پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران 2345-5225 15 44 2025 05 22 The Black-on-Red Pottery in the Chalcolithic Period of the Eastern Mazandaran as Seen at Tappeh Abbasi of Khansar, Neka تحلیل سفال قرمز منقوش دوران مس‌وسنگ شرق مازندران براساس کاوش تپه‌عباسی خانسر نکا 7 39 5502 10.22084/nb.2024.28468.2636 FA سید محمدرضا آل احمد دانشجوی دکتری باستان‌شناسی، گروه باستان‌شناسی، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، دانشگاه مازندران، بابلسر، ایران رحمت عباس نژاد سرستی دانشیار گروه باستان‌شناسی، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، دانشگاه مازندران، بابلسر، ایران (نویسندۀ مسئول). 0000-0003-1365-8904 رقیه رحیمی سرخنی استادیار گروه باستان‌شناسی، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، دانشگاه مازندران، بابلسر، ایران. 0000-0002-5219-0171 Journal Article 2023 10 29 Abstract The investigation into the development of Chalcolithic settlements, their cultural elements, and the nature of their regional and interregional exchanges constitutes a central focus of research concerning eastern Mazandaran during this timeframe. Among the related cultural artifacts within the area during the Late Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic periods is the Black-on-Red ware, commonly known as Painted Red Pottery. A thorough examination of the technical and decorative attributes of this pottery will yield valuable insights into these communities and their potential affiliations with surrounding areas from the mid-6th to the mid-5th millennium B.C. At Tappeh Abbasi, archaeological layers have uncovered both Neolithic pottery and Black-on-Red ware in conjunction. Despite this, they possess varying technical and decorative attributes when compared to one another. As a result, two distinct pottery production techniques were utilized simultaneously. This phenomenon is also evident in the central plateau, particularly at Agh Tappeh in the Gorgan plain and in northeastern Iran, such as Royan in the Shahrood plain. The pottery being examined exhibits some resemblances to those found in adjacent regions, including Stratigraphic sequence clay quality, the application of mineral temper, and the black geometric designs on red pottery. Conversely, there are several differences, including the lack of ‘faunal’ and ‘floral’ motifs, the absence of ‘Painted Buff ware’ in this location and the plains, and an increased reliance on mineral temper. The Black-on-Red ceramics are found in the lowest stratum of Tappeh Abbasi (layer 12), which is categorized as Phase 1. These artifacts are roughly contemporaneous with the transitional Chalcolithic period in Iran’s Central Plateau. In layer 11 (Phase 2), only features typical of the transitional Chalcolithic are present, while the Black-on-Red pottery exhibits enhanced technical attributes, although it maintains its earlier decorative styles. The production of Black-on-Red pottery in layer 10, associated with the Bronze Age, saw a decline in both quality and quantity. Keywords: Eastern Mazandaran, Cheshmeh-Ali, Transitional Chalcolithic Period, Black-on-Red Ware, Tappeh Abbasi. Introduction Based on archaeological findings in eastern Mazandaran, including the lowlands of Neka and Behshahr plains as well as the highlands of Farim and Kiasar, the significance of these areas in the formation and evolution of prehistoric societies is considerable. There are critical inquiries regarding the late Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods in this region, such as their development, modes of communication, interconnectedness, complexity, and technological advancements. Pottery stands out as one of the most crucial and accessible remnants from these ancient communities. Scientific analyses of pottery, including classification and typology, play a vital role in deepening our comprehension of various aspects of past societies. In 2008, Tappeh Abbasi was excavated by Rahmat Abbasnejad Seresti, who dug four trenches: the primary trench, known as T.T.C, situated at the center of the mound for stratigraphic analysis; T.T.N.E located in the northeast; T.T.S in the south; and T.T.S.W in the southwest. This research primarily examines the Black-on-Red pottery discovered at Tappeh Abbasi, particularly the ones belonging to the Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods, as evidenced in layers 12, 11, and 10 of Trench T.T.C. Given the prevalent occurrence of black-on-red pottery in the area, this study aims to conduct a comprehensive analysis of its technical attributes and decorative styles in the early layers of Tappeh Abbasi. Furthermore, the research explores potential regional and extra-regional connections related to this pottery. Pottery akin to the Black-on-red ware identified at Tappeh Abbasi has also been unearthed at Hutu, Kamarband, and Komishan caves located in the plains, as well as in Tappeh Sad and Tarkam in the Highlands. Comparable pottery has been documented from sites across the central and northeastern plateaus of Iran, which align chronologically with the concluding phases of the Neolithic era. The lack of absolute chronological data for this site and the Mazandaran region precludes definitive assertions regarding the temporal precedence or reciprocal influences between the red-painted pottery of this area and its neighboring regions. Nevertheless, there exists a clear resemblance in terms of technique and pattern diversity between the pottery from Tappeh Abbasi and that from northeast Iran and the central plateau of Iran, particularly the pottery associated with Cheshmeh Ali. Discussion and Analysis In the stratigraphic trench TTC, the oldest layers, specifically layers 12, 11, and 10, predominantly feature pottery from the Neolithic, transitional Chalcolithic, Chalcolithic Period, and Bronze Age. Layer 12, situated on undisturbed soil, reveals that 64 percent of the pottery is classified as Black-on-red, while 33 percent dates back to the Neolithic era. All Black-on-red ceramics are crafted by hand, utilizing mineral temper. The porosity levels of these ceramics, indicative of the artisans’ skill in pottery production, are recorded at 16 percent for low porosity and 72 percent for medium porosity. The prevalent decorative patterns on these ceramics include parallel and crossed lines. In layer 11, the proportions have shifted to 85 percent for low porosity and 15 percent for medium. These modifications, along with progress in firing methods and a marked decline in the incorporation of plants as temper, appear to imply a phase transition in this layer. Additionally, layer 11 lacks evidence of Neolithic pottery, with Black-on-red wares being the most common. In contrast, layer 10 is characterized predominantly by Bronze Age pottery, while Black-on-red wares are less significant. The decoration on these red potteries is confined to geometric designs, painted in shades that range from dark brown to black. These motifs can be categorized into seven distinct types: parallel lines, basket patterns, ladder patterns, wavy and diagonal patterns, sharply angled broken lines, unique patterns, and simple edge patterns. Analyzing archaeological evidence from surrounding areas and contrasting the prevalent motifs of Black-on-Red pottery, particularly the basket motif from Royan (4040-3660 B.C.) and the ladder motif from Tappeh Pahlavan (4842-5036 B.C.) and Royan (5321-5469 B.C.), which have been precisely dated, reveals significant insights; notably, the basket motif from Royan dates back to 4040-3660 B.C. Conclusion Regarding their stratigraphic positions, decorative motifs, and technical attributes, the Black-on-Red ceramics from Tappeh Abbasi closely resemble the Transitional Chalcolithic (Cheshmeh Ali type) pottery of Iran’s Central Plateau and northeastern regions. Although this study highlights a number of both technical and decorative parallels and distinctions between Tappeh Abbasi ware and that of adjacent areas, it underscores the need for additional field investigations and the establishment of an absolute chronological framework. A provisional relative chronology was developed by comparing motif repertoires across regions. On this basis, the Black-on-Red pottery from the first occupation phase at Tappeh Abbasi (Phase 1) in Layer 12 is tentatively dated to the latter half of the 6th millennium BC. Subsequent technical developments observed in Layer 11 indicate entry into a second stage of Black-on-Red production, which may be regarded as its final phase. In the Bronze Age deposits of Layer 10, the Black-on-Red tradition shows no marked stylistic innovations, though its frequency diminishes. Collectively, the ceramic record from eastern Mazandaran and especially from Tappeh Abbasi suggests that Chalcolithic ceramic evolution in this area followed a distinct trajectory, differing from the Cheshmeh Ali Black-on-Red tradition characteristic of the central plateau. Acknowledgments Appreciation is extended to the officials and managers of the Mazandaran Province General Directorate of Cultural Heritage, Tourism, and Handicrafts for providing financial support for the stratigraphic excavation of Tappeh Abbasi, Khansar, Neka. The excavation permit was issued by the Research Institute of Cultural Heritage and Tourism as well as the Archaeological Research Center; thus, gratitude is expressed to the relevant directors and contributors. Special thanks are given to Mr. Seyed Javad Hosseinzadeh Sadati, Mr. Hossein Ramazanpour, - the late Mr. Mostafa Sharifi, Mr. Mohsen Kakoei, Mr. Serallah Ghasemi Gorji, Mr. Esmaeil Jafarian, Mr. Meysam Miri, Mr. Mousa Rahmani, and Mr. Ali Mahforouzi for their participation in the excavation process; to Mr. Seyed Kamal Asadi Ojayi for his assistance in identifying pottery and reviewing the article’s text and offering scientific suggestions; and also to Ms. Zahra Rajabioon, the pottery designer of the site. شکل‌گیری جوامع دوران مس‌وسنگ در شرق مازندران و شاخص‌های فرهنگی بومی و یا یا فرامنطقه‌ای آن‌ها، از پرسش‌های مهم باستان‌شناسی شرق مازندران هستند. سفال‌ قرمزِ منقوش شاخص‌ترین دادۀ فرهنگی نوسنگی متأخر و دورۀ مس‌وسنگ در شرق مازندران است. شناخت ویژگی‌های این سفال، از نظر فنی و تزئینی چشم‌انداز بهتری از این جوامع و پیوند‌های احتمالی با مناطق هم‌جوار را در بازۀ زمانی هزارۀ ششم تا اواسط هزارۀ پنجم ارائه می‌کند. در این پژوهش از دو منظر به مطالعۀ سفال‌های قرمز منقوش تپه‌عباسی پرداخته شده است؛ نخست مطالعه، طبقه‌بندی و مقایسۀ منطقه‌ای نقوش براساس تمام سفال‌های ثبت شده و دوم تحلیل و آنالیز آماری و فنی سفال‌ها براساس سه کانتکست انتهایی ترانشۀ لایه‌نگاری TTC. از منظر نخست؛ شواهد به‌شکل آشکاری نشان از ارتباط متقابل منطقه‌ای در دوران رواج فرهنگ چشمه‌علی در فلات‌مرکزی (مس‌وسنگ انتقالی) دارد و ازسویی وجود برخی تفاوت‌ها به اثرگذاری فرهنگ‌های بومی در این مرحله اشاره دارد. از منظر دوم، از نظر گاهنگاری، سفال قرمز منقوش را می‌توان به سه مرحله بخش کرد؛ مرحلۀ یک: هم‌زمان با دورۀ نوسنگی پایانی (لایۀ ۱۲، کانتکست ۳۱)، مرحلۀ دو: مس‌وسنگ (با شاخصۀ سفال چرخ‌ساز) (لایۀ ۱۱، کانتکست ۳۰)، مرحلۀ سوم: ادامۀ مرحلۀ دوم در دورۀ مفرغ که با کاهش کمّی و کیفی همراه است (لایۀ ۱۰، کانتکست ۲۶)؛ بنابر‌این، موقعیت سفال‌قرمز منقوش در تپه‌عباسی نکا، هم‌راستا و مشابه با مناطق مجاور و به‌ویژه فلات‌مرکزی، در مراحل پایانی نوسنگی است، اما روندی که بعد از آن طی شده متفاوت از الگو‌هایی است که در فلات‌مرکزی طبقه‌بندی شده است.

https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_5502_13d4635deccc230c944e4ff6e03404b5.pdf

پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران 2345-5225 15 44 2025 05 22 Khatun and the Other Distinguished Women in Chega Sofla Cemetery «خاتون» و دیگر زنانِ ممتاز در گورستان چگاسفلا 41 74 5281 10.22084/nb.2023.27504.2566 FA عباس مقدم دانشیار گروه باستان‌شناسی پیش‌ازتاریخ، پژوهشکدۀ باستان‌شناسی، پژوهشگاه میراث‌فرهنگی و گردشگری، تهران، ایران. 0000-0001-5720-7975 Journal Article 2023 02 13 Abstract For decades, archaeologists have tried to answer questions about the social complexities of prehistoric societies based on archaeological evidence. One of the common questions in this regard is the quality or the nature of social hierarchy in ancient communities. Earlier, in explaining the social hierarchy and especially the social ranks in the chiefdom societies, the researchers hoped to evaluate the difference in the burial pattern of the dead in the burial contexts of the 5th millennium BC in Greater Susiana. Finally, unlike the archaeological evidence obtained from the early cemeteries of Susa, Hakalan, and Dum Gar Parchineh, the limited excavations in the Chega Sofla cemetery, both for the methods used and the quality of its archaeological evidence, have opened a wider window to search for social ranks in prehistoric societies. The number of burials of women compared to men, as well as the quality and the manner devoted to the burial of women in the excavated graves of Chega Sofla, is more impressive. Anthropological studies on significant samples of dental documents have shown that women and men had equal access to food sources and no significant difference was observed regarding dental health between them. This equality was also seen in the amount of implemental use of teeth. Among the 102 burials examined, there is substantial evidence indicating that certain women received particular attention regarding their burial practices, notably through the intricate grave goods placed alongside them (BG1.2; BG7 & CG1.1), as well as the intentional alteration of their skulls (BG1.11, BG1.12, BG1.18, BG1.20, BG1.28, BG1.29, BG1.30), suggesting a clear differentiation in their social status. Furthermore, even within the group of prominent women, the evidence points to the status of BG7 or ‘Khatun’ as indicative of a higher social rank. Consequently, we propose the hypothesis that during the late 5th to early 4th millennium BCE, ‘high-status women’ held considerable social standing in Chega Sofla. Keywords: Chega Sofla, Susa, Hakalan, Dum Gar Parchineh, Chiefdom. Introduction For over a century, archaeologists in Greater Susiana have sought to understand prehistoric social complexity using evidence from settlements and burials. A central question has remained: what form did social hierarchy take in ancient societies? This study focuses on chiefdoms, particularly in the framework suggested by Elman Service and later revised by Timothy Earle. Service defined chiefdoms as redistributive societies, centered around a patriarchal institution coordinating resources. However, inconsistencies in ethnographic and archaeological data led Earle to propose the concept of “complex chiefdoms,” where chiefs are distinguished by specialized roles, different residences, and clear material signs of status. Henry Wright further advanced this discussion through his influential work on “Prestate Political Formations.” He proposed that in southwestern Iran, such societies featured a leadership class independent from the rest of the population. In simpler chiefdoms, local elites wielded power based on hereditary status. In contrast, complex chiefdoms involved competition among elites and had clearer structural divisions. Wright identified three major indicators of complex chiefdoms: (1) distinctive elite residences, often larger and more elaborate than typical homes; (2) specialized architecture e.g., Chogha Mish’s burned building, the Qabr-e Sheykheyn structure, and the Apadana complex in Susa as evidence of hierarchical space; and (3) differentiation in burial practices, where elites were interred in distinct ways, often with elaborate rituals and valuable goods. Against this theoretical backdrop, this paper revisits findings from the Chega Sofla cemetery to evaluate whether patterns of social hierarchy especially involving women can be discerned. Discussion In 2016, archaeological excavations in Chega Sofla’s southwestern gully used a combination of landscape archaeology and archaeomagnetic prospection to uncover eleven graves across 163 square meters. Ten of these were excavated across three zones Areas A, B, and C and dated between 3800 and 4200 BCE. • Area A contained graves AG1, AG2, and AG3. • Area B revealed graves BG1, BG2, BG4, BG5, BG6, and BG7. • Area C had one grave, CG1. (Note: BG3 was not excavated.) The use of bricks in grave construction and the inclusion of carved stone elements distinguishes Chega Sofla from contemporary cemeteries. The graves also yielded a rich array of burial goods, including copper dishes, tools, weapons like swords and daggers, small quantities of gold and silver, and marble vessels of various sizes and forms. Notably, several skulls showed signs of intentional deformation. Two burial types were observed: single and multiple interments, with no apparent effort to spatially separate them within the cemetery. Among the most striking discoveries was BG7, an unstructured pit between two multiple-burial graves (BG1 and BG5). This pit contained the remains of a young woman, around 25 years old, identified by the excavation team as “Khatun.” BG1 to the north was a square grave holding 52 skeletons, with a foundation made of carved stones and walls of chineh (mud layers). BG5 to the south was a quadrangular grave with five individuals and a brick-lined structure reinforced by buttresses. Khatun’s burial was unique not only due to her isolation between two large group graves but also because of the grave goods. Among the items found were: 1. Copper Artifacts – Vessels, tools, and weapons, including a nearly 60 cm-long ceremonial sword made of 97% copper, which may have symbolized status rather than practical use. 2. Gold Plating and Beads – A copper basin with traces of gold plating and a small gold ornament placed near her head. These are among the earliest gold artifacts found in Iranian prehistory and predate comparable finds from sites like Turkmenistan and Tepe Borj. 3. Marble Weight – A heavy marble weight (7.2 kg) with perforations for suspension. Positioned in front of her head, this object could symbolize economic control or authority in standardization. 4. Deliberate Skull Modification – Observed not only in Khatun’s grave but also in several others (BG1.11, BG1.12, BG1.18, BG1.20, BG1.28, BG1.29, BG1.30), possibly signifying elite status or group identity. Such elements suggest that Khatun’s burial was intended to communicate her elevated role. Moreover, the fact that her grave disrupted the southern wall of BG1 hints at her posthumous significance. Nearby burials of other prominent women e.g., CG1.1 and BG1.2 also showed rich grave goods, although not at the same level. Biological anthropology findings further support these interpretations. Dental analyses indicate no meaningful differences between men and women in terms of diet or oral health, suggesting that daily life conditions were broadly equal. However, the nature of grave goods and burial treatment shows differentiation likely rooted in social, symbolic, or political factors not biology. Taken together, these indicators point to an emergent social class of elite women, with Khatun possibly occupying the highest tier among them. These women may have held political, economic, or symbolic authority in their communities, challenging the assumption that power in prehistoric chiefdoms was exclusively male. Conclusion What has been obtained from the examination of the tomb of “Khatun” in Chaga Sofla presents us with a rather different picture of life and social structure in the late 5th millennium BC. This tomb, both in terms of its spatial location and in terms of the type and variety of objects accompanying the deceased, clearly indicates the special status of the buried individual. The presence of objects such as a copper sword and dagger, a gold bead, a heavy marble weight, as well as copper vessels coated with gold, shows that we are dealing with an individual who not only had access to rare and valuable resources, but also probably had a privileged position among his society. It is noteworthy that some of the items found in the tomb of “Khatun” are not only seen in this particular tomb, but also examples of them have been found in other parts of southwestern Iran; but their composition, quantity, and quality are distinct in the tomb of “Khatun”. In fact, one could say that we are dealing with powerful women who were part of the social structure and even decision-making in their community.it is as if we are dealing with a person in this grave who had power, wealth, and perhaps even a kind of social legitimacy in her time. What can be understood from the archaeological data of Chaga Sofla, and especially the “women” grave, goes beyond a mere material find. This data takes us to the heart of a society in transition; a society in which signs of social difference, the formation of authority, and perhaps the first sparks of political organization were emerging. As one of the rarest sites to contain such evidence, Chaga Sofla provides an opportunity to take a closer, more humane, and more complex look at prehistoric societies; societies that were more organized, had a variety of roles, and possessed signs of power and legitimacy than we had previously imagined. It is clear that our evidence is still insufficient. Prehistoric settlements in Greater Susiana have still been excavated on a very limited scale, and many previous excavations have been left unfinished; many parts of the Susa cemetery have been completely destroyed and there is no hope of recovering archaeological evidence from them; large parts of the Hakalan, Dum Gar Parchineh, and Chaga Sofla cemeteries have not yet been excavated; our knowledge of the newly found cemetery called Abad, which is considered the fifth earliest cemetery in Iran and is located a short distance from the Chaga Sofla cemetery, is still very scanty. But we very much hope that extensive archaeological research on the unique wealth of archaeological remains from the fifth millennium BCE in the Zuhreh Plain will reveal clearer and more extensive evidence about the “Complex Chiefdoms” and especially the position of women in one of the most important prehistoric periods. دهه‌هاست که باستان‌شناسان کوشیده‌اند تا برپایۀ شواهد باستان‌شناختی به پرسش‌هایی دربارۀ پیچیدگی‌های اجتماعی جوامع پیش‌ازتاریخی پاسخ دهند؛ یکی از پرسش‌های معمول در این‌راستا، کیفیت یا چگونگی سلسله‌مراتب اجتماعی در جوامع باستانی است. پیش‌تر، پژوهشگران در توضیح سلسله‌مراتب اجتماعی و خصوصاً رتبه‌های اجتماعی در جوامع خان‌سالار امیدوار بودند تا در بستر‌های تدفینی هزارۀ پنجم پیش‌ازمیلاد در شوشان بزرگ تمایز در الگوی دفن مردگان را مورد ارزیابی قرار دهند. سرانجام اما، برخلاف مدارک باستان‌شناختی به‌دست آمده از گورستان‌های اولیۀ شوش، هکلان و دم‌گر پرچینه، کاوش‌های محدود در گورستان چگاسفلا به تناسب روش‌شناسی و کیفیت مدارک باستان‌شناختی مطلوبش دریچه‌های فراخی برای پی‌جویی رتبه‌های اجتماعی در جوامع پیش‌ازتاریخ به روی ما گشوده است. شمار تدفین‌های زنان به نسبت مردان و نیز کیفیت و توجه به نحوۀ تدفین زنان در بستر‌های تدفینی گورهای کاوش شدۀ چگاسفلا چشم‌گیرتر است. مطالعات انسان‌شناسی برروی نمونه‌های قابل‌توجهی از مدارک دندانی نشان‌داده است که زنان و مردان دسترسی یکسانی به منابع غذایی داشته و تفاوت معنی‌داری درخصوص بهداشت دهان و دندان میان آنان مشاهده نشد. این برابری در میزان استفادۀ ابزاری از دندان‌ها نیز دیده شد؛ اما، در بین ۱۰۲ تدفین شناسایی شده، مدارک روشنی از توجه ویژه به برخی زنان ازنظر نحوۀ تدفین و خصوصاً هدایای گوری مفصل پیرامونشان (BG1.2; BG7 & CG1.1)، و نیز در میزان تغییر شکل عامدانۀ جمجمه (BG1.11, BG1.12, BG1.18, BG1.20, BG1.28, BG1.29, BG1.30) در دست است که می‌توان نشانه‌های بارزی از تمایز در رتبۀ اجتماعی آن‌ها را تصور کرد. علاوه‌بر آن، حتی در بین زنان شاخص، شواهد موجود بیانگر سرآمدی تدفین BG7 یا «خاتون» در رتبۀ اجتماعی است. برپایۀ مدارک به‌دست آمده، این فرضیه را ارائه می‌دهد که در اواخر هزارۀ پنجم تا اوایل هزارۀ چهارم پیش‌ازمیلاد، «زنان ممتاز» در چگاسفلا از رتبۀ اجتماعی قابل‌توجهی برخوردار بودند.

https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_5281_980b2e71a187f092466c13bf42cd6413.pdf

پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران 2345-5225 15 44 2025 05 22 Mountain Protector in Delfan, Northern Luristan یاور کوهستان در دلفان، شمال لرستان 75 98 5154 10.22084/nb.2023.26194.2478 FA بهار رضائی باغ بیدی دکتری باستان‌شناسی، گروه باستان‌شناسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. 0009-0003-5447-7875 محمد امین میرقادری دکتری باستان‌شناسی، مدرس گروه شهرسازی، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، دانشگاه کردستان، سنندج، ایران (نویسندۀ مسئول). 0000-0002-0281-2286 کمال الدین نیک نامی استاد گروه باستان‌شناسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. 0000-0001-5273-8179 جبرئیل نوکنده دانشیار گروه باستان‌شناسی، پژوهشکدۀ باستان‌شناسی، پژوهشگاه میراث‌فرهنگی و گردشگری، تهران، ایران 0000-0002-6314-9107 Journal Article 2022 04 25 Abstract Elam is recognized as a key topic for researchers exploring its cultural and political role in the Ancient Near East, a historical period characterized by both triumphs and challenges. The cultural artifacts from this time have been extensively cataloged through archaeological investigations. Among these artifacts, seals are particularly important as they provide researchers with a detailed understanding of the cultural events of the era. Moreover, inscription stamps reveal information about their owners, including their identities and professions. Through their artistic representations, cylinder seals illuminate various facets of ancient cultures, including clothes and fashions, building techniques and decoration, weaponry and furnishings, agricultural methods and accoutrements, as well as ritual actions and ceremonies, such as royal hunts, banquets and worship/presentation scenes. A 2019 examination of a collection from the National Museum of Iran, which featured 50 Elamite cylinder seals from the Old and Middle Elam eras, led to the identification of an inscribed seal which had been recovered from Delfan. Although this seal had been previously reviewed by Ascalone, its inscription had not been translated until now, revealing the names of two individuals associated with the seal. It is likely that these figures were well-regarded scribes. Although the specific location of the seal is unknown, the inscription and its references in other texts can provide us with substantial information. This paper will investigate the seal’s stylistic features and form, analyze the text, and determine its date. Based on that, this seal is associated with an individual named Šadu-nasir from the ancient Elam period, which not only illustrates the impact of Elamite culture in this region (Delfan) but also offers crucial insights into the relationships between Khuzestan and the Central Zagros in the early second millennium BC. This research will address the identity of Šadu-nasir and the reasons for the presence of his seal in Delfan. Keywords: National Museum of Iran, Cylinder Seal, Delfan, Šadu-nasir, Ili-unneni. Introduction Moorey describes cylinder seals as “the most distinctive artefact created by the Sumerians”. Indeed, cylinder seals are often found in the excavations of Mesopotamian sites and other areas of the Ancient Near East for close to three millennia and form a group of diagnostic artefacts within the region’s material culture. Cylinder seals are generally valuable artefacts, as trends, social movements, and changes can be traced in their study. Much of our understanding of Mesopotamian iconography, imagery of the gods and mythology comes from glyptic studies, and the images found on seals further provide an insight into every day, quotidian life that is unparalleled elsewhere. Cylinder seals, through their depictions, provide insights into clothes and fashions, building techniques and decoration, weaponry and furnishings, agricultural methods and accoutrements, as well as ritual actions and ceremonies, such as royal hunts, banquets and worship/presentation scenes. In addition, cylinder seals, particularly those that feature the name of a ruler or prominent figure, can offer significant insights for dating. Nonetheless, relying on seals and sealings for dating is fraught with challenges and requires a cautious approach. Seals and sealings also provide information concerning the society’s administration and control mechanisms and testify to trade and social contacts both within a single community and between communities. However, either by deliberate design or dearth of information, most past glyptic studies have tended to focus primarily on Mesopotamian1 examples. Indeed, a plethora of studies has been devoted to the cylinder seals of Mesopotamia. Further investigations have addressed the glyptic materials of Mesopotamia, examining aspects such as their functions, production methods, and the origins of their materials. Readers seeking more information referred to the works of Collon; moreover, Moorey provides an insightful introduction to the materials and techniques involved in the creation of Mesopotamian seals, while the various contributions of Porada lay a solid groundwork for a more art historical examination of glyptic studies. Matthews offers a recent and credible introduction to contemporary glyptic research. Finally, the studies by Ferioli, Fiandra, and Zettler are essential for understanding the modern utilization of glyptic materials as sources of functional data rather than solely as artistic creations. Cylinder seals are often used as evidence for changing patterns of a society’s ethnic, social or cultural structure. The presence of a particular glyptic style, along with certain image types or methods of depiction, can illustrate the introduction of individuals or, more accurately, the influence or contact with other groups. Thus, the evident rise in Mesopotamian glyptic artifacts at Susa during the early third millennium BC indicates a more substantial Mesopotamian cultural influence in that area. Conclusion Based on stylistic analysis, comparison, and typology, the relative chronology of the Šadu-Nasir cylinder seal can be assigned to approximately 1650–1550 BCE. This dating aligns with the period indicated by texts from Susa that mention the name Šadu-Nasir. If Šadu-Nasir referenced by the Delfan seal is indeed the same individual as the one named in the Susa texts, then this seal belonged to a trusted scribe and witness named Šadu-Nasir, whose name appears in the documents from Susa. His father, Ili-Unneni, was also a reliable scribe, and it is likely that he is not the same individual as the Ili-Unneni mentioned in the Manana texts, as those documents date to the early 20th century BCE. Šadu-Nasir and Ili-Unneni were contemporaries during the reigns of Kuk-Našur II and Kuduzuluš II, with the seal itself also originating from this era. The dual role of Šadu-Nasir as both scribe and witness suggest a notable social standing. Given that personal belongings were generally interred with the deceased, and considering that the Šadu-Nasir seal, akin to other Luristan cylinder seals, was likely found in a burial setting, it is plausible that Šadu-Nasir’s tomb is in Delfan. Nevertheless, the finding of a seal within a funerary context may prompt specific considerations. Assuming that Šadu-Nasir’s burial site is indeed in Delfan, a number of questions arise: Was he a native of the Delfan region? What were the reasons for his interment there, or what led him to Delfan? Given the name Šadu-Nasir and the fact that his father was active in Susa, it seems unlikely that he originated from Delfan. Moreover, as previously indicated, the style of the Šadu-Nasir seal is distinct from the local Luristan style, which was produced for the inhabitants of the Zagros mountains. This further substantiates the argument that Šadu-Nasir was not a local resident of Delfan. Considering the influence of the Sukkalmah dynasty in the Zagros and the long-standing cultural and economic connections between Khuzestan and the central Zagros, it is not surprising to find individuals from Susa present in this region. As mentioned above, Šadu-Nasir ’s profession was that of a scribe, and in the Susa texts, he is recorded as a scribe and witness in property registrations. This occupation appears to have been hereditary, as his father and likely his grandfather were also reputable scribes (with Ili-Unnini described as a distinguished scribe). It is plausible that Šadu-Nasir traveled to Delfan for the purpose of registering property and, for unknown reasons, died there, with his body and seal interred in Delfan. Centuries later, because of processes such as erosion or illicit excavations, the Šadu-Nasir seal was discovered and eventually brought to the National Museum of Iran. This artifact has thus become the subject of historical and archaeological research, and after 3,700 years, the names of Šadu-Nasir and his father, along with their possible life stories, are once again the focus of scholarly investigation and are mentioned in this article. This narrative highlights the complexity of Elamite social structure, the mobility of officials, and the enduring connections between Elamite administrative centers and the broader Zagros region, as reflected in both art histories and archaeological record. سرزمین باستانی ایلام دارای مجموعۀ قابل‌توجهی از بقایای فرهنگی است و سهم چشمگیری در شناسایی فرهنگ، روابط اقتصادی، تجاری و هنر جوامع خاور نزدیک در طی هزاره‌های سوم، دوم و اول پیش‌ازمیلاد دارد. ازمیان بقایای فرهنگی این دوره که از کاوش‌های علمی باستان‌شناسی به‌دست آمده، مُهرهای استوانه‌ای و نیز اثرمُهر ازجمله شواهد بسیار مهمی هستند که می‌توانند سیمای روشنی از رویدادهای فرهنگی این دوره برای پژوهشگران ترسیم نمایند؛ همچنین مهرهای کتیبه‌دار ما را با صاحبانشان نیز آشنا می‌کنند که چه کسانی بوده‌اند، شغل آن‌ها چه بوده یا دارای چه جایگاه و منزلت اجتماعی بوده‌اند؟ در سال 1398ه‍.ش. مجموعه‌ای از مهرهای موزۀ ملی ایران شامل 50عدد مهر استوانه‌ای ایلامی (ایلام قدیم و میانه) بررسی و مطالعه شدند. درمیان این مهرها، مهری کتیبه‌دار شناسایی شد که گرچه پیش از این توسط «اسکالونه» بررسی و در رسالۀ وی منعکس شده بود، اما متن آن ترجمه نشده بود؛ لذا با ترجمۀ این مهر که از دلفان به‌دست آمده است به‌نام دو نفر برمی‌خوریم که احتمالاً کاتبانی شناخته شده هستند. اگرچه از محل دقیق مهر اطلاع دقیقی در دست نیست، اما با توجه به کتیبه‌ای که برروی آن به‌چشم می‌خورد و ذکر این نام برروی کتیبه‌های دیگر می‌تواند اطلاعات خوبی را در اختیار ما قرار دهد. در این پژوهش به بررسی سبک و فرم این مهر، بررسی متن تاریخ‌گذاری آن پرداخته شده است؛ بر این‌اساس، این مهر مربوط به شخصی به‌نام «شدو ناصیر» و متعلق به دورۀ ایلام قدیم است که علاوه‌بر این‌که نفوذ فرهنگ ایلامی در این منطقه را نشان می‌دهد، بلکه سرنخ مهمی از روابط خوزستان و زاگرس‌مرکزی در اوایل هزارۀ دوم پیش‌ازمیلاد است. در این پژوهش به این نکات پرداخته خواهد شد که شدو ناصیر کیست و چرا مهر وی در دلفان یافت شده است؟

https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_5154_18a411989b47ed75a60ac69d9da05aa5.pdf

پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران 2345-5225 15 44 2025 05 22 The Role of Environmental and Geographical Factors in the Dispersion of Median Sites مطالعۀ نقش عوامل محیطی و جغرافیایی در پراکندگی محوطه‌های دورۀ ماد 99 136 5264 10.22084/nb.2023.26437.2588 FA زینب ولی زاده قره آغاجی دانشجوی دکتری باستان‌شناسی، گروه باستان‌شناسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. 0009-0002-1857-0311 مهرداد ملکزاده استادیار گروه باستان‌شناسی، پژوهشکدۀ باستان‌شناسی، پژوهشگاه میراث‌فرهنگی و گردشگری، تهران، ایران (نویسندۀ مسئول). 0009-0003-0511-0911 Journal Article 2023 05 06 Abstract The analysis of site distribution suggests that the Median territory, at its maximum extent, encompassed a substantial area that included western and northwestern Iran, eastern Asia Minor, and portions of northern Mesopotamia extending to northeastern Iran and southern Turkmenistan. As a result, the attributes of the associated material culture are unlikely to be consistent throughout this extensive region. The broad dispersion of Median sites, coupled with the geographical and cultural heterogeneity of the area, poses considerable challenges for archaeological investigations pertaining to this period. It is logical to assume that geographical and environmental elements significantly influenced the distribution of these sites and the development of the cultural landscape. Nevertheless, comprehensive studies exploring the effects of geographical, environmental, and spatial conditions on the placement of Median sites remain lacking. This research aims to analyze various environmental and geographical characteristics of Median sites and evaluate the influence of these factors on site distribution through the application of Geographic Information Systems (GIS) and spatial analysis. Our findings indicate that various environmental and geographical characteristics may serve as key criteria for selecting locations of establishments during Median period. Significantly, the primary factors include accessibility to transportation routes, especially the Great Khorasan Road, and the availability of surface water resources. Continued archaeological investigations into the Median period, coupled with further analysis of cultural attributes and the discovery of additional Median sites, will enhance the depth and precision of studies regarding the cultural landscape and the elements that influenced its formation. Keywords: Median Period, Cultural Landscape, Geographic Information System (GIS), Spatial Analysis, Site Selection. Introduction The Iron Age III (850–550 BCE) in Iran and its neighboring regions, chronologically corresponding to the Median period, has always been surrounded by considerable historical and archaeological ambiguities and questions. Overall, investigations into the culture and archaeology of this era encounter specific limitations and challenges. These issues primarily stem from the scarcity of written documentation and references from the time, inconsistencies in historical records, and a lack of systematic methodologies in archaeological field work, compounded by the scattered nature of material evidence. Although Median-period sites are widely distributed across various geographical and climatic regions, a thorough examination of how geographical conditions and factors influence site selection and the spatial attributes of these settlements has yet to be undertaken. This article seeks to explore the impact of environmental and geographical elements on the development and distribution of Median sites. Materials and Methods This study seeks to explore the cultural landscape of locations associated with the Median period, examining the environmental and geographical elements that shaped this landscape through a landscape archaeology framework, which emphasizes the relationship between human societies and their environment, while also employing spatial analysis techniques within a Geographic Information System (GIS). The objective of the research is to elucidate the spatial distribution and evaluate the degree to which environmental factors impacted the distribution and site selection of Late Iron Age (Median) settlements. Data Until quite recently, our knowledge about the archaeology of the Median period was restricted to some scanty information and the findings recovered from Nūsh-i Jān (Malayer), Godin (Kangavar) and Bābā Jān (Nūrābād). However, the archaeological knowledge regarding this period has been expanded during the past two decades. In recent years, several studies have been conducted on the Median sites. These studies and excavations have not only led to the discovery of more Median sites in western and northwestern Iran but have also expanded the extent of the Median territory from the west into eastern Asia Minor and parts of northern Mesopotamia. Furthermore, archaeological investigations in the Central Iranian Plateau (Eastern Media) have identified Median sites in areas such as Qom, Qazvin Plain, Isfahan, and Tehran and Rey plains. To the east, recent excavations in Semnan and Khorasan have uncovered evidence of Median settlements. Additionally, excavations beyond Iran’s modern borders in Turkmenistan have revealed Median sites, further extending the Median territory to the east. These discoveries have provided new insights into Median archaeology and have helped define the geographical dispersion of the associated culture, from the western regions to the eastern boundaries. In order to compile a reliable inventory of sites from the Median period and assess the impact of natural and geographical factors on them, this study has aimed to include, as far as possible, all sites with definitive evidence of the Median period preferably those identified through archaeological excavations and for which published, accessible, and citable information is available. The analysis is limited to sites with precise geographic coordinates. Consequently, many sites identified during archaeological surveys, for which detailed results have not been published or made fully accessible, are not considered in this research. Discussion Spatial analysis indicates that the formation of Median-period sites was influenced by factors such as elevation, access to surface water resources, and slope. However, communication routes and access to natural passageways were likely the most significant factors in the distribution of these sites. The strategic position of Media and the main trade route in the region, namely the Great Khorasan Road, point to the great importance of communication and trade between Mesopotamia and Central Asia during the Median period. It appears that the Medes monopolized the affairs of the trade routes between Mesopotamia and Khorasan, hence the reason for the fact that they brought a great deal of wealth to the region. It is reasonable to assume that a significant portion of the Medes’ income in major cities such as Rey and Hamadan came from taxes or levies collected from merchants and traders. In return for these payments, the Medes would have probably provided security for the important transportation routes. Prior to the formation of the independent Media, it was the Assyrians who monitored, controlled and provided security for parts of the Great Khorasan Road in western Iran. Subsequently, the Assyrian trade networks were affected due to the disobedience of the local rulers, especially the Medes, in the Zagros region. This is also confirmed by environmental and geographical data, which also demonstrate the significance of communication networks in the dispersion and location of the index areas of the Median period. Conclusion This study, using a landscape archaeology approach and spatial analysis in a Geographic Information System (GIS), examines the geographical factors influencing the distribution pattern of Median-period sites and the impact of environmental conditions on the cultural landscape of the Median territory. The analysis reveals that variables related to landforms and topography such as elevation, slope, proximity to rivers and surface water flows, and the location of sites in relation to natural passageways and communication routesplayed a significant role in the distribution of these sites. Notably, access to communication routes was crucial in the selection of Median settlement sites. Most identified sites, even in areas with less favorable natural conditions, are located along the main east-west route, the Great Khorasan Road, and its branches. براساس پراکندگی محوطه‌های شاخص شناسایی‌شده از دورۀ ماد، قلمرو ماد در زمان توسعه و اوج قدرت از مناطق غربی و شمال‌غربی ایران امروز، شرق آسیای صغیر و بخش‌هایی از شمال میانرودان تا مناطق شمال‌شرقی ایران کنونی و جنوب ترکمنستان را دربر می‌‌گرفته است؛ به‌همین‌دلیل، نمی‌توان انتظارداشت خصوصیات فرهنگ مادّی این دوره به‌طور کامل در تمامی این قلمرو یکسان باشد. پراکندگی وسیع محوطه‌های دورۀ ماد و تنوع جغرافیایی و فرهنگی در این منطقۀ گسترده، یکی از مواردی است که مطالعات باستان‌شناسی این دوره را با چالش‌های زیادی روبه‌رو می‌سازد. مسلماً شرایط جغرافیایی و عوامل محیطی در این پراکندگی و مکان‌گزینی این محوطه‌ها و شکل‌گیری منظر فرهنگی این مناطق نقش بسیاری داشته‌اند؛ با این‌حال، تاکنون پژوهشی مستقل و جامع دربارۀ تأثیر شرایط و عوامل جغرافیایی و محیطی در مکان‌یابی و ویژگی‌های مکانی محوطه‌های مادی صورت نگرفته است. در این پژوهش به ویژگی‌ها و شرایط محیطی و جغرافیایی مختلف در ارتباط با مجموع محوطه‌های شاخص شناسایی‌شده از دورۀ ماد پرداخته می‌شود و با استفاده از سیستم اطلاعات جغرافیایی و تحلیل‌های مکانی میزان تأثیر این‌شرایط بر پراکندگی، تراکم و مکان‌گزینی محوطه‌ها مورد سنجش قرار می‌گیرد. نتایج این مطالعه نشان می‌دهد که می‌توان شاخصه‌ها و ویژگی‌های طبیعی و جغرافیایی مشخصی را به‌عنوان معیارهای مکان‌گزینی استقرارگاه‌های دورۀ ماد پیشنهاد داد؛ بر این‌اساس، مهم‌ترین و تأثیرگذارترین عوامل طبیعی مؤثر در پراکندگی محوطه‌های دورۀ ماد و شکل‌گیری منظر فرهنگی این دوره، دسترسی به گذرگاه‌های طبیعی، به‌ویژه مسیر شاهراه خراسان و همچنین دسترسی به منابع آب‌های سطحی بوده است؛ البته قطعاً با ادامۀ مطالعات باستان‌شناسی تخصصی دورۀ ماد، شناخت بیشتر ویژگی‌های فرهنگی این دوره و شناسایی محوطه‌ها و استقراگاه‌های مادی جدید در این گسترۀ فرهنگی می‌توان مطالعات و بررسی‌های جامع‌تر و دقیق‌تری برروی منظر فرهنگی دورۀ ماد و عوامل مؤثر بر شکل‌گیری این منظر فرهنگی انجام‌داد.

https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_5264_6332a8f62e3a9d5831724f2ffe55cae0.pdf

پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران 2345-5225 15 44 2025 05 22 Achaemenid in the Kur River Basin: Introduction on the Identity of The Exchange and Trade هخامنشیان در حوضۀ رود کُر: درآمدی بر ماهیت مبادله و تجارت 137 163 5360 10.22084/nb.2023.27515.2567 FA فرشاد میری استادیار گروه باستان‌شناسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی دانشگاه لرستان، خرم‌آباد، ایران (نویسندۀ مسئول). Journal Article 2023 02 15 Abstract In order to properly understand the social and economic structures of ancient governments, the initial core and the focus of their formation is of special importance. The Kur River Basin, located in the North of Fars Province, is one of these Civilization Nuclei, which is considered the focal point of formation (along with the Sivand River Basin) of the Achaemenid Empire. The construction of Persepolis as one of the main capitals of Achaemenid by Darius I, as well as the existence of an important place such as Humadesu/Matezis (related to before Persepolis) in the discussed area, clearly shows its importance. The documents and evidence discovered or exported (The Persepolis Tablet Archive and the Akkadian texts of the Egibi’s trading company archive) from the mentioned places provide a clear perspective about the exchange and trade situation of the Kur river basin. The current research tries to discuss and examine the status of trade and exchange in the geographical area of the Kur River by means of a descriptive-analytical method and by examining the remaining documents and evidences from the Achaemenid period. Fortification’s texts are about the exchange of surplus goods from warehouses (grains, wine, fruit) with each other and with durable goods (sheep, goats, cows, mules and money/silver) in the form of exchanges called “Secular”, “Religious”, and They called “šaumarraš”. The purpose of supplying goods in the mentioned cases is to prevent the products from Waste and spoiling (primary purpose) and to earn profit (secondary purpose). The parties to the exchange probably include groups/individuals affiliated with the Persepolis Organization, Persian Nobles, free individuals and Peasants, and oxyians of the southwestern region. Some of the Elamite texts of Persepolis, together with the Akkadian’s documents of the Egibi’s archive, confirm the presence of Babylonian’s merchants in the important centers of the Kur river basin (Humadešu/Mateziš and Persepolis) and the exchanges between them and Persian’s merchants. According to these documents, the main occupation of Babylonian’s merchants in the Persepolis region was slave trade. There is also evidence of the exchange of labor and the use of the services of parties between Babylon and the Kur river. Keywords: Achaemenid Empire, Kur River Basin, Persepolis Archive, Exchange and Trade, Babylonian’s Merchant. Introduction When the Achaemenid Empire was formed and started to develop, it was able to reach various lands with special businesses. Many of the nations that came under the control of the Achaemenids had a commercial profession and had been trading with different regions for a long time. One of these areas is the Kur River Basin, located in the north of Fars province, whose archeological researches on its extensive commercial relations with different lands (Persian Gulf, Mesopotamia, etc.) It proves that before the rise of Achaemenid, especially in the early Elamite/Middle Banish phase (Sumner, 2003) and Old Elam/Kaftri (Nickerson, 1991; Stolper, n.d: 6-35). Nevertheless, the documents and evidence related to trade in the Achaemenid period of the Kur River region are scattered and few and often include a small number of Tablets from Persepolis and Akkadian texts discovered from the archives of Egibi Company in Babylon. Objects and other archaeological artifacts do not provide much information in this field and are almost silent. This research was compiled with the aim of trying to explain and clarify the situation of trade and exchange in the Kur river basin during the Achaemenid period. The basis of the present research is to answer the following questions: What was the status of trade and exchange in the Kur river basin during the Achaemenid period? What groups/individuals and ethnicities were the parties to the exchange with the administrative/economic organization of Persepolis? What kind of goods, products and objects have been exchanged in these exchanges? Documents and evidences tell about the exchange of surplus goods at the end of the year in warehouses (mainly grain, wine and fruit) with each other, with weighted money/silver (probably with Persian nobles, individuals and free peasants, etc.) and with livestock. It has styles and animals of Babar’s land. Intensive trade relations have also been established between the merchants of Persepolis/Kur River and Babylonia, whose main business was apparently based on buying and selling “slaves”. Identified Traces The archival of Persepolis mentions three types of exchange of goods for goods, religious and trade. In Secular and religious exchanges, mainly the exchange of goods or clearing takes place. The goods exchanged in Secular exchanges are more diverse and include all kinds of grains, fruits, wine, light and heavy livestock, beasts of burden, clothes and even young female slaves. But religious exchanges only include the exchange of grain and wine with light livestock. The exchange rates are usually fixed and ordered. Also, the price of beasts of burden and cattle followed a certain standard based on their quality and was fixed exactly like the relative value of wine, grain and fruit. In Secular exchanges, the optimal control of warehouse stock in order to prevent damage and spoilage of products is the main goal, and economic benefits are a secondary goal. The parties to the transaction with the administrative organization of Persepolis in such exchanges can include internal groups (groups/individuals covered by the Fortification archive), foreign/semi-foreign (semi-autonomous ethnic groups, including cattle-raising oxyans) - Farmers living in the southwest region) Persian nobles or free people and peasants. In religious exchanges, according to the type of goods (grains/wine in exchange for sheep/goats) and the economic policies of the Persepolis Organization, it seems that the purpose of the exchange and the parties involved in it are different from the previous type. In religious exchanges, according to the type of goods (grains/wine in exchange for sheep/goats) and the economic policies of the Persepolis Organization, it seems that the purpose of the exchange and the parties involved in it are different from the previous type. In addition to barter or commodity-to-commodity exchanges, a number of Fortification Tablets mention exchanges based on the circulation of silver/money (saumaras) in the Persepolis region. In this type of economic exchange, goods are not exchanged, but storekeepers receive silver in exchange for goods; according to a fixed ratio. Cash payments and exchanges, along with the references of the Tablets to the exchange place/places called “Zamatas”, indicate the existence of markets for private goods in the Persepolis/Kur area. Governmental control over these markets and the setting of mandated prices for goods distracts the mind from the existence of any free market. Akkadian texts refer to the active presence of Babylonian merchants in Achaemenid Persia and their close relationship with Persian merchants; It means an emphasis on trade with distant lands. According to these documents, the representatives of the famous Egibi trading house were engaged in business in Pars during the reign of Cyrus, Kambises, Smerdis/Bardia and Darius. Buying and selling slaves, loan payments and labor exchange form the main areas of trade between the two regions. Conclusion The archival documents of Persepolis categorize exchanges into three types: secular, religious, and saumaras. The governing principle of these exchanges predominantly revolves around the barter of surplus goods from warehouses, including the exchange of grains for wine and among grains themselves, as well as pack animals, small livestock, and silver. The foremost goal is to maintain optimal inventory control within the warehouses, with economic profit being a secondary consideration. The entities involved in the transaction with the administrative body of Persepolis may consist of internal factions (groups or individuals documented in the Fortification archive), foreign or semi-foreign entities (semi-autonomous ethnic groups, such as livestock-rearing oxyians and farmers residing in the southwestern region), as well as Persian aristocrats, free individuals, and agricultural laborers. Alongside domestic exchanges, the Akkadian writings found in the Egibi archive of Babylon, which were inscribed in Homadshu/Matezis, as well as several tablets from Persepolis, demonstrate commerce with foreign and distant territories of the empire. These texts reveal that significant trading relationships were developed between Babylonian and Persian merchants throughout the reigns of Cyrus, Cambyses, Smerdis, and Darius. The slave trade is viewed as the foremost and principal transaction conducted by these merchants, with Matezis and Persepolis playing a crucial role in this sector. Besides the slave trade, written accounts also highlight the labor exchange and the provision of services between the areas of the Kur River and Babylon in the Achaemenid period. برای شناخت مناسب ساختارهای اجتماعی و اقتصادی حکومت‌های باستانی، نطفۀ اولیه و کانون شکل‌گیری آن‌ها اهمیتی ویژه دارد. حوضۀ رود کُر واقع‌در شمال استان فارس، ازجمله این هسته‌های تمدنی به‌شمار می‌رود که کانون اصلی شکل‌گیری (به‌همراه حوضۀ رود سیوند) شاهنشاهی هخامنشی محسوب می‌شود. احداث بنای تخت‌جمشید به‌عنوان یکی از پایتخت‌های اصلی هخامنشیان توسط «داریوش اول» و همچنین وجود مکان مهمی چون «هومادشو/متزیش» (مربوط به قبل از بنای تخت‌جمشید) در ناحیۀ مورد بحث، به‌خوبی نشان از اهمیت آن دارد. اسناد و مدارک کشف‌ یا صادرشده (گِل‌نوشته‌های بایگانی تخت‌جمشید و متون اکدی بایگانی شرکت تجاری اگیبی) از مکان‌های مذکور تا حدودی چشم‌انداز روشنی راجع‌به وضعیت مبادله و تجارتِ حوضۀ رود کر در اختیار می‌گذارند. پژوهش حاضر تلاش دارد تا با روش توصیفی-تحلیلی و با بررسی اسناد و شواهد باقی‌مانده از دورۀ هخامنشی، چگونگی وضعیت مبادله و تجارت در محدودۀ جغرافیایی رود کر را مورد بحث و بررسی قرار دهد. متون بارو از معاوضۀ کالاهای مازاد انبارها (غلات، شراب، میوه) با یک‌دیگر و با کالاهای بادوام (گوسفند، بز، گاو، قاطر و پول/نقره) در قالب مبادلاتی موسوم به «ساده/مادی»، «مذهبی»، و «شَئومَرَش» صحبت می‌کنند. هدف از عرضۀ کالاها در موارد یادشده، جلوگیری از خراب و فاسدشدن محصولات (هدف اولیه) و کسب سود (هدف ثانویه) است. طرف‌های مبادله احتمالاً شامل گروه‌ها/افراد وابسته به سازمان تخت‌جمشید، اشراف پارسی، اشخاص و دهقانان آزاد و اوکسی‌های ناحیۀِ جنوب‌غربی می‌شود. برخی از متون ایلامی تخت‌جمشید به‌همراه اسناد اکدی بایگانی اگیبی، حضور تجار بابلی در مراکز مهم حوضۀ رود کر (هومادشو/متزیش و تخت‌جمشید) و مبادلات بین آن‌ها و بازرگانان پارسی را تصدیق می‌کنند. طبق این اسناد، پیشۀ اصلی بازرگان بابلی در ناحیۀ تخت‌جمشید تجارت بَرده بوده است؛ همچنین شواهدی از تبادل نیروی کار و استفاده از خدمات طرفین بین بابل و رود کر وجود دارد.

