destroyed. Sefid Chah Historical Cemetery is one of the largest and oldest cemeteries of the Islamic era, whose oldest tombs date back to the early Islamic centuries. Sefid Chah village is in the Yanehsar section of Behshahr city in Mazandaran province. This study aims to sondage and set the limit of this area, analyze the tombstone motifs, and compare it with other similar cemeteries in other parts of Iran. One of the questions of this research is the main reason for the burial sequence during different periods in this cemetery? Moreover, what was the reason for the importance of this cemetery for the people of this region? The present research hypothesis in answer to this question is that due to its mountainous and impassable Yaneh Sar, this region has been a haven and refuge for the opponents of the Bani Umayyad and Bani Abbas governments since the beginning of Islam. Therefore, this region is the burial place of many shrines. Also, the people from the distant past believe that due to this region’s high lime and soil type, their corpses decompose late and last longer, and for this reason, it sanctified from the distant past. In this research, using sondage, surface survey study, and objective observations, have been determined to set the limit of cemetery and analysis of the tombstones of this historic cemetery. The results show that most of the tombstones in this cemetery include Islamic, geometric, and symbolic motifs. Its monuments are very similar to the tombstones of Darul Salam Cemetery in Shiraz and Nahar Khoran Cemetery in Gorgan. Due to no discovery of cultural materials, this area has been used only as a cemetery since the early Islamic centuries. Keywords: Altar Tombs, Coffin Tombs, Petroglyph, Sefid Chah, Symbolic Motifs. Introduction Sefid Chah cemetery is the most prominent Islamic cemetery in Iran, which has many graves that date back to the early centuries of Islam and almost 1200 years ago. However, most of these graves either have been destroyed, or their tombstones damaged severely. Sefid Chah Cemetery consists of four parts, the most critical of which is related to the central region. The Central Cemetery is the largest and the oldest tombstone discovered in this part. Most parts of the main cemetery belong to the year 830 AH, the Timurid period. According to the tombstone of the eighth and ninth centuries AH, these graves belonged to Sadat Mir Emadi, Sadat Marashi, Rooz Afzooni, and other local kings in this region (Vafaei, 1381: 11). Historical records show that the area of Hezar Jerib has been significant since the Achaemenid period because the Mards and Tapurs, who were the first inhabitants of northern Iran, especially the Tabarestan region, were The local governor of this region in the Achaemenid period. During the Parthian period, the land of Tabarestan and Gorgan, especially the mountainous region of hezar jerib, was significant due to its proximity to the second Parthian capital (Sad darvazeh city- present-day Damghan) (Asgari, 1350: 120-118). The most important ruling dynasty of Hezar jerib in the Islamic period was the Bavandian or Al-Bavand dynasty, which ruled in Tabarestan from 94 BH until 750 AH. The main issue of this research is finding out that in the early centuries of Islam, the Sefid Chah region was the seat of the rulers of Hezar jerib or was used only as a cemetery. The necessity and lack of knowledge in this research are very little research done concerning Sefid Chah cemetery. This cemetery is the most prominent Islamic cemetery in Iran, which is very important in terms of the type and variety of graffiti designs. The tombstones of Sefid Chah are in the chest and altar form with masterpieces of various and unique designs, which originate from nature, the simple and unpretentious life of the people of this land. Analysis of Tombstone Motifs in Sefid Chah Historical Cemetery Tombstones in every region and every country were related to the architecture and culture of that region. For example, tombstones found during the Islamic period in Spain and Africa have crescent-shaped horseshoe arches, which were specific to the architecture of these regions. Horseshoe arches are found in many architectural monuments discovered in Spain and Africa, including palaces and mosques. In the Islamic world, tombstones have various shapes, representing each region’s architecture. In Sefid Chah cemetery, the tombstones are mostly altar and chest-shaped, both of which have an architectural background in Iran (author). Due to the high rainfall in this area, most houses have gabled roofs. The alter motif is A design belonging to Mithraism engraved on tombstones after Islam from the fourth century AH onwards (Razi, 1371: 103-90). The altar tombs of Sefid Chah cemetery, which constitute the maximum number of tombstones in this region, have been taken from Iranian architectural monuments. An altar is a sanctuary considered a window to God and the truth of existence before and after Islam. So, carving its image on tombstones has not been irrelevant (Author). The issue that distinguishes this cemetery from other Islamic cemeteries in different parts of Iran is the particular designs. However, Sefid Chah Cemetery is the only cemetery of the Islamic period with the most abstract plant motifs, geometric, symbolic motifs, altar motifs, and no human motif obtained from this area, which is unique in this regard. Another issue is the principle of symmetry between geometric and plant motifs, which is very significant. Discussion The architecture and culture have influenced tombstones in every region and every country in that region. For example, tombstones found in Islamic Age in Spain and Africa have horseshoe crescent arches which were the architectural tradition of these regions. Because been found many horseshoe arches in Spain and Africa, in the Islamic world, tombstones have various shapes that are the architectural tradition in these regions. In Sefid Chah cemetery, tombstones are mostly altar and box-shaped, both of which have an architectural background in Iran. The more tombstones in Sefid Chah cemetery are altar tombstones. Among other cemeteries in Islamic Age similar to the Sefid Chah can be mentioned to Darolsalam cemetery in Shiraz, Onar cemetery in Ardabil, Eile Gouran cemetery in west Islamabad, and Nahar Khoran cemetery in Gorgan. Conclusion Based on seven boreholes excavated to set the cemetery’s limit, this area’s soil texture is very rocky and full of lime. In the past, the conditions of this soil were very unfavorable for agriculture. For this reason, artifacts representing human settlements have not have found. So, according to the excavation made around this cemetery, due to the religious monument (Imamzadeh seh tan), this area was used only as a cemetery from the early Islamic centuries. According to this cemetery’s historical background, since the Timurid period, this cemetery has expanded considerably. Another critical point shows that Sefid Chah Cemetery is the only cemetery from the early Islamic centuries to the present century because the people around this area believe that because the soil of this area has much lime, their corpses rot late. They bury their dead here due to the sanctity of this place, which caused the cemetery’s expansion. Therefore, today the cemetery is larger than the residential part of the village. Due to the uncontrolled growth of the cemetery and land scarcity, people bury their dead in old graves, which has caused many old tombstones to be broken and destroyed.

https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4217_8196e8d0f9ee7dfdfc7e11dbbfa30d77.pdf

Bu Ali Sina University Archaeological Research of Iran 2345-5225 12 33 2022 09 23 Mid-Islamic Zoroastrian Burial Customs in Iran in the Light of Excavations at Tepe Qaleh Khalachan, Tafresh, Iran Mid-Islamic Zoroastrian Burial Customs in Iran in the Light of Excavations at Tepe Qaleh Khalachan, Tafresh, Iran 293 320 3721 10.22084/nb.2020.20657.2056 FA Mehdi Mousavinia Assistant Professor, Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Neyshabur, Neyshabur, Iran 0000-0002-9153-7940 Esmaiel Sharahi PhD. Student Archaeology, Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Art and Architecture, Bu-Ali Sina University, Hamadan, Iran. Mohammad Mortezayi Associate Professor, Department of Archaeology Islamic Period, Research Institute of Cultural Heritage and Tourism (RICHT), Tehran, Iran. Journal Article 2019 12 24 Unlike Sasanian period, we haven’t got more information about Zoroastrian burial customs in Islamic period. The early Islamic funerary inscriptions give some information about burial practices in this period. The Yazdgerdi calendar dates on these epitaphs provide an absolute date for them in the first three centuries of the Islamic period. Until recent excavation at Tepeh Qaleh Khalachan weren’t any evidences of Zoroastrian burial customs in Middle Islamic period. In Archaeological excavation of Tepeh Qaleh Khalachan a roofed tower of silence was discovered. Model of this structure before have been found in Bandyian in Dargaz from Sasanian period. In this paper tried to answer three questions about structure and burial custom. What is exactly the feature of Zoroastrian burial custom in Middle Islamic in Iran? What are mutual and different features between Tepeh Qaleh Khalachan and Bandyian towers of silence? What is precisely important of this roofed tower of silence in archaeological studies of Islamic period? Because some mutual features has been supposed influence of Bandyian on Tepeh Qlaeh Khalachan tower of silence. Besides, Zoroastrian mirror communities had Some influences on burial customs. Methodology of present paper is analytical descriptive. Archaeological data of Tepeh Qlaeh Khalachan and Bandyin have been investigated and at the same time, library resources about Zoroastrian burial customs, towers of silence and Zoroastrian communities in Islamic period have been studied. This paper showed tower of silence was a burial custom in Middle Islamic in Iran and had some mutual roots with Bandyian ones. Best example of these mutual features is a roof on these two towers of silence. What it shows roofed towers of silence continued to Middle Islamic period in Iran. Hence it is plausible if someone supposes towers of silence in Yazd, Kerman and Rayy are belonging to the second generation of towers of silence in Iran what is dating to after Middle Islamic period. Keywords: Zoroastrianism Burial Practices, Tower of Silence, Tepe Qaleh Khalachan, Middle Islamic Period. Introduction A major issue in the archaeology of Islamic period in Iran is nature of Zoroastrians presence in this part of the Iranian history. While both historical sources and archaeological evidences offer a picture of Zoroastrians presence in the four earliest Islamic centuries, such is by no means the case when it comes to the middle part of this period. It would appear that the Zoroastrian presence and the related manifestations in the social context faded out in lockstep with the decline of the early Islamic semiautonomous states and the Ghaznavid and later Seljuk and Khwarazmian dynasties. Yet, with the Mongol Ilkahns seizure of power and their episodic religious tolerance, Zoroastrians would reemerge in the history and resume performing their rituals as a religious minority. References to the existence of these groups in the Ilkhanid society are found in The Travels of Marco Polo (vol. 1, chapter 14), Tarikh-e Mubarak-e Ghazani (Rashīd al-Dīn Fazlollah, 1940: 188) and Tarikh-e Vassaf (Sharaf al-Din Abdollah Shirazi, 1967: 198). Meanwhile, archaeological data have brought into light another aspect of this presence in the same period. A tower of silence assignable to the middle Islamic period was discovered in the course of excavations at the Tepeh-Qaleh Khalachan in Tafresh. Historically speaking, the excavated structure constitutes a vital, unwritten part of the Zoroastrian history of the Middle Islamic Iran and from the archaeological perspective this burial structure has partially solved the drastic problem of the Zoroastrian funeral traditions in the concerned period. Furthermore, given the discovery of a similar structure at the Sasanian site of Bandiyan, comparison of the two structures may provide insights into the structural evolution of towers of silence from Sasanian to Middle Islamic period. It is particularly important because Tepeh Qaleh Khalachan towe of silence is more comparable to its counterpart at Bandiyan from Sasanian period. Both of these towers of silence have been roofed. Here attempted to investigate historical and archaeological aspects of Tepeh Qlaeh Khalachan tower of silence. Beside, tried to compare architectural structure of Tepeh Qlaeh Khalachan and Bandyian to reveal architectural mutual aspects of these towers of silences. Methodology of present paper to this aim is analytical descriptive. In this regard, archaeological data of Tepeh Qlaeh Khalachan and Bandyin have been investigated and compared. At the same time, library resources about Zoroastrian burial customs, towers of silence and Zoroastrian communities in Islamic period have been studied. Identified Traces The city of Tafresh is located in 162 km southwest of Tehran and 73 km northeast of Arak. Tepeh Qaleh Khalachan is located in northeastern quadrant of this city, in the Khalachan sector. Rising 15‒18 m above the surrounding plain, the site built on a natural rock hump. The only fieldwork in this site is one season of excavation by S. M. Mousavinia. In this season excavator found some evidences of a Middle Islamic tower of silence. The architectural structure of the central part is of indispensable significance as it provides a rare insight into the building plan of towers of silence in the middle Islamic period. Beside, this structure represents a roofed sample of the Zoroastrian towers of silence in Iran what such tower of silence has been discovered just in Bandiyan in Dargaz from Sasanian period. Function and dating of Tepeh Qaleh Khalachan tower of silence have been based on 49 human bone elements and some pottery sherds from Middle-Islamic period. Discussion The lack of information about Zoroastrian burial customs from the 4th to the 7th century is one of the important issues of the archeology of the Islamic era. In archeological excavation in the Tepe Qaleh Khalachan revealed some information about presence of Zoroastrian society and its burial customs in Iran. This Zoroastrian Dakhma is comparable not to its later examples of Yazd and Kerman, but to the Bandyian from the Sassanid period. This case shows the dynamics of the Zoroastrian burial custom and its evolution from the Sassanid to the mid-Islamic centuries in Iran. The location of this site in the geography of Tafarsh, which is a peripheral city compared to the more important centers of Qom and Hamedan, shows that Tafarsh was one of the living centers of religious minorities in the mid-Islamic centuries. Probably, along with the location of Tafarsh, the city being surrounded by passes and mountain ranges is one of the important factors of the life of this religious minority in this geographical area. Conclusion With the arrival of Islam and the ensuing shift in population composition from Zoroastrian to Muslim, the disciples of the cult experienced a different and occasionally harsh life depending on the religious attitudes adopted by the contemporary rulers. Despite historical sources and archaeological finds show existence of Zoroastrian communities in the early Islamic period, we hadn’t such finds in the Middle Islamic period in Iran. In archaeological excavation at Tepeh Qaleh Khalachan was discovered a tower of silence. Some human bone elements and pottery sherds have been found in this tower of silence. Beside, based on architectural structure this tower of silence is continuity of Bandyian tower of silence. Thus, we may conclude that the building plans of towers of silence remained almost unchanged during the long period spanning the Sasanian and the middle Islamic period. The most striking aspect of this continuity is the roofed tops of the structures at Tepeh Qaleh Khalachan and Bandiyan. To conclude with, archaeological excavation at Tepeh Qaleh Khalachan has enabled to partially resolve some doubts about the nature of Zoroastrian presence and the related mortuary customs in Iran during the middle Islamic period. Thus, we may interpret the deposition of the dead in towers of silence, an originally Sasanian tradition, as one of the burial patterns employed by Zoroastrians in Iran in this period. Unlike the later instances reported from Yazd, Kerman and Rayy, Tepeh Qaleh Khalachan structurally marks the continuation of Bandiyan tower of silence from Sasanian period. Unlike Sasanian period, we haven’t got more information about Zoroastrian burial customs in Islamic period. The early Islamic funerary inscriptions give some information about burial practices in this period. The Yazdgerdi calendar dates on these epitaphs provide an absolute date for them in the first three centuries of the Islamic period. Until recent excavation at Tepeh Qaleh Khalachan weren’t any evidences of Zoroastrian burial customs in Middle Islamic period. In Archaeological excavation of Tepeh Qaleh Khalachan a roofed tower of silence was discovered. Model of this structure before have been found in Bandyian in Dargaz from Sasanian period. In this paper tried to answer three questions about structure and burial custom. What is exactly the feature of Zoroastrian burial custom in Middle Islamic in Iran? What are mutual and different features between Tepeh Qaleh Khalachan and Bandyian towers of silence? What is precisely important of this roofed tower of silence in archaeological studies of Islamic period? Because some mutual features has been supposed influence of Bandyian on Tepeh Qlaeh Khalachan tower of silence. Besides, Zoroastrian mirror communities had Some influences on burial customs. Methodology of present paper is analytical descriptive. Archaeological data of Tepeh Qlaeh Khalachan and Bandyin have been investigated and at the same time, library resources about Zoroastrian burial customs, towers of silence and Zoroastrian communities in Islamic period have been studied. This paper showed tower of silence was a burial custom in Middle Islamic in Iran and had some mutual roots with Bandyian ones. Best example of these mutual features is a roof on these two towers of silence. What it shows roofed towers of silence continued to Middle Islamic period in Iran. Hence it is plausible if someone supposes towers of silence in Yazd, Kerman and Rayy are belonging to the second generation of towers of silence in Iran what is dating to after Middle Islamic period. Keywords: Zoroastrianism Burial Practices, Tower of Silence, Tepe Qaleh Khalachan, Middle Islamic Period. Introduction A major issue in the archaeology of Islamic period in Iran is nature of Zoroastrians presence in this part of the Iranian history. While both historical sources and archaeological evidences offer a picture of Zoroastrians presence in the four earliest Islamic centuries, such is by no means the case when it comes to the middle part of this period. It would appear that the Zoroastrian presence and the related manifestations in the social context faded out in lockstep with the decline of the early Islamic semiautonomous states and the Ghaznavid and later Seljuk and Khwarazmian dynasties. Yet, with the Mongol Ilkahns seizure of power and their episodic religious tolerance, Zoroastrians would reemerge in the history and resume performing their rituals as a religious minority. References to the existence of these groups in the Ilkhanid society are found in The Travels of Marco Polo (vol. 1, chapter 14), Tarikh-e Mubarak-e Ghazani (Rashīd al-Dīn Fazlollah, 1940: 188) and Tarikh-e Vassaf (Sharaf al-Din Abdollah Shirazi, 1967: 198). Meanwhile, archaeological data have brought into light another aspect of this presence in the same period. A tower of silence assignable to the middle Islamic period was discovered in the course of excavations at the Tepeh-Qaleh Khalachan in Tafresh. Historically speaking, the excavated structure constitutes a vital, unwritten part of the Zoroastrian history of the Middle Islamic Iran and from the archaeological perspective this burial structure has partially solved the drastic problem of the Zoroastrian funeral traditions in the concerned period. Furthermore, given the discovery of a similar structure at the Sasanian site of Bandiyan, comparison of the two structures may provide insights into the structural evolution of towers of silence from Sasanian to Middle Islamic period. It is particularly important because Tepeh Qaleh Khalachan towe of silence is more comparable to its counterpart at Bandiyan from Sasanian period. Both of these towers of silence have been roofed. Here attempted to investigate historical and archaeological aspects of Tepeh Qlaeh Khalachan tower of silence. Beside, tried to compare architectural structure of Tepeh Qlaeh Khalachan and Bandyian to reveal architectural mutual aspects of these towers of silences. Methodology of present paper to this aim is analytical descriptive. In this regard, archaeological data of Tepeh Qlaeh Khalachan and Bandyin have been investigated and compared. At the same time, library resources about Zoroastrian burial customs, towers of silence and Zoroastrian communities in Islamic period have been studied. Identified Traces The city of Tafresh is located in 162 km southwest of Tehran and 73 km northeast of Arak. Tepeh Qaleh Khalachan is located in northeastern quadrant of this city, in the Khalachan sector. Rising 15‒18 m above the surrounding plain, the site built on a natural rock hump. The only fieldwork in this site is one season of excavation by S. M. Mousavinia. In this season excavator found some evidences of a Middle Islamic tower of silence. The architectural structure of the central part is of indispensable significance as it provides a rare insight into the building plan of towers of silence in the middle Islamic period. Beside, this structure represents a roofed sample of the Zoroastrian towers of silence in Iran what such tower of silence has been discovered just in Bandiyan in Dargaz from Sasanian period. Function and dating of Tepeh Qaleh Khalachan tower of silence have been based on 49 human bone elements and some pottery sherds from Middle-Islamic period. Discussion The lack of information about Zoroastrian burial customs from the 4th to the 7th century is one of the important issues of the archeology of the Islamic era. In archeological excavation in the Tepe Qaleh Khalachan revealed some information about presence of Zoroastrian society and its burial customs in Iran. This Zoroastrian Dakhma is comparable not to its later examples of Yazd and Kerman, but to the Bandyian from the Sassanid period. This case shows the dynamics of the Zoroastrian burial custom and its evolution from the Sassanid to the mid-Islamic centuries in Iran. The location of this site in the geography of Tafarsh, which is a peripheral city compared to the more important centers of Qom and Hamedan, shows that Tafarsh was one of the living centers of religious minorities in the mid-Islamic centuries. Probably, along with the location of Tafarsh, the city being surrounded by passes and mountain ranges is one of the important factors of the life of this religious minority in this geographical area. Conclusion With the arrival of Islam and the ensuing shift in population composition from Zoroastrian to Muslim, the disciples of the cult experienced a different and occasionally harsh life depending on the religious attitudes adopted by the contemporary rulers. Despite historical sources and archaeological finds show existence of Zoroastrian communities in the early Islamic period, we hadn’t such finds in the Middle Islamic period in Iran. In archaeological excavation at Tepeh Qaleh Khalachan was discovered a tower of silence. Some human bone elements and pottery sherds have been found in this tower of silence. Beside, based on architectural structure this tower of silence is continuity of Bandyian tower of silence. Thus, we may conclude that the building plans of towers of silence remained almost unchanged during the long period spanning the Sasanian and the middle Islamic period. The most striking aspect of this continuity is the roofed tops of the structures at Tepeh Qaleh Khalachan and Bandiyan. To conclude with, archaeological excavation at Tepeh Qaleh Khalachan has enabled to partially resolve some doubts about the nature of Zoroastrian presence and the related mortuary customs in Iran during the middle Islamic period. Thus, we may interpret the deposition of the dead in towers of silence, an originally Sasanian tradition, as one of the burial patterns employed by Zoroastrians in Iran in this period. Unlike the later instances reported from Yazd, Kerman and Rayy, Tepeh Qaleh Khalachan structurally marks the continuation of Bandiyan tower of silence from Sasanian period.

https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_3721_9e406957d45fcb6c6f38c2ada7bace91.pdf

Bu Ali Sina University Archaeological Research of Iran 2345-5225 12 33 2022 09 23 Research of Tanabi (Wind Guard Space) in Yazd Muzaffaris (Ilkhanate) Houses Research of Tanabi (Wind Guard Space) in Yazd Muzaffaris (Ilkhanate) Houses 321 355 4103 10.22084/nb.2021.22858.2227 FA Davood Emami Meybodi Graduate of Restoration of Cultural and Historical Fabric, Faculty of Art and Architecture, Central Tehran, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. 0000-0002-2602-978X Farhad Tehrani Professor of Restoration Department, Faculty of Architecture and Urban Planning, Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran, Iran. Mohammad Reza Oliae Professor of Architecture Department, Faculty of Arts and Architecture, Yazd University, Yazd, Iran. Journal Article 2020 10 24 At the time of Muzaffarids (Ilkhanate), since this area of Iran (Yazd) which was a considerable part of the country, was spared from the deliberate destruction of Mongol people. It can be expected that there have been continuous construction activities in this area since the Seljuk period. Especially according to the specific political field, under the influence of Muzaffaris rulers, a special local style called Muzaffaris style or due to opinion of Donald Wilber, “Yazd School” can be identified and introduced in this field. Among these, the distinctive works of architecture, mosques, monasteries, houses, aqueducts, gardens and historical neighborhoods of Yazd and Meybod, belonging to the same era are of special importance for defining, explaining and interpreting its subject and place urban planning. This research seeks to know the characteristics of Al-Muzaffar tanabi houses and whether they can be classified, as well as the reasons for their emergence? The purpose of this article is to determine the quality of Tanabi in the architecture of Muzaffaris houses in Yazd. In this study, the oldest houses that have been registered and identified so far have been cited along with historical texts. Considering not being enough sample studies in other parts of Iran and the number of historical references to the houses in historical texts and no research in this fields, the importance and position of the Tanabi in architecture of Muzaffaris era has been discussed. In this article, after library studies, which include recognizing Muzaffaris houses in historical texts and Tanabi in other buildings, field studies have been done. In this research tries to recognize the residential architecture in Muzaffaris era by combining interpretive- historical methods and research of examples and relying on library- documentary studies and also to study and analyze the Tanabi. The results show that the Tanabi is seen frequently and in different forms in the historical texts of Ilkhanate Timurid era. Researches show that in the study of historical texts of Yazd, three types of Tanabi have been mentioned. In the houses of Muzaffaris era, Tanabi is a luxurious room at the end of the south porch, which is some examples is decorated with many arraysThe second type was used as a room at the entrance of the gardens and the third type was used as a mansion inside the gardens.Tanabi was one of the first experiences of Iranian architectural spacing inside four-story houses, which is aimed at establishing the concept of a royal residence in the houses. Keywords: Tanabi (Wind Guard Space), Al-Muzaffar, Architectural, Porch, Courtyard. Introduction From the beginning of the 5th Hijri century until the Al-Muzaffar dynasty, there has been a kind of continuity in the social and economic activities of Yazd, so that it has faced less social vicissitudes and as a result has provided a peaceful environment for urban activities. During this period, there has been prosperity in construction based on the available evidences of local texts. In the historical texts of Yazd, the space of Tanabi is used for houses, gardens, schools, monastery, mosques and mausoleum with different functions. Using Tanabi is not limited to the buildings of Yazd, but this space can be seen in most of the buildings of this period, it can refer to “Rab’e Rashidi Vaqfnameh” which introduces Tanabi as one of three spaces of the monastery. In the dictionary, “Tanabi” has the following meanings: a porch (Iwan) that is inside a large porch, also a large room and the exedra. Tanabi, from the lexical point of view has at least two functional concepts hidden within it. The first concept is tentage spaces that were built with ropes and beams. The second one that is inside Tanabi is prolixity, means to continue and detail, which is also used in the word Tanabi. The prolixity is so important that some consider it the basis of eloquence and they have interpreted the eloquence as aphorism. In the Tanabi building, this concept is found in the form of constructing the building more stretched and expanding as well as detailing the space with decorations. Research in historical texts leads us to an exedra space in architecture, which is called Tanabi. In these texts, the space behind the main porch of the house and the luxurious room above Sabat, the entrance of the garden, as well as the building in the middle of the garden are called Tanabi, It was also determined, matching historical texts with available examples, some of the decorative features of the Tanabi mentioned in the texts can be seen in many houses now. These ornaments include vaulting of Tanabi ceiling, Tanabi figuring, carrelage, incornishing and plaster decoration. In this research tries to recognize the residential architecture in Muzaffaris era by combining interpretive- historical methods and research of examples and relying on library- documentary studies and also to study and analyze the Tanabi. Identified Traces The simplicity and primitiveness of the Tanabi in Al- Muzaffar houses is the reason for their common characteristics and they differed only in the amount of decoration. Tanabi can be mentioned as one of the architectural experiences of residence at that time in creating space, as this space is used in Zoroastrian four-podium houses in this way. A transformation occurs in the plan of four-podium houses by creating a Tanabi space. The same spatial value in four- podium houses smoothes the construction of the Tanabi, and since this construction is accompanied by decoration and ornament; therefore, it is placed behind a high porch. Strengthening the linear structure of the house by construction of Tanabi and placing a heavy spatial weight at its end will expand the plan in line with the previous one. Making a Tanabi at the end of the porch is also for more energy efficiency. Creating a small room of Tanabi behind the porch that directs the cool breeze down like a box against the wind, causes the air to be drown into it through the door or Tanabi hole and creates a pleasant atmosphere. The architect helps its spatial circulation in two ways by sucking the wind of the porch into the Tanabi: first by planning a door or hole at the end of the Tanabi and the other by connecting the Tanabi with the rooms on both sides of the porch and creating air circulation. Therefore, one of the reasons for using Tanabi is the need for a favorable space and sometimes creating an aristocratic atmosphere. Of course, solving the structural problems of the porch and creating movement and rotation in the spaces around the porch has also been effective in its construction Conclusion Researches show that in the study of historical texts of Yazd, three types of Tanabi have been mentioned. In the houses of Muzaffaris era, Tanabi is a luxurious room at the end of the south porch, which is some examples is decorated with many arraysThe second type was used as a room at the entrance of the gardens and the third type was used as a mansion inside the gardens.It was determined, after comparative studies between available examples, that in houses of Yazd during Al-Muzaffar era, the Tanabi was usually the most valuable space and the sitting place in houses, this space is located at the end of the linear axis of house and usually behind the main porch, and the porch protects the Tanabi like a shield. In these houses, Tanabi was made in the form of a room behind the south Soffe. Along with its stretched and long podium in front of it, this Tanabi is considered one of the main factors of Al- Muzaffar house. These two spaces were located in shadow environment and there was a small yard in front of them. In many houses of Al-Muzaffar era in Yazd district, this pattern can be seen. At the time of Muzaffarids (Ilkhanate), since this area of Iran (Yazd) which was a considerable part of the country, was spared from the deliberate destruction of Mongol people. It can be expected that there have been continuous construction activities in this area since the Seljuk period. Especially according to the specific political field, under the influence of Muzaffaris rulers, a special local style called Muzaffaris style or due to opinion of Donald Wilber, “Yazd School” can be identified and introduced in this field. Among these, the distinctive works of architecture, mosques, monasteries, houses, aqueducts, gardens and historical neighborhoods of Yazd and Meybod, belonging to the same era are of special importance for defining, explaining and interpreting its subject and place urban planning. This research seeks to know the characteristics of Al-Muzaffar tanabi houses and whether they can be classified, as well as the reasons for their emergence? The purpose of this article is to determine the quality of Tanabi in the architecture of Muzaffaris houses in Yazd. In this study, the oldest houses that have been registered and identified so far have been cited along with historical texts. Considering not being enough sample studies in other parts of Iran and the number of historical references to the houses in historical texts and no research in this fields, the importance and position of the Tanabi in architecture of Muzaffaris era has been discussed. In this article, after library studies, which include recognizing Muzaffaris houses in historical texts and Tanabi in other buildings, field studies have been done. In this research tries to recognize the residential architecture in Muzaffaris era by combining interpretive- historical methods and research of examples and relying on library- documentary studies and also to study and analyze the Tanabi. The results show that the Tanabi is seen frequently and in different forms in the historical texts of Ilkhanate Timurid era. Researches show that in the study of historical texts of Yazd, three types of Tanabi have been mentioned. In the houses of Muzaffaris era, Tanabi is a luxurious room at the end of the south porch, which is some examples is decorated with many arraysThe second type was used as a room at the entrance of the gardens and the third type was used as a mansion inside the gardens.Tanabi was one of the first experiences of Iranian architectural spacing inside four-story houses, which is aimed at establishing the concept of a royal residence in the houses. Keywords: Tanabi (Wind Guard Space), Al-Muzaffar, Architectural, Porch, Courtyard. Introduction From the beginning of the 5th Hijri century until the Al-Muzaffar dynasty, there has been a kind of continuity in the social and economic activities of Yazd, so that it has faced less social vicissitudes and as a result has provided a peaceful environment for urban activities. During this period, there has been prosperity in construction based on the available evidences of local texts. In the historical texts of Yazd, the space of Tanabi is used for houses, gardens, schools, monastery, mosques and mausoleum with different functions. Using Tanabi is not limited to the buildings of Yazd, but this space can be seen in most of the buildings of this period, it can refer to “Rab’e Rashidi Vaqfnameh” which introduces Tanabi as one of three spaces of the monastery. In the dictionary, “Tanabi” has the following meanings: a porch (Iwan) that is inside a large porch, also a large room and the exedra. Tanabi, from the lexical point of view has at least two functional concepts hidden within it. The first concept is tentage spaces that were built with ropes and beams. The second one that is inside Tanabi is prolixity, means to continue and detail, which is also used in the word Tanabi. The prolixity is so important that some consider it the basis of eloquence and they have interpreted the eloquence as aphorism. In the Tanabi building, this concept is found in the form of constructing the building more stretched and expanding as well as detailing the space with decorations. Research in historical texts leads us to an exedra space in architecture, which is called Tanabi. In these texts, the space behind the main porch of the house and the luxurious room above Sabat, the entrance of the garden, as well as the building in the middle of the garden are called Tanabi, It was also determined, matching historical texts with available examples, some of the decorative features of the Tanabi mentioned in the texts can be seen in many houses now. These ornaments include vaulting of Tanabi ceiling, Tanabi figuring, carrelage, incornishing and plaster decoration. In this research tries to recognize the residential architecture in Muzaffaris era by combining interpretive- historical methods and research of examples and relying on library- documentary studies and also to study and analyze the Tanabi. Identified Traces The simplicity and primitiveness of the Tanabi in Al- Muzaffar houses is the reason for their common characteristics and they differed only in the amount of decoration. Tanabi can be mentioned as one of the architectural experiences of residence at that time in creating space, as this space is used in Zoroastrian four-podium houses in this way. A transformation occurs in the plan of four-podium houses by creating a Tanabi space. The same spatial value in four- podium houses smoothes the construction of the Tanabi, and since this construction is accompanied by decoration and ornament; therefore, it is placed behind a high porch. Strengthening the linear structure of the house by construction of Tanabi and placing a heavy spatial weight at its end will expand the plan in line with the previous one. Making a Tanabi at the end of the porch is also for more energy efficiency. Creating a small room of Tanabi behind the porch that directs the cool breeze down like a box against the wind, causes the air to be drown into it through the door or Tanabi hole and creates a pleasant atmosphere. The architect helps its spatial circulation in two ways by sucking the wind of the porch into the Tanabi: first by planning a door or hole at the end of the Tanabi and the other by connecting the Tanabi with the rooms on both sides of the porch and creating air circulation. Therefore, one of the reasons for using Tanabi is the need for a favorable space and sometimes creating an aristocratic atmosphere. Of course, solving the structural problems of the porch and creating movement and rotation in the spaces around the porch has also been effective in its construction Conclusion Researches show that in the study of historical texts of Yazd, three types of Tanabi have been mentioned. In the houses of Muzaffaris era, Tanabi is a luxurious room at the end of the south porch, which is some examples is decorated with many arraysThe second type was used as a room at the entrance of the gardens and the third type was used as a mansion inside the gardens.It was determined, after comparative studies between available examples, that in houses of Yazd during Al-Muzaffar era, the Tanabi was usually the most valuable space and the sitting place in houses, this space is located at the end of the linear axis of house and usually behind the main porch, and the porch protects the Tanabi like a shield. In these houses, Tanabi was made in the form of a room behind the south Soffe. Along with its stretched and long podium in front of it, this Tanabi is considered one of the main factors of Al- Muzaffar house. These two spaces were located in shadow environment and there was a small yard in front of them. In many houses of Al-Muzaffar era in Yazd district, this pattern can be seen.

https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_4103_5e02b868a91671f9140a41f3946f33cb.pdf

Bu Ali Sina University Archaeological Research of Iran 2345-5225 12 33 2022 09 23 Identifying the Structure of Shiraz Neighborhoods from Atabakan to Qajar Period Identifying the Structure of Shiraz Neighborhoods from Atabakan to Qajar Period 357 381 3995 10.22084/nb.2021.22921.2232 FA Mahsa Chizfahm Daneshmandian Ph.D candidate of Islamic Urbanism, Faculty of Architecture and Urbanism, Tabriz Islamic Art University, Tabriz, Iran. Ahad NEJAD EBRAHIMI Associate Professor, Faculty of Architecture and Urbanism, Tabriz Islamic Art University, Tabriz, Iran 0000-0001-6025-1942 Journal Article 2020 11 03 Neighborhoods are one of the most important elements in shaping the structure of Iranian cities. Many studies tried to represent the structure of historic cities focusing on the main physical elements (such as the Jama Masjid, the main bazaar, the capital, etc.) hence, the neighborhood has been considered only as a filling texture. Moreover, most of the researches that studied the neighborhoods as a separate issue, were limited to the generalizations and qualitative analysis of texts. Thus, the purpose of this study is to identify the patterns and structure of Shiraz’s historic neighborhoods accurately by using the non-physical elements. Shiraz has been chosen because it has credible evidence of the neighborhood since the eighth century AH. Therefore, the structure of neighborhoods by examining six urban elements, including the structure of passages, the role of streets, borders, uses, different living strata, and local names in three categories of “physical” factors, “social” factors, and “service” factors with descriptive and analytical methods were examined. The data are often library data collected by examining written documents (such as the travelogues and local history books) and historical illustrations (such as maps or pictures). The results show that “social” factors in neighborhoods are the most significant semantic attribute. It does not only have a mutual relationship with “physical” and “service” factors but also forms their basic foundations. The social role of neighborhoods in each historical period has led to selecting the location of the neighborhood, constructing the physical form, distributing the services, and giving symbolic names; this is a factor that causes the difference and cohesion of neighborhoods in the city at the same time. Finally, an attempt is made to describe the structure of Shiraz neighborhoods in the four periods of Atabakan, Zandieh, Safavid, and Qajar. Keywords: Historical Neighborhood, Neighborhood Structure, Social Role, Physical and Non-physical Features, Shiraz City. Introduction The neighborhood has a long history in the global urban system, with superiority in the Middle East and Asia. In Iran, Turkey, and Iraq, it is known as “Maallä” or “Mahalle” or “Makhala,” and in Aleppo and Damascus, it is known as “Hara” (Hourani and stern, 1970). Neighborhood plus three elements of government, ummah, and guilds are the four elements that are considered to be the main elements of Islamic urban life (Ashraf, 1353: 24). The neighborhood was like a town in the heart of the city, meeting all of its residents’ physical, economic, and livelihood needs. Many studies attempted to represent the structure of historic cities by focusing on the main physical elements (such as the Jama Masjid, the main bazaar, the capital, etc.); as a result, the neighborhood was only considered as a filling texture. However, non-physical dimensions that have been less well established in city history research, play a significant role in defining the neighborhood’s structure. The representation of neighborhoods based on the city’s main physical elements simply looks like the assimilation and dominance of the spirit of the times over the points of the authority of its contemporary government, rather than the reality of social life in those neighborhoods. Neighborhoods are typically formed as a result of social interaction between people who live in close proximity to one another. In fact, the neighborhood is a social unit larger than a family that is not directly controlled by the government. The goal of this research is to depict the patterns and structures of Shiraz’s historical neighborhoods from Atabakan to Qajar. This article is significant because it examines both physical and nonphysical aspects; emphasizing man and his entity above all. Furthermore, the city of Shiraz was chosen because many historical sources indicate the existence of a neighborhood from the eighth century AH. The research method used is a descriptive-analytical method in which data is gathered through library studies and a review of written and illustrated historical documents, as well as reconstructed maps based on evidence. Main Text In the main body, three “physical,” “social,” and “service” factors have been selected as the most detailed classification after analyzing the various classifications made about the neighborhood’s characteristics. Physical factors: The physical boundaries of the neighborhood and the passage layout have been discussed in this section. Moreover, an attempt has been made to schematically reconstruct the location of neighborhoods prior to the construction of modern straight streets using information from passages and historical maps. Social factors: social, religious, and ethnic stratification, as well as symbolic neighborhood naming, have all been investigated. Service factors: the distribution of local uses and services, as well as local passage activity, have been assessed. Due to a lack of detailed historical background records, we have confined to the Qajar period. Conclusion The findings show that the structure of Shiraz neighborhoods changed over time, from the Atabakan to the Qajar periods, while preserving their cohesion and unique identity. During the Atabakan period, Shiraz had 16 neighborhoods, all of which were located in the southeastern part of the current historical context. Between the Atabakan and Safavid periods, the urban fabric expands to the north and west, and the number of neighborhoods reaches 19 at the start of the Safavid period. Other religious groups, such as Christians and Jews, formed their own local passage and neighborhood during the Safavid period. These two neighborhoods were located in newly established parts of the city, close to the location of the government department at the time. Between the Safavid and Zandieh periods, the city expands again to the north, forming new neighborhoods, and a number of neighborhoods in the eastern block merge to form larger neighborhoods. As a result, despite the fact that the number of neighborhoods at the beginning of both the Safavid and Zandi periods is 19, we are witnessing the physical expansion of neighborhoods and the creation of new neighborhoods in the northern block. The number of neighborhoods was consolidated and reduced to ten by the end of the Zandi era, allowing the central government to better manage the city. The interesting thing is that the names of the former neighborhoods have not been forgotten entirely, and they can still be found on local streets. There are no major physical changes in the Qajar era compared to the previous period, but there is significant social change. Some of the neighborhoods are divided into aristocratic and demagogic zones. During this time, the governmental citadel completely isolated the Maidan Shah Neighborhood and Darb-e-Shazdeh from the rest of the city. The Ghavam-ol-Molk family community zone in Balakaft, Mushir-ol-Molk in Sang-e-Siah neighborhood, and the heads of the Qashqai tribe in the west of Maidan Shah Neighborhood, and Haji Mirza Hassan Ali Khan Nasir-ol-Molk in the southwest of Ishaq Beyg neighborhood were also among the aristocratic area. The study of service factors during this period reveals that, with the exception of the Kalimian neighborhood, all neighborhoods had at least 5 mosques and, in addition to the city’s main markets, three local markets in the aristocratic complexes of Sang-e-Siah, Bala Kaft, and Ishaq Beyg neighborhoods. The market of the Lab-e-Ab neighborhood is also mentioned in the documents. The distribution of local uses and passage activity demonstrates that the concept of today’s neighborhood center is largely embedded in the passage body. During the Qajar period, the most densely populated neighborhoods were Kalimian, Leb-e-Ab, Sardazak, and Ishaq Beyg. The analysis of the adaptation of the three factors “physical,” “social,” and “service” also reveals that during these seven centuries, neighborhoods were formed primarily on the basis of ethnic, racial, religious, and socio-political status. Furthermore, the names of neighborhoods and passages are the most stable feature connecting historical identity across generations. Neighborhoods are one of the most important elements in shaping the structure of Iranian cities. Many studies tried to represent the structure of historic cities focusing on the main physical elements (such as the Jama Masjid, the main bazaar, the capital, etc.) hence, the neighborhood has been considered only as a filling texture. Moreover, most of the researches that studied the neighborhoods as a separate issue, were limited to the generalizations and qualitative analysis of texts. Thus, the purpose of this study is to identify the patterns and structure of Shiraz’s historic neighborhoods accurately by using the non-physical elements. Shiraz has been chosen because it has credible evidence of the neighborhood since the eighth century AH. Therefore, the structure of neighborhoods by examining six urban elements, including the structure of passages, the role of streets, borders, uses, different living strata, and local names in three categories of “physical” factors, “social” factors, and “service” factors with descriptive and analytical methods were examined. The data are often library data collected by examining written documents (such as the travelogues and local history books) and historical illustrations (such as maps or pictures). The results show that “social” factors in neighborhoods are the most significant semantic attribute. It does not only have a mutual relationship with “physical” and “service” factors but also forms their basic foundations. The social role of neighborhoods in each historical period has led to selecting the location of the neighborhood, constructing the physical form, distributing the services, and giving symbolic names; this is a factor that causes the difference and cohesion of neighborhoods in the city at the same time. Finally, an attempt is made to describe the structure of Shiraz neighborhoods in the four periods of Atabakan, Zandieh, Safavid, and Qajar. Keywords: Historical Neighborhood, Neighborhood Structure, Social Role, Physical and Non-physical Features, Shiraz City. Introduction The neighborhood has a long history in the global urban system, with superiority in the Middle East and Asia. In Iran, Turkey, and Iraq, it is known as “Maallä” or “Mahalle” or “Makhala,” and in Aleppo and Damascus, it is known as “Hara” (Hourani and stern, 1970). Neighborhood plus three elements of government, ummah, and guilds are the four elements that are considered to be the main elements of Islamic urban life (Ashraf, 1353: 24). The neighborhood was like a town in the heart of the city, meeting all of its residents’ physical, economic, and livelihood needs. Many studies attempted to represent the structure of historic cities by focusing on the main physical elements (such as the Jama Masjid, the main bazaar, the capital, etc.); as a result, the neighborhood was only considered as a filling texture. However, non-physical dimensions that have been less well established in city history research, play a significant role in defining the neighborhood’s structure. The representation of neighborhoods based on the city’s main physical elements simply looks like the assimilation and dominance of the spirit of the times over the points of the authority of its contemporary government, rather than the reality of social life in those neighborhoods. Neighborhoods are typically formed as a result of social interaction between people who live in close proximity to one another. In fact, the neighborhood is a social unit larger than a family that is not directly controlled by the government. The goal of this research is to depict the patterns and structures of Shiraz’s historical neighborhoods from Atabakan to Qajar. This article is significant because it examines both physical and nonphysical aspects; emphasizing man and his entity above all. Furthermore, the city of Shiraz was chosen because many historical sources indicate the existence of a neighborhood from the eighth century AH. The research method used is a descriptive-analytical method in which data is gathered through library studies and a review of written and illustrated historical documents, as well as reconstructed maps based on evidence. Main Text In the main body, three “physical,” “social,” and “service” factors have been selected as the most detailed classification after analyzing the various classifications made about the neighborhood’s characteristics. Physical factors: The physical boundaries of the neighborhood and the passage layout have been discussed in this section. Moreover, an attempt has been made to schematically reconstruct the location of neighborhoods prior to the construction of modern straight streets using information from passages and historical maps. Social factors: social, religious, and ethnic stratification, as well as symbolic neighborhood naming, have all been investigated. Service factors: the distribution of local uses and services, as well as local passage activity, have been assessed. Due to a lack of detailed historical background records, we have confined to the Qajar period. Conclusion The findings show that the structure of Shiraz neighborhoods changed over time, from the Atabakan to the Qajar periods, while preserving their cohesion and unique identity. During the Atabakan period, Shiraz had 16 neighborhoods, all of which were located in the southeastern part of the current historical context. Between the Atabakan and Safavid periods, the urban fabric expands to the north and west, and the number of neighborhoods reaches 19 at the start of the Safavid period. Other religious groups, such as Christians and Jews, formed their own local passage and neighborhood during the Safavid period. These two neighborhoods were located in newly established parts of the city, close to the location of the government department at the time. Between the Safavid and Zandieh periods, the city expands again to the north, forming new neighborhoods, and a number of neighborhoods in the eastern block merge to form larger neighborhoods. As a result, despite the fact that the number of neighborhoods at the beginning of both the Safavid and Zandi periods is 19, we are witnessing the physical expansion of neighborhoods and the creation of new neighborhoods in the northern block. The number of neighborhoods was consolidated and reduced to ten by the end of the Zandi era, allowing the central government to better manage the city. The interesting thing is that the names of the former neighborhoods have not been forgotten entirely, and they can still be found on local streets. There are no major physical changes in the Qajar era compared to the previous period, but there is significant social change. Some of the neighborhoods are divided into aristocratic and demagogic zones. During this time, the governmental citadel completely isolated the Maidan Shah Neighborhood and Darb-e-Shazdeh from the rest of the city. The Ghavam-ol-Molk family community zone in Balakaft, Mushir-ol-Molk in Sang-e-Siah neighborhood, and the heads of the Qashqai tribe in the west of Maidan Shah Neighborhood, and Haji Mirza Hassan Ali Khan Nasir-ol-Molk in the southwest of Ishaq Beyg neighborhood were also among the aristocratic area. The study of service factors during this period reveals that, with the exception of the Kalimian neighborhood, all neighborhoods had at least 5 mosques and, in addition to the city’s main markets, three local markets in the aristocratic complexes of Sang-e-Siah, Bala Kaft, and Ishaq Beyg neighborhoods. The market of the Lab-e-Ab neighborhood is also mentioned in the documents. The distribution of local uses and passage activity demonstrates that the concept of today’s neighborhood center is largely embedded in the passage body. During the Qajar period, the most densely populated neighborhoods were Kalimian, Leb-e-Ab, Sardazak, and Ishaq Beyg. The analysis of the adaptation of the three factors “physical,” “social,” and “service” also reveals that during these seven centuries, neighborhoods were formed primarily on the basis of ethnic, racial, religious, and socio-political status. Furthermore, the names of neighborhoods and passages are the most stable feature connecting historical identity across generations.

https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_3995_d464b5ac99e74462f321c06ccacc4bff.pdf

Bu Ali Sina University Archaeological Research of Iran 2345-5225 12 33 2022 09 23 Embodiment of Recreation and Leisure in the Urban Structure of Isfahan in the Safavid Empire (Shah Abbas I) Embodiment of Recreation and Leisure in the Urban Structure of Isfahan in the Safavid Empire (Shah Abbas I) 383 408 3998 10.22084/nb.2021.21501.2128 FA Zeinab Lari Darabi PhD. Student in Art Studies, Faculty of Theoretical Sciences and Higher art Studies, University of art, Tehran, Iran, Amir Maziar Assistant Professor, Department of Art Studies, Faculty of Theoretical Sciences and Higher art Studies, University of Art, Tehran, Iran. Journal Article 2020 04 25 The urban refashioning of Isfahan in the Safavid Empire appeared with the reign of Shah Abbas I. the urban imperial developments provided new ideas and concepts around urbanization of the early modern era, including recreational axes in the urban structure, Embodiment of recreation and leisure in the city and urban life was reinforced by attention of kingship. Also, the physical appearance of the city typified what has been called the early modern urbanity. The main characteristic of this type could be the emergence of promenade axes. This article follows themes related to the recreational notion in shaping this city. In so doing, we achieved insight in a manner in which the structure was conceived. Exploring the meanings attributed to that idea in this era, we trace practices of social-and courtly- life as they shaped urban configurations and were shaped by. So at the first step, we survey the recreational activities and leisure organization of the Safavid Empire in everyday life. Later, we deal with spatial order, urban structure and planning of Isfahan. To decipher this idea, two types of evidence help us and facilitated our understanding of the matter: Some contemporary studies on leisure and entertainment in Safavid era and supposedly in the urban articulation of Isfahan (historical resources and travelogues) and the other hand, main historical resources. By analyzing and tracing the leisure idea in Isfahan as the one that established new urban identity, it is possible to distinct, clearly between the old urbanization and the new in architecture history of Iran. In other words, novel modes of urban conceptualization and planning of Isfahan provided new perceptions in research and study about Isfahan urbanization. According to we can find some features of the early modern urbanity in Isfahan city plan as we can ordinarily see in other modern 18-19th cities in the world. Keywords: Promenad, Isfahan, The School of Isfahan, Architecture, Urbanization. Introduction Phenomenon of leisure and entertainment is not only belong to safavid era but it has been a long time. At any historically period, this phenomenon appeared in different shape. Historically, it seems entertainment in life of the people and the court during the Safavid period is so extensive and important that it has effected urban structures-and mutually been effected- and create a new urban identity. The main problem of this research is how the new recreational system effects the urban structure of Isfahan and creates such a city in which recreation and leisure specially featured from the other periods. The features apparently are less seen in the old urban planning of Iran and are one of the components of the new urban planning of the Safavid period, which is nearly related to the characteristics of modern cities. In fact, this new identity makes urban planning of safavid Isfahan comparable to the designs of new cities in the modern era and shows commonalities in concepts with modern urban planning, which we will address at the end of this article. Now, with such an idea, to achieve the goal, we first briefly list the examples of recreation and entertainment in the daily life of the people of that era, then we describe the recreational functions of Isfahan’s urban elements such as Chaharbagh, bridges, Maydan-i Naqsh-I Jahan. Main Text In the Safavid period, recreation was not limited to court feasts and royal excursion in the imperial gardens, but during this period it became part of the social life and create a mode of interactions and social participations. According to Ishraqi, we can talk about the existence of a “recreational system” in this period (Ishraqi, 1353: 28). This system had different branches including public ceremonies and exhibitions of the Maydan, equestrian games, coffeehouses and bathes we finally see in the urban structure. It had been represented in three axes of new Isfahan’s urban planning -ordered and conceived by Abbas I- including Chaharbagh and public gardens, bridges and Maydan-i Naqsh-I Jahan. Shah Abbas used the idea of Sepah Street -built in Qazvin under Tahmasp- to build the new city of Isfahan and expanded it on a larger scale and in a more general function. The recreational facilities of ChaharBagh like were a special place for pedestrians and riders, green spaces and seating areas, fountains, coffeehouses, teahouses, and different stores, provided a space where people could walk and spend their time regardless of their caste. Almost all European traveler, who visited Isfahan called Chaharbagh “Isfahan’s public green promenade. Allah Verdi Khan Bridge under Abbas I and Khaju Bridge under Abbas II with their special architecture, create an excursion space in urban life alongside the passage. About Maydan, we do not claim that its functions are completely new and there are no examples in the preceding periods. But according to historical narratives, we know that the main purpose of its building, at the first step, probably was to hold imperial ceremonies and entertainment. No matter what the purpose of such building, the activities carried out are a good witness to the fact that this square is a place of entertainment for the people. Discussion When Shah Abbas I came to power in 1627, he took steps to renew the spatial configuration of the city of Isfahan compatible with the policy of the Safavid dynasty. Therefore, the old city of Isfahan was rebuilt and a new city was built in the west and southwest of the old one and outside the city walls. As Jonabadi says in Rouza-al-Safavieh, the city of Isfahan was divided into two parts, the old city and the new one. In the meantime, the expansion of the city and improvement of its facilities was priority to the Safavid kings, especially Shah Abbas I. Therefore, the beauty and splendor of the city and the comfort of the people in the urban life was results of this perspective which found a strong physically expression in the urban body especially in gardens and Charbagh, bridges and Naqsh-e-Jahan square. Conclusion The emergence of recreation in the urban structure of Safavid Isfahan was made possible by Chaharbagh Street and new public gardens, bridges, squares along with coffeehouses, pubs, shops, baths and etc. Of course, mutually, design and urban elements were also effective in increasing and promoting the idea of recreation. In this study, we sought to expand the domain of the word “recreational system” and showed that it is possible to include thoughtful urban designs in this organized system. Thus, the idea of recreation evolves in the tangible realm (urban structure) and in the intangible one (the daily life). Based on all the above, we can now say that this new idea has not been like this before the Safavid era, or at least we can say that Isfahan is one of the first examples in this sense. This makes the city look like a new city in the modern world, so it allows us to draw a line between old and new urban planning in Iran and realize that we are facing a kind of urban modernization here. Now, with such an analytical approach, we are able to study the urban planning of Isfahan once again, considering the new components. The urban refashioning of Isfahan in the Safavid Empire appeared with the reign of Shah Abbas I. the urban imperial developments provided new ideas and concepts around urbanization of the early modern era, including recreational axes in the urban structure, Embodiment of recreation and leisure in the city and urban life was reinforced by attention of kingship. Also, the physical appearance of the city typified what has been called the early modern urbanity. The main characteristic of this type could be the emergence of promenade axes. This article follows themes related to the recreational notion in shaping this city. In so doing, we achieved insight in a manner in which the structure was conceived. Exploring the meanings attributed to that idea in this era, we trace practices of social-and courtly- life as they shaped urban configurations and were shaped by. So at the first step, we survey the recreational activities and leisure organization of the Safavid Empire in everyday life. Later, we deal with spatial order, urban structure and planning of Isfahan. To decipher this idea, two types of evidence help us and facilitated our understanding of the matter: Some contemporary studies on leisure and entertainment in Safavid era and supposedly in the urban articulation of Isfahan (historical resources and travelogues) and the other hand, main historical resources. By analyzing and tracing the leisure idea in Isfahan as the one that established new urban identity, it is possible to distinct, clearly between the old urbanization and the new in architecture history of Iran. In other words, novel modes of urban conceptualization and planning of Isfahan provided new perceptions in research and study about Isfahan urbanization. According to we can find some features of the early modern urbanity in Isfahan city plan as we can ordinarily see in other modern 18-19th cities in the world. Keywords: Promenad, Isfahan, The School of Isfahan, Architecture, Urbanization. Introduction Phenomenon of leisure and entertainment is not only belong to safavid era but it has been a long time. At any historically period, this phenomenon appeared in different shape. Historically, it seems entertainment in life of the people and the court during the Safavid period is so extensive and important that it has effected urban structures-and mutually been effected- and create a new urban identity. The main problem of this research is how the new recreational system effects the urban structure of Isfahan and creates such a city in which recreation and leisure specially featured from the other periods. The features apparently are less seen in the old urban planning of Iran and are one of the components of the new urban planning of the Safavid period, which is nearly related to the characteristics of modern cities. In fact, this new identity makes urban planning of safavid Isfahan comparable to the designs of new cities in the modern era and shows commonalities in concepts with modern urban planning, which we will address at the end of this article. Now, with such an idea, to achieve the goal, we first briefly list the examples of recreation and entertainment in the daily life of the people of that era, then we describe the recreational functions of Isfahan’s urban elements such as Chaharbagh, bridges, Maydan-i Naqsh-I Jahan. Main Text In the Safavid period, recreation was not limited to court feasts and royal excursion in the imperial gardens, but during this period it became part of the social life and create a mode of interactions and social participations. According to Ishraqi, we can talk about the existence of a “recreational system” in this period (Ishraqi, 1353: 28). This system had different branches including public ceremonies and exhibitions of the Maydan, equestrian games, coffeehouses and bathes we finally see in the urban structure. It had been represented in three axes of new Isfahan’s urban planning -ordered and conceived by Abbas I- including Chaharbagh and public gardens, bridges and Maydan-i Naqsh-I Jahan. Shah Abbas used the idea of Sepah Street -built in Qazvin under Tahmasp- to build the new city of Isfahan and expanded it on a larger scale and in a more general function. The recreational facilities of ChaharBagh like were a special place for pedestrians and riders, green spaces and seating areas, fountains, coffeehouses, teahouses, and different stores, provided a space where people could walk and spend their time regardless of their caste. Almost all European traveler, who visited Isfahan called Chaharbagh “Isfahan’s public green promenade. Allah Verdi Khan Bridge under Abbas I and Khaju Bridge under Abbas II with their special architecture, create an excursion space in urban life alongside the passage. About Maydan, we do not claim that its functions are completely new and there are no examples in the preceding periods. But according to historical narratives, we know that the main purpose of its building, at the first step, probably was to hold imperial ceremonies and entertainment. No matter what the purpose of such building, the activities carried out are a good witness to the fact that this square is a place of entertainment for the people. Discussion When Shah Abbas I came to power in 1627, he took steps to renew the spatial configuration of the city of Isfahan compatible with the policy of the Safavid dynasty. Therefore, the old city of Isfahan was rebuilt and a new city was built in the west and southwest of the old one and outside the city walls. As Jonabadi says in Rouza-al-Safavieh, the city of Isfahan was divided into two parts, the old city and the new one. In the meantime, the expansion of the city and improvement of its facilities was priority to the Safavid kings, especially Shah Abbas I. Therefore, the beauty and splendor of the city and the comfort of the people in the urban life was results of this perspective which found a strong physically expression in the urban body especially in gardens and Charbagh, bridges and Naqsh-e-Jahan square. Conclusion The emergence of recreation in the urban structure of Safavid Isfahan was made possible by Chaharbagh Street and new public gardens, bridges, squares along with coffeehouses, pubs, shops, baths and etc. Of course, mutually, design and urban elements were also effective in increasing and promoting the idea of recreation. In this study, we sought to expand the domain of the word “recreational system” and showed that it is possible to include thoughtful urban designs in this organized system. Thus, the idea of recreation evolves in the tangible realm (urban structure) and in the intangible one (the daily life). Based on all the above, we can now say that this new idea has not been like this before the Safavid era, or at least we can say that Isfahan is one of the first examples in this sense. This makes the city look like a new city in the modern world, so it allows us to draw a line between old and new urban planning in Iran and realize that we are facing a kind of urban modernization here. Now, with such an analytical approach, we are able to study the urban planning of Isfahan once again, considering the new components.

https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_3998_74306eef5860833e2e47ff169a73b45b.pdf