https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_5360_4c4e5249f45d8cf6a0387c58ac13f514.pdf

پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران 2345-5225 15 44 2025 05 22 A huge Adobe Structure, A Novelty from the Iron Age III in Qara-Hasanlu, Namin, Ardabil سازۀ عظیم خشتی، نویافته‌ای از عصر آهن III در محوطۀ قره‌حسنلو نمین، اردبیل 165 196 5031 10.22084/nb.2023.26886.2527 FA فریبرز طهماسبی دانشجوی دکتری باستان‌شناسی، گروه باستان‌شناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم‌اجتماعی، دانشگاه محقق‌اردبیلی، اردبیل، ایران. 0009-0002-1857-0311 رضا رضالو استاد گروه باستان‌شناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم‌اجتماعی، دانشگاه محقق‌اردبیلی، اردبیل، ایران (نویسندۀ مسئول). 0000-0001-7067-1916 اسماعیل معروفی‌اقدم دکتری باستان‌شناسی، دبیر ادارۀ آموزش و پرورش شهرستان بوکان، بوکان، ایران. 0000-0003-1748-2870 غزل عزیزی‌فر دانشجوی کارشناسی‌ارشد باستان‌شناسی، گروه باستان‌شناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم‌اجتماعی، دانشگاه محقق‌اردبیلی، اردبیل، ایران. 0009-0007-4260-889X Journal Article 2022 09 27 Abstract During the systematic archaeological excavations at the historical site of Qara-Haslanlu in Namin, numerous significant cultural artifacts were uncovered, which are crucial for the comprehensive analysis and exploration of this location. Among the various discoveries, including pottery shers, bones, burial sites, and metal and gold items, a substantial adobe structure was revealed at the hill’s center, notable for its unique architectural design, marking it as the sole architectural phase in the region; its significance has consequently been heightened. This remarkable architectural feature is constructed entirely from stone and clay, encircled by a series of supporting structures. This study has introduced the adobe structure recovered using a descriptive-analytical approach, drawing on both fieldwork and library resources. The main questions addressed include: What are the architectural characteristics of this large adobe structure, to which historical period does it belong, and what was its intended function? Findings indicate that the adobe structure or platform, covering roughly 833 square meters, is entirely constructed of adobe, except for three lower stone ridges which found only on the exterior sides. The structure aligns with and continues the platform-building tradition of Iron Age II and III, and it was likely used for ritual purposes. Additionally, the analysis of pottery from the Qara-Hasanlu area, compared with findings from other sites, supports the conclusion that this substantial adobe platform dates back to the late Iron Age or the Parthian period. Keywords: Qara-Hasanlu Site, Namin, Clay Structure, Pottery, Iron Age, Parthian Period. Introduction The large adobe structure at Qara-Hasanlu stands out as the only known platform of its kind in northwestern Iran, distinguished by its unique architectural style and located in the center of the Ardabil Plain. The outer portion of this substantial structure features three rows of stone and seven rows of bricks, while its interior is entirely filled with layered clay. Generally, most archaeological research related to excavations and ancient sites has concentrated on artifacts like pottery and other small finds, with relatively little focus on architectural elements and structures. In this context, examining the architectural aspects of the adobe structure at Qara-Hasanlu is highly valuable for understanding the features, characteristics, and traditions of Iron Age platform architecture in northwestern Iran, serving as a foundation for more in-depth study. Such research should be approached with scientific rigor. Research Questions: 1. What are the architectural features of the large adobe structure in the Qara-Hasanlu area? 2. To which historical period does the large adobe structure of the Qara-Hasanlu area belong? 3. What was the function and purpose of the large adobe structure at Qara-Hasanlu? Research Method: This article employs a descriptive-analytical research method, drawing on findings from excavations and field surveys conducted in the specified area. Alongside numerous small cultural artifacts uncovered in the excavation trenches, a significant architectural feature the large adobe structure was also identified, thoroughly examined, and scientifically analyzed during systematic archaeological investigations in the Qara-Hasanlu area. This discovery has further elevated the site’s archaeological significance. To support and deepen the analysis, library research and comparisons with contemporary structures have also been utilized. Qara-Hasanlu Mound: Qara-Hasanlu is situated within the boundaries of Namin Town in Ardabil Province. It lies along the Ardabil–Ab-Biglo Road, approximately one kilometer from the main road, positioned in the heart of the Ardabil Plain. The site is located 2 kilometers northwest of Qara-Hasanlu village and 9 kilometers east of the city of Ardabil, in a broad, open plain. Qara-Hasanlu Adobe Structure or Platform: One of the most significant architectural discoveries at Qara-Hasanlu is a clay platform, remains of which have been uncovered in several trenches across the mound and within the natural sediments. This large structure, featuring a three-row stone foundation made of rubble and large stone fragments, has a body constructed entirely of clay and is situated at the center of the mound. Analysis of the findings A) Chronology of the clay platform The adobe platform was constructed on a mound dating back to Iron Age I and II, indicating that it does not belong to the same period. Therefore, it can be concluded that the mound was reused for building the adobe platform during the late Iron Age III or the Parthian Period, after it had been previously abandoned. b) Use of clay platform: Regarding the function of the large clay platform, it is likely that this architectural structure served a ritual purpose. Conclusion The archaeological investigations conducted at the Qara-Hasanlu site have yielded substantial evidence reflecting cultural traditions from Iron Age I and II, as well as the Parthian Period, within the Ardabil Plain. Among the most significant datable cultural materials retrieved from the site are pottery fragments, which predominantly correspond to the Iron Age (I and II) and the historical Parthian Period. However, the most prominent and aesthetically remarkable feature discovered at the site is the large adobe structure. This monumental platform features a building composed of three lower rows of stone and seven outer rows of adobe bricks, reinforced with structural supports. Its core and upper sections, extending down to the virgin soil, consist of twelve successive layers of compacted clay. The adobe platform at Qara-Hasanlu may be interpreted as a continuation of the Iron Age III architectural tradition of platform construction, comparable to similar structures found at sites such as Tepe Sialk in Kashan, Konar Sandal and Jiroft, Nushijan in Malayer, Pasargadae and Persepolis, Deh-No in Khuzestan, and Qaleh Darvish in Qom. Furthermore, evidence of platform surface cuts and the placement of burials atop the clay layers, alongside the presence of Iron Age I and II ceramics within the cultural strata of the site, suggests that the adobe platform may have initially been constructed during the Iron Age and later reutilized in the Parthian Period. Nevertheless, the occurrence of Iron Age pottery embedded within the brick matrix indicates that the area was originally settled during the Iron Age, with the current clay platform being constructed in a subsequent era. In conclusion, considering that the majority approximately 90% of the ceramic assemblage from Qara-Hasanlu is attributable to the Parthian Period, it is highly plausible to assign a relative chronological placement of the adobe platform to the Parthian era. ساختارها و سازه‌های معماری یکی از مهم‌ترین یافته‌های فرهنگی در ضمن کاوش محوطه‌های باستانی بوده، که معمولاً در اکثر محوطه‌های باستانی به‌دست می‌آید. ضمن کاوش‌های منسجم باستان‌شناختی در محوطۀ قره‌حسنلو نمین، یافته‌های فرهنگی بسیار غنی و مدارک ارزشمندی شناسایی گشت که در تحلیل دقیق این محوطه می‌تواند نقش مهمی ایفا کند. در کنار سایر یافته‌های سفالی، استخوانی، تدفین‌ها و اشیائ فلزی و طلایی مرتبط با آن، سازۀ عظیم خشتی با معماری جالب‌توجه خود در مرکز تپه که تنها فاز معماری شناسایی شده در این محوطه است، بر اهمیت آن افزوده است. این اثر معماری شاخص به‌صورت چهارگوش و سراسر با سنگ و خشت بنا نهاده شده، به‌طوری‌که اطراف آن‌را پشت‌بندهایی متوالی فراگرفته است؛ همچنین در طی روند کاوش باستان‌شناختی در سطح این سازۀ خشتی، چندین تدفین شناسایی گشت که ساختار گورهای آن به‌صورت ساده و از نوع چاله‌ای می‌باشند. پژوهش پیشِ‌رو به شیوۀ توصیفی- تحلیلی و براساس مطالعات کتابخانه‌ای و نتایج کاوش باستان‌شناختی، به‌منظور شناسایی کامل سازۀ خشتی، گاهنگاری و کاربری آن به انجام رسیده و در این‌راستا به‌دنبال پاسخ به پرسش‌های پیشِ‌رو است: 1) ویژگی‌های معماری این سازۀ خشتی چگونه و متعلق به کدام دورۀ تاریخی است؟ 2) ماهیت و کاربری این سازه چیست؟ مطالعات صورت‌گرفته نشان می‌دهد که سازۀ خشتی یا سکوی خشتی با مساحت تقریبی 833مترمربع، غیر از سه رج‌سنگی زیرین آن‌که تنها در اضلاع بیرونی بنا استفاده ‌شده، سراسر با خشت‌ بنا شده است. این سازه قابل‌مقایسه و در ادامۀ سنت سکوسازی عصر آهن II و III بوده و به‌احتمال دارای کاربری آئینی است؛ همچنین می‌توان این یافته را سازه‌ای ناتمام یا ویران‌شده متعلق به یک بنای حاکمیتی و یا نظامی فرض کرد. حضور سفالینه‌های شاخص عصر آهن در میان بافت خشت‌ها، مؤید استقرار نخستین محوطۀ قره‌حسنلو در این دوره و ساخت خشت‌ها و احداث سکو در طی استقرار بعدی محوطه، یعنی دورۀ اشکانی است.

https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_5031_e327b1649d06bf74fceb4fe73f83bdba.pdf

پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران 2345-5225 15 44 2025 05 22 Classification and Typology of Pottery of the Parthian Cemetery of Veliran, Damavand طبقه‌بندی و گونه‌شناسی سفال‌های گورستان اشکانی ولیران دماوند 197 226 6139 10.22084/nb.2025.30303.2737 FA محمدرضا نعمتی دانشیار گروه باستان‌شناسی تاریخی، پژوهشکدۀ باستان‌شناسی، پژوهشگاه میراث‌فرهنگی و گردشگری، تهران، ایران (نویسندۀ مسئول). 0000-0002-0362-712X میلاد باغ‌شیخی دکتری باستان‌شناسی، گروه باستان‌شناسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. 0000-0002-0062-9277 Journal Article 2024 12 24 Abstract The pottery of the Parthian Empire exhibited considerable variation throughout its extensive territory, resulting in several unique cultural regions. A significant archaeological site in Iranian Central Plateau is Veliran, which underwent exploration during two seasons in 2006 and 2007. Among the primary cultural artifacts discovered at this location, especially from its burial sites and particularly the cellar grave were both intact vessels and potsherds. This study is fundamentally oriented and employs a descriptive-analytical methodology. The approach integrates library research with field investigations. The principal aim of the study is to perform both qualitative and quantitative analyses of the Parthian pottery unearthed at Veliran. This encompasses the classification and typology of the ceramics, along with the establishment of their relative chronology. Consequently, this research aims to evaluate the morphology of Veliran pottery and, by comparing it with analogous examples, to establish a model that characterizes Parthian pottery within Iranian Central Plateau. The typological analysis is designed to identify the distribution patterns of Parthian ceramics in this area this constitutes the primary inquiry of the study. The results of the research reveal that the predominant types of pottery unearthed during the two excavation seasons at the Veliran Parthian cemetery comprise rhytons, pilgrim flasks, cups, oil lamps, bowls, jugs, measuring vessels, plates, chalices, and carafes. Based on these comparisons, the cultural sphere of Veliran shows the greatest similarities with the western, northeastern, and northern regions of Iran, respectively. In particular, its ceramic assemblage closely aligns with that of the Parthian sites at Qumis, Qaleh-I Yazdigird, and the Bisutun cemetery. Accordingly, the Veliran cemetery may be considered a significant Parthian site within the Damavand region, reflecting the ceramic traditions characteristic of this historical period. Keywords: Classification, Typology, Pottery, Parthian Cemetery of Veliran, Damavand. Introduction Two seasons of excavation and investigation on the eastern hills of the Tar River, near the village of Veliran in Damavand County, led to the identification of a significant archaeological site dating to the Parthian and Sasanian periods. The site yielded a diverse array of cultural materials that are considered unique within the Iranian context. Excavations uncovered numerous cultural features and artifacts, including four human burials, bone remains, potsherds, metal objects, glass fragments, coins, wood, and architectural remains. Given the central role of pottery in the study of cultural interactions and chronology, this paper focuses on the classification and typological analysis of the Parthian ceramics recovered from the Veliran cemetery. The primary research questions addressed in this study are as follows: 1. To which chronological phase of the Parthian period does the ceramic assemblage from the Veliran belong? 2. With which cultural regions do the pottery from Veliran demonstrate affinities? 3. What are the prevalent pottery types within the Veliran assemblage and their associated technological characteristics? Based on archaeological evidence and comparative analysis, the examined ceramics are attributed to the middle phase of the Parthian period. The presence of clinky ware, a type characteristic of Parthian period in western Iran [specifically northwestern Iran?], suggests cultural connections between Iranian Central Plateau and western regions of Iran. The studied pottery assemblage consists predominantly of plain, unglazed vessels. The predominant forms include rhyton (takuk), cup, pilgrim flask, oil lamp, bowl, jar, measuring vessel, plate, carafe, and chalice. Research data were collected through library research and fieldwork, followed by qualitative analysis. Field activities comprised archaeological excavation, followed by processing and documentation of ceramic samples: washing, registration of sample information, selection of diagnostic specimens, illustration, and photography. Subsequently, the typological results were compared with analogous studies of Parthian ceramics from other ancient sites, enabling the relative dating of this ceramic assemblage. Discussion The historical site of Veliran is positioned approximately 500 meters south of the village of Veliran, at the base of the hillside that marks the boundary between the villages of Veliran and Shalambeh. During two seasons of excavation at the Veliran site, archaeologists uncovered the remains of a small Sassanid castle, which measures 40×50 meters and is oriented from east to west. Within the Sassanid substratum, a cemetery dating back to the Parthian period was identified, featuring four types of graves that demonstrate different burial practices: 1) cellar (underground), 2) burning, 3) pit graves, and 4) stone graves. Among the cultural artifacts retrieved from these graves are both complete and fragmented pottery vessels; the technical features of these vessels will be scrutinized in the following stage of research. The most significant discovery from here consists of intact vessels and a limited number of pottery sherds. These ceramics were primarily found in a cellar grave within Trench O17, with an additional sample coming from a pit grave in Trench L13. The recovered pottery collection includes forms such as rhyton, cup, pilgrim flask, drinking cup, oil lamp, bowl, jar, measure ware, plate, carafe, chalice, and bead. In the initial phase of analysis, these pottery specimens are classified into two groups: closed-form and open-form vessels. The closed-form pottery from Veliran consists of pilgrim flasks, jars, carafes, cups, and rhytons. The open-form pottery includes oil lamps, bowls, drinking cups, chalices, and plates. Regardless of the different types of pottery, there are several overarching characteristics. The pottery artifacts investigated in the Veliran cemetery consist of plain and decorated types. Some of these artifacts feature burnished surfaces while others show carved, added, and painted (geometric) motifs. The paste of these pottery items is characterized as buff, light reddish buff, red, brick red, scarlet, and gray hues. The ceramics examined were both wheel-made and hand-made, with certain fragments produced through a hybrid method that combines wheel-making and handcrafting, incorporating sand to enhance their durability. Most of the ceramics underwent adequate firing processes, resulting in high durability; nevertheless, in some instances, the firing temperature was insufficient, resulting in a blackened core within the pottery. Conclusion A comparative analysis of the pottery from the Parthian cemetery at Veliran reveals notable similarities in certain shapes with those found at Parthian sites in adjacent regions, including the Central Plateau (Kohan, Shemiran, and archaeological surveys of the Bueen Zahra Plain), northern Iran (Kelardasht, Dailaman, ShahPir, Noruzmahale), northeastern Iran (Tureng Tepe, Yarim Tepe, Shahr Tepe, Dargaz, Qumis, and archaeological survey of Damghan Plain), as well as the western and northwestern parts of Iran (Qaleh-I Yazdigird, Laodike Temple, Kangavar, Bisutun, Mahneshan, Sang-e Shir, Nush-I Jan, Ardabil, and archaeological surveys of the Qorveh Plain in Kurdistan), the southwestern region of Iran (Susa, Choga Mish, Masdjid-i Solaiman, Dastova, Shushtar), and even extending beyond the current borders of Iran (Nisa, Seleucia, Dura Europos, Uruk, Shamlu, Ashdod, Dijiran). Overall, the findings from the typological and comparative chronological analyses of the pottery samples from the Parthian cemetery at Veliran distinctly illustrate the resemblance of these samples to the pottery from adjacent and trans-regional areas. This resemblance is particularly pronounced with the regions of ‘western Iran’, ‘northeast Iran’, and ‘northern Iran’, as well as among the sites such as Qumis (Semnan Province), Qaleh-I Yazdigird, and the Bisutun Parthian cemetery (Kermanshah Province). Consequently, the Veliran Cemetery can be regarded as one of the Parthian sites within the Damavand region, showcasing pottery traditions from this era. However, in terms of technical attributes, there are limited similarities with the aforementioned cultural spheres. This suggests that there were connections between Veliran and the sites in these regions, indicating cultural interactions. Nonetheless, it is essential to consider the differences, innovations, and the influence of local factors on the ordinary pottery of the Veliran cemetery. Therefore, it appears that the ordinary pottery types from the Veliran site possess indigenous characteristics and are classified as local varieties produced in local kilns, while their shapes remain comparable to those from other cultural sites. Overall, the findings from the study and classification of pottery, along with their comparison to pottery from other archaeological sites and the dating of cultural regions, indicate that the pottery discovered at the Veliran cemetery in Damavand is associated with the mid-Parthian period. This conclusion is supported by additional artifacts unearthed from the same cemetery, which include Parthian coins attributed to Mithradates II (123-88 BCE), Phraat III (57.58-70 BCE), Mithradates III (54-57 BCE), Orodes I (80-90 BCE), and Orodes II (38-57 BCE). محوطۀ ولیران به‌واسطۀ دو فصل کاوش‌باستان‌شناسی طی سال‌های 1385 و 1386ه‍.ش. از محوطه‌های مهم کاوش‌شدۀ اشکانی در مرکز فلات ایران است. یکی از داده‌های فرهنگی این محوطه که از گورهای آن به‌خصوص از گور سردابه‌ای یافت شد، ظروف کامل (19 عدد) و شکستۀ سفال (8 قطعه) است. این پژوهش دارای ماهیت بنیادی با رویکردی توصیفی-تحلیلی است. روش گردآوری پژوهش براساس دو بخش مطالعات کتابخانه‌ای و میدانی (سفال) است. هدف اصلی مقاله، مطالعۀ کیفی سفال‌های اشکانی محوطۀ ولیران، طبقه‌بندی، گونه‌شناسی و گاهنگاری نسبی آن‌ها است؛ بنابراین در تحقیق حاضر، تلاش شد سفال‌های اشکانی ولیران از نظر شکل‌شناسی ارزیابی گردد و با مقایسۀ این قطعات سفال با نمونه‌های مشابه، الگویی از مشخصات سفال اشکانی در مرکز فلات ایران ارائه گردد؛ مهم‌ترین پرسش‌های رایج پژوهش حاضر عبارتنداز: 1. مجموعۀ سفال‌های محوطۀ ولیران متعلق به کدام مرحله از دورۀ اشکانی است؟ 2. سفال اشکانی ولیران ارتباط این محوطه را با کدام‌یک از دیگر حوزه‌های فرهنگی نشان می‌دهد؟ و 3. گونه‌‌های رایج سفال‌های محوطۀ ولیران شامل چه اشکالی و ویژگی‌ها و مشخصات فنی آن‌ها چیست؟ نتایج پژوهش نشان‌داد که اشکال: تکوک (ریتون)، جام، قمقمه، آبخوری، پیه‌سوز، کاسه، کوزه، پیمانه، بشقاب، تنگ و پیاله، شکل‌های رایج سفالی یافت‌شده از دو فصل کاوش باستان‌شناختی گورستان اشکانی ولیران است. براساس مقایسه، بیشترین شباهت حوزۀ فرهنگی با مناطق غرب، شمال‌شرق و شمال ایران و بیشترین شباهت را به‌ترتیب با سفال‌های محوطه‌های باستانی قومس، قلعه‌یزدگرد و گورستان پارتی بیستون دارد و بـا توجـه بـه ایـن مسـأله می‌تـوان گورستان ولیران را یکـی از محوطه‌هـای اشکانی در منطقـۀ دماوند دانســت کــه دارای ســنت‌های ســفالین ایــن دوره اســت؛ همچنین براساس مطالعات انجام‌شده روی شکل‌ها و ویژگی‌های فنی سفال‌ها، می‌توان این‌گونه ارزیابی نمود که سفال‌ها متعلق به اواسط دورۀ اشکانی هستند؛ علاوه‌بر سفال، یافته‌های دیگری مانند سکه نیز به‌دست آمده است که این تاریخ پیشنهادی را قوت می‌بخشند.

https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_6139_618faa1728eb2ef6e3733645273ab145.pdf

پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران 2345-5225 15 44 2025 05 22 The Returned Bas-Relief from London A Soldier, A God, A Cleric, An Emperor or A Sassanid Prince? سنگ‌نگارۀ استردادی از لندن سرباز، ایزد، روحانی، شاهنشاه یا شاهزادۀ ساسانی؟ 227 256 6138 10.22084/nb.2025.29836.2711 FA سید رسول موسوی حاجی استاد گروه باستان‌شناسی، دانشکده هنر و معماری، دانشگاه مازندران، بابلسر، ایران. 0000-0002-3672-8541 Journal Article 2024 09 02 Abstract In June 2023, the images of the returned bas-relief from London were published on social media and cyberspace. Publishing the images of the bas-relief, different opinions were presented by domestic and foreign experts and researchers regarding the identity of the individual present in it in less than three weeks. The comments were expressed not through scientific publications but rather in interviews with news organizations and on social media platforms like X (formerly Twitter), Instagram, and Telegram. Some individuals have regarded him as a Zoroastrian deity, while others have referred to him as a soldier, a nobleman, or a Sassanid general. This study, which is fundamental in its purpose and historical in its nature, seeks to uncover the true identity of the figure depicted in this bas-relief by presenting compelling arguments and credible evidence. The results of historical studies, morphological evidence, and especially the matching and comparison of the artistic details in the bas-relief with other motifs established in the Sassanid period confirm that the image displayed in the text of the bas-relief returned from London belongs to a Sassanid prince who was a high-ranking official during the reign of Bahram II. Also, the enclosing of the figure of the Sassanid prince in a vaulted frame clearly proves that the bas-relief is nothing more than a monograph and absolutely cannot be a part of a larger composition and relief that has the presence of other people imagined in its text. The fingers of the prince’s right hand is placed in front of his face and his index finger is raised as a sign of respect for his superiors, increasing the possibility of a relief of a Zoroastrian god or a Sassanid emperor or a symbolic relief of Behi religion (Mazdayasna) like a fire pot with a burning fire in a separate and independent frame and against the relief of the Sassanid prince. Keywords: Returned Bas-Relief, Prince, Ribbon, Necklace, Bahram II. Introduction In the wake of the Sassanid bas-relief’s display at the British Museum and the sharing of its images across social media platforms, a variety of experts from both within the country and abroad have weighed in on the authenticity and genuine identity of this historical piece. St. John Simpson, the lead archaeologist at the British Museum, was the first to bring attention to this Sassanid bas-relief. While validating the authenticity of the bas-relief, he asserts that this important piece, which illustrates a member of the upper echelon of Sassanid society, was forcefully removed from a rock or mountain in Fars Province around Shiraz and is likely a segment of a more comprehensive relief. He further explains that the Sassanid man’s raised index finger, held in front of his face as a sign of deference, signifies his audience with the king or royal family, implying that this relief could be part of a larger scene depicting the king to the right with others in the background Following Simpson’s remarks, several domestic researchers and archaeologists provided insights regarding the authenticity and identity of the bas-reliefs returned from London, engaging in interviews with various news agencies. Some individuals expressed skepticism about the authenticity of the bas-relief, while others asserted its genuineness with certainty. A range of opinions, often peculiar, emerged concerning the true identity of the figure depicted in the relief. Among the proposed identities were a priest, an emperor, a Zoroastrian deity, a nobleman, a prince, and a Sassanid soldier, all suggested by different commentators within weeks of the return of the bas-relief. This study aims to elucidate the authentic identity of the bas-relief repatriated from London by employing historical analyses, morphological data, and particularly by comparing the artistic features of this bas-relief with other rock reliefs from the Sassanid era. The identity of the character present in the bas-relief According to the author’s belief and based on the reasons that will follow, there is no doubt that he is a Sassanid prince who held a high position during his lifetime. As can be seen in the image of the mentioned character, he has a ribbon on his forehead, the trail of which is waved in the form of two wide and wavy strips on the back of his head (Figures 1 and 2). The ribbon is the mediator of the divine charisma that is included in the clothes of the royal family. Accordingly, the ribbon is the most important characteristic of the clothes of the gods and the royal family in the Sassanid period in a way that apart from the gods, the emperor, the queen and their children (princes), no one else had the right to use it. Since the mentioned character is not a Sassanid god, emperor or queen, so he must be a Sassanid prince. To demonstrate that the ribbon serves as the paramount feature of divine and royal attire, it suffices to meticulously examine each Sassanid relief, revealing that this principle was consistently upheld across all such artworks, with only the gods, the emperor, the queen, and their offspring permitted to wear it. In summary, Sassanid reliefs exclusively depict ribbons in the attire of deities, emperors, queens, and princes. For instance, the investiture relief of Ardeshir Babakan at Naqsh-e Rajab, Fars showcases Ahura Mazda, Ardeshir Babakan, Shapur I (the eldest son and crown prince), and Dinak (the queen of Iran and wife of Ardeshir Babakan) adorned with ribbons, while Tansar and Dinak’s special maidservant lack ribbons, as they do not belong to the royal lineage or divine entities. In the relief depicting Bahram II and the courtiers at Naqsh-e Rostam in Fars, the emperor, his consort Shapurdukhtak, crown prince Bahram III, and two unidentified princes are adorned with ribbons, while Kartir and other figures present lack such adornments, indicating their non-royal status. Having established that the bas-relief in question is attributed to a Sassanid prince, it prompts an inquiry into the period and the specific Sassanid monarch under whose reign this bas-relief was created. Given the subsequent evidence, it is highly probable that this remarkable piece was sculpted during the reign of Bahram II (276-293 AD). The evidence is as follows: 1. The character in the relief has a horizontally braided beard and braided hair, the vertical strands of which cover the back of his neck and part of his shoulders. This particular style of ornamentation, characterized by braided hair arranged in vertical strands alongside a horizontal beard, was exclusively prevalent during the reign of Bahram II (Figure 7). This serves as definitive evidence that the bas-relief of the Sassanid prince was created in the era of Bahram II. 2. The state of displaying the prince’s stature in such a way that the body is full-face and the head is profile, and the index finger of the right hand is placed in front of the face and the finger of the left hand is placed on the handle of the sword is exactly comparable with the reliefs of Bahram II in Barm-e Delak and Gūyum of Fars. 3. The quality of showing the folds of the clothes of the Sassanid prince, especially the folds of the trousers and the supports on which the sword hangs, is comparable to the reliefs of Bahram II in Barm-e Delak and Gūyum of Fars. 4. The arrangement of the braided hair in vertical strands, the horizontally woven beard, the cylindrical hat adorned with a border of embroidered pearls, and the ribbon trailing behind the head of the prince returning from London can be accurately compared to the visage of a prince depicted on the far-left side of Bahram II in the relief at Naqsh-e Rostam in Fars. Similar to the Sassanid prince depicted in the bas-relief returned from London, his right index finger is raised as a gesture of respect towards the superior positioned before him. Morphologically, the only distinction between the two princes lies in the emblem inscribed on the crown of the prince illustrated in the relief of Bahram II at Naqsh-e Rostam, which is absent in the representation of the Sassanid prince in question. The remarkable resemblance between the two aforementioned princes enhances the likelihood that they were both portrayed during the reign of a Sassanid monarch and crafted by a collective of stonemasonry artisans. Conclusion From the above-mentioned points, the following results are obtained: - The bas-relief returned from London was carved during the reign of Bahram II, and the character in it is definitely a Sassanid prince. He absolutely cannot be a priest or a Zoroastrian god, an emperor, a general or a Sassanid soldier. - This Sassanid prince is identified as the son of one of the Bahrams, who, during his lifetime, governed one of the Iranian states or occupied a significant administrative role. It is more plausible that he is one of the male offspring of Bahram II rather than Bahram III. پس از نمایش سنگ‌نگاره ساسانی در موزۀ ملی ایران باستان و انتشار تصاویر آن در رسانه‌های اجتماعی و فضای مجازی، در کمتر از سه هفته، اظهارنظرهای متفاوتی ازسوی کارشناسان و محققان داخلی و خارجی درخصوص هویّت تنها شخصیت حاضر در سنگ‌نگارۀ استردادی از لندن ارائه گردید. تمامی این اظهارنظرها نه در قالب مقالات علمی که صرفاً در مصاحبه با خبرگزاری‌ها و یا در فضاهای مجازی چون: ایکس، اینستاگرام و تلگرام انجام شده بود. برخی او را ایزد زرتشتی دانسته و برخی دیگر از وی با عنوان سرباز، روحانی، شهریار یا نجیب‌زاده ساسانی یاد کرده‌اند. در این پژوهش که براساس هدف از نوع تحقیقات بنیادی و براساس ماهیت و روش از نوع تحقیقات تاریخی است، سعی‌گردید تا با استناد به‌دلایل متقن و شواهد موثق، هویت واقعی شخصیت حاضر در این سنگ‌نگاره مشخص گردد. نتایج مطالعات تاریخی، شواهد چهره‌شناسی و مخصوصاً تطبیق و مقایسۀ جزئیات هنری موجود در نقش‌برجستۀ موردبحث با سایر نقوش به تثبیت رسیدۀ دورۀ ساسانی مؤید آن است که تصویر تمام قدِ به‌نمایش درآمده در متن سنگ‌نگارۀ استردادی از لندن متعلق به یک شاهزادۀ ساسانی است که به روزگار شاهنشاهی «بهرام دوم»، صاحب‌منصبی والامقام بوده است. نتایج مطالعات هم‌چنین حکایت از آن دارد که محصور بودن قامت شاهزادۀ ساسانی در کادری تاقی‌شکل، آشکارا ثابت می‌نماید که سنگ‌نگارۀ استردادی از لندن، تک‌نگاره‌ای بیش نیست و مطلقاً نمی‌تواند بخشی از یک ترکیب‌بندی و نقش‌برجستۀ بزرگ‌تر باشد که حضور افراد دیگری را در متن آن متصور شد. قرارگرفتن پنجۀ دست راست شاهزاده در مقابل صورت و بالا بودن انگشت سبابه‌اش به نشانۀ احترام به مافوق، احتمال وجود نقشی از یک ایزد زرتشتی یا شاهنشاه ساسانی و یا نقشی نمادین از دین بهی (مزدیسنا) همانند یک آتشدان با شعله‌های فروزان آتش را در کادری جداگانه و مستقل و در مقابل نقش شاهزادۀ ساسانی فزونی می‌بخشد.

https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_6138_b2ead76dfdc4ae56a2abd1896ec46291.pdf

پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران 2345-5225 15 44 2025 05 22 Evolution of the Four-Ivan Plan in Iranian Architecture from the Achaemenid Era to the Qajar Dynasty نقشۀ چهارایوان در معماری ایرانی از دورۀ هخامنشی تا دورۀ قاجار 257 288 5218 10.22084/nb.2023.27434.2553 FA محمدابراهیم زارعی استاد گروه باستان‌شناسی، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، دانشگاه بوعلی‌سینا، همدان، ایران. 0000-0002-6165-1312 Journal Article 2023 01 28 Abstract The use of one or four iwans has long been a defining feature of Iranian architecture, appearing prominently in public, private, and governmental buildings. Among these, the four-iwan plan (Chahar-Eiwan) holds particular significance as a hallmark of Iranian architectural identity. This study adopts a descriptive-historical and analytical approach to examine the origins, evolution, and significance of the iwan in Iranian architecture. It addresses two central questions: 1) Why were the four-Iwan structures of the Achaemenid period, such as those at Pasargadae, designed with an extroverted layout? and 2) How did this architectural model influence the subsequent introverted four-iwan plans of the Parthian, Sasanian, and Islamic periods? The study hypothesizes that Achaemenid architecture, building upon Median traditions, sought to refine and monumentalize earlier forms. The extroverted design, characterized by four iwans opening onto garden spaces, reflects the centralized and hierarchical nature of the Achaemenid state and its emphasis on visual grandeur. In later periods, this model was adapted to new socio-political and spatial contexts, resulting in its transformation into more introverted configurations during the Parthian and Sasanian periods, which were further elaborated upon in Islamic architecture. Ultimately, the concept was revitalized in the Safavid and Zand periods, where it appeared in palatial, funerary, and ceremonial structures, blending Achaemenid spatial principles with Sasanian domed forms and culminating in its crystallization within the Isfahani style. The findings suggest that while iwans predate the Achaemenid era, it was during this period that the extroverted four-iwan plan achieved architectural coherence and symbolic meaning. This model was progressively internalized and reinterpreted across successive historical phases, underscoring the continuity and adaptability of Iranian architectural traditions. Keywords: Four-Iwan Plan, Achaemenid Architecture, Extroversion, Safavid Architecture, Iranian Architectural Heritage. Introduction The iwan holds a special place in Iranian architecture so much so that Iranian architecture is often identified by the presence of this distinctive element. Since the Median and Achaemenid periods (the so-called “Persian style”), the iwan has gained increasing prominence and prestige in the history of Iranian architecture. While the significance of this architectural feature is widely acknowledged, key questions remain: In which regions of Iran did the iwan receive the most architectural attention? At what point did it begin to appear prominently in royal palaces and government buildings? And more fundamentally, how can the continuity of its use be meaningfully traced over time? A preliminary hypothesis for the first question suggests that the use of iwans dates to the Iron Age, with more tangible examples visible at the archaeological site of Tepe Hasanlu in western Iran. It is plausible though not yet definitively proven that the earliest instances of iwans may have emerged as shaded porches in front of domestic dwellings in prehistoric village settlements. However, the question of where this innovation first occurred remains unresolved due to a lack of conclusive archaeological evidence. Based on current findings from archaeological excavations, it can be inferred that the iwan was particularly valued in regions where the climate varies dramatically throughout the year. In this regard, the mountainous zones of the central and northern Zagros appear to be especially significant. This inference is supported by the discovery of the oldest known iwan-bearing structures at Tepe Hasanlu IV (1200–800 BCE), located within this region. The importance of the iwan continued into the Median period, as evidenced at Tepe Nushijan, and was further developed during the Achaemenid era, where it was adopted in more formal and elaborate contexts. The Medes and especially the Achaemenids utilized the iwan in a majestic and ceremonial manner. This raises an essential question: Did the iwans of Achaemenid palaces serve the same architectural role and function as those used during the Parthian, Sasanian, and Islamic periods? It seems likely that the role and symbolism of the iwan in Achaemenid architecture were preserved and gradually adapted in subsequent periods. The four-iwans in the pavilions and palaces of Cyrus the Great at Pasargadae were outward-facing (extroverted in form), integrated with surrounding gardens, and indicative of a deliberate relationship between architecture and landscape. Although the Achaemenid iwan was influenced by earlier Median and Mannaean examples, it was executed in a distinct and more refined manner. The iwans of the Medes and Mannaeans were likely derived from vernacular residential architecture. The trajectory that began with the palaces of Pasargadae was eventually continued by the Safavids, notably in the Hasht Behesht Palace, where four outward-facing iwans were arranged around a garden in Bagh-e Bolbol and at Farahabad, Sari. Later, Nader Shah adopted the form in his mausoleum at Kalāt-e Naderi, followed by Karim Khan Zand in his tomb at Bagh-e Nazar, Shiraz, and finally, the Qajar era continued the tradition in much the same fashion. Etymology and Definitions of the Iwan Various definitions and descriptions of the term iwan have been presented in Persian dictionaries and lexicons. Some of these align closely with the focus of this study, while others reflect broader or differing meanings. In Persian language, the word “Eyvān” (ایوان) [Iwan] refers to a terrace, portico, or open-fronted hall. According to the Mo’in Dictionary, an iwan is “a roofed part of a building with an open front, lacking doors and windows, and overlooking a courtyard. It can also refer to a palace or grand hall.” Historically, iwans have been used since the Parthian era, and their construction has continued in various forms to the present day. Architecturally, an iwan typically consists of a barrel vault, enclosed on three sides and open to a central courtyard. They often function as transitional spaces entry or exit zones that allow air circulation while providing protection from direct sunlight. According to Kiani, the iwan has held exceptional architectural significance. Not only does it add grandeur and prominence to a building, but it also serves as a focal point for decorative elements, including muqarnas (stalactite vaulting), brickwork, stucco reliefs, and tilework. The iwan thus becomes a canvas for intricate artistry and ornamentation. Seyyed Sadr defines the iwan as a raised platform or hall in front of a room, enclosed on three sides and open to a courtyard through a wide, arched doorway. It is a roofed structure with a barrel vault, open at the front and devoid of doors or windows. Varieties and Functional Aspects of the Iwan The iwan, also referred to as pishan, is believed to have evolved from the giriyeh or summer iwan, typically constructed on the side or rear of buildings, facing away from direct sunlight. Architecturally, it also provided a suitable ground plan for performing prayer, as it was enclosed on three sides and open on one side. If an opening existed on the wall facing the qibla, it could easily be sealed, allowing a mihrab to be installed in its place. This functional adaptation can be observed in historical mosques such as those in Neyriz, Gonabad, and Ferdows. In classical Persian sources, such as the Dehkhoda Dictionary, the iwan is defined generally as a portico or vaulted hall, and more specifically as a vaulted structure with a semicircular or niche-like shape often elevated and roofed located at the entrance of a palace or large residence. Terms like dar-gah (entrance hall) and ravaq (portico) are also used to describe similar spaces (Dehkhoda, s.v. “iwan”). In certain traditional residential layouts, the iwan occupies the space in front of multiple rooms. Typically, one large room and a smaller adjacent room are connected by an iwan situated between them. This layout is observed in traditional houses in Lahijan. A similar form of iwan exists in rural areas of eastern Kurdistan, particularly in the villages of Qorveh, where the space between two rooms is referred to as an iwan. In contrast, the more monumental form discussed in this study is locally termed a bar-iwan (bārīwān) (see: Fig. 1). Conclusion The four-iwan plan became common in the palaces and pavilions of Pasargadae, and this stylistic approach was also applied in the Apadana Palace of Susa. While the four-iwan style continued into Parthian, Sasanian, and Islamic architecture taking on a more introverted form in contrast to the extroverted layout of Achaemenid structures it consistently reflected a symbolic four-part scheme. This design is deeply indebted to the ancient concept of the solar wheel or circle of life, a motif that lay at the heart of both architectural plans and ornamental programs across periods. At the center of this enduring tradition is the iwan, a defining feature of Iranian architecture. The prominence of the four-iwan layout in successive historical eras owes much to the initial conceptualization and implementation by Achaemenid architects, who appear to have fulfilled the aspirations of their kings by integrating palatial structures with formal gardens. The placement of four iwans on each side of the building, opening onto the garden, reflects a conscious attempt to unify architecture with nature in a sacred and symbolic landscape. In ancient Iranian culture, including the Achaemenid era, the garden (pardis) was not only a symbol of beauty but also held religious and cosmological significance. This architectural synthesis of palace and garden reached its zenith during the Islamic era, particularly under the Safavid dynasty, whose architects guided by royal patronage refined and emphasized this design principle. The most exemplary realization of this vision is found in the Hasht Behesht Palace, located in the Bagh-e Bolbol garden in Isfahan. Later, the Qajar dynasty also drew inspiration from this tradition. One of the key advantages of the four-iwan garden-palace layout was its ability to make full use of the surrounding garden from all sides, integrating nature and structure in a coherent and symbolically rich spatial narrative one where the garden itself tells its own story. ساختمان‌های ایوان‌دار با یک و یا چهارایوانی با معماری ایران از دیرباز هم‌پیوند بوده است. «ایوان» عنصر مهمی در بناهای عمومی، خصوصی و رسمی (حکومتی) محسوب می‌شده است. ایوان از آن‌جهت اهمیت دارد که به‌عنوان صفت مشخصۀ معماری ایرانی نیز بوده است. این نوشتار با استفاده از روش توصیفی-تاریخی، تحلیلی در آغاز با توجه به اهمیت ایوان در معماری ایرانی به پیشینۀ آن پرداخته است و سپس پرسش‌هایی را طرح نموده است که چرا چهارایوان در دورۀ هخامنشی و در کاخ‌های پاسارگاد به سبک برونگرا بوده است؟ دوم این‌که این طرح و نقشه چگونه بر نقشۀ چهارایوانی دورنگرا در دوره‌های اشکانی و ساسانی و سپس دورۀ اسلامی تأثیر‌گذار بوده است؟ با توجه به پرسش‌های طرح‌شده این پیش‌فرض‌ها قابل ارائه است که معماری هخامنشی تداوم‌دهندۀ معماری مادی و درنهایت درپی تکمیل آن بوده است که با توجه به ساختار حکومتی هخامنشی در قالبی با شکوه‌تر و با تأکید بر استفاده از ایوان در چهار سوی ساختمان کاخ و روی به باغ و مرتبط با آن طراحی و اجرا شده است؛ دیگر این‌که نقشۀ چهارایوانی هخامنشی به‌گونه‌ای دیگر با توجه به‌شرایط زمانی و مکانی با نقشه‌ای درونگرا در دوره‌های اشکانی- ساسانی و به‌ویژه دوران‌ اسلامی اجرا شده است؛ بنابراین همین طرح در طراحی کاخ‌ها، آرامگاه‌ها و کوشک‌های دوران صفوی تا قاجاری نمودی دیگر یافته و متأثر از معماری هخامنشی با طرح چهارایوان و فضای گنبددار مرکزی معماری با الهام از معماری ساسانی تجسم‌یافته است. برآیند این پژوهش نشان می‌هد که اگرچه ایوان در دورۀ پیش از عصر هخامنشی استفاده شده، ولی این طرح و نقشه از دورۀ هخامنشی با چهارایوانی برونگرا معنادار شده و در دوره‌های اشکانی و ساسانی به‌صورت درونگرا که در دوران اسلامی نیز تداوم یافته و در زمان صفوی و زندیه این ویژگی چهره‌ای نو به معماری این دوره‌ها (شیوۀ اصفهانی) داده است.

https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_5218_12780ea688a71dabc284b064add459a4.pdf

پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران 2345-5225 15 44 2025 05 22 A Typology of Floral Motifs on Ceilings and Wooden Column Capitals in Hypostyle Mosques of East Azerbaijan during the Safavid and Qajar Periods گونه‌شناسی نقوش گیاهیِ سقف و سرستون‌های چوبی مساجد ستون‌دار آذربایجان شرقی در دوران صفوی و قاجار 289 334 5324 10.22084/nb.2023.26801.2520 FA یداله حیدری باباکمال استادیار گروه باستان‌شناسی، دانشکدۀ حفاظت آثار فرهنگی (هنرهای کاربردی)، دانشگاه هنر اسلامی تبریز، تبریز، ایران (نویسندۀ مسئول). 0000-0002-1682-7104 عاطفه کمشکی دانشجوی دکتری باستان‌شناسی، گروه باستان‌شناسی دانشکدۀ حفاظت آثار فرهنگی (هنرهای کاربردی)، دانشگاه هنر اسلامی تبریز، تبریز، ایران. علی نعمتی بابایلو دانشیار گروه مرمت و باستان‌سنجی، دانشکدۀ حفاظت آثار فرهنگی (هنرهای کاربردی)، دانشگاه هنر اسلامی تبریز، تبریز، ایران. 0000-0002-6919-2579 Journal Article 2022 09 03 Abstract In the Azerbaijan region, the wooden-columned mosques stand out as exceptional representations of the Safavid and Qajar periods, with few parallels elsewhere in Iran. The majority of these mosques were erected under the Safavids and subsequently underwent restoration and augmentation particularly during the Qajar era receiving supplementary structural and decorative additions. A defining artistic characteristic of these mosques is their paintings made on wood featuring floral, arabesque (eslimi), and epigraphic motifs adorning the ceiling panels and the wooden muqarnas capitals of the columns. This study aims to classify the various types of floral and arabesque ornamentation found on the roof structures and timber columns of the hypostyle mosques in East Azerbaijan Province and to date them using comparative chronological framework. The research corpus encompasses all extant timber columnar mosques in the province, identified and documented through comprehensive field surveys. Among thirty-eight documented cases, eleven were confirmed to bear painted floral and arabesque motifs on their wooden elements. The results reveal ten distinct floral motif types executed on the wooden muqarnas capitals, cubic ornament boxes (sandūqcheh) mounted on the principal beams (shah-tir), the load-bearing joists, and the interstitial wooden spandrels (par-do) between these joists. These motifs synthesize late Islamic Iranian artistic conventions and present an innovative approach to interior mosque ornamentation. Although analogous motifs appear sporadically in some contemporaneous structures, the intensity of execution, thematic diversity, and profusion of designs in these mosques are unparalleled. The Safavid-period motifs are predominantly abstract, resonating with contemporary carpet and manuscript binding patterns and exhibiting minimal naturalism. In contrast, Qajar-period ornamentation while rooted in indigenous tradition displays discernible influences from Western prototypes. The selection of these motifs is attributed to the esoteric aesthetic philosophy of Islamic art, coupled with the prevailing cultural and religious milieu during the Safavid and Qajar eras. Keywords: Timber Hypostyle Mosques, Floral Motifs, Painted Woodwork, Safavid and Qajar periods, East Azerbaijan. Introduction The study of floral motifs yields significant insights into the material and spiritual worldviews of past societies. Throughout all historical periods and cultures, plants have played a pivotal role in human subsistence, daily necessities, livestock fodder, medicinal practices, and the artistic expression of craftsmen. Consequently, certain plant species have attained a sacred status within human belief systems. In the context of the Islamic era, the embellishment of mosques and other sacred buildings like mausoleums and madrasas has significantly integrated plant motifs derived from religious principles, surpassing their use in other artistic realms; these motifs were generally applied alongside textual inscriptions or as separate decorative elements on surfaces made of tile, plaster, wood, or stone. Although hypostyle columnar mosques first emerged in the early Islamic centuries, they were progressively supplanted by the Four iwān (Chahār-iwān) plan during the Middle Islamic Period, particularly with the advent of the Seljuk dynasty in Iran. It is noteworthy that none of the extant hypostyle mosques predating the late Islamic centuries exhibit painted floral motifs on wood. The distinctive revival of the columnar hypostyle form in the Safavid Period especially within the Azerbaijan region featured a renewed emphasis on timber construction and the reinvigoration of painted wood ornamentation. The studied columnar mosques, with their entirely wooden columns and ceilings, present a unique typological variant within regional religious architecture. Through systematic field surveys, the authors have identified thirty-eight hypostyle mosques with wooden structures in East Azerbaijan Province, a figure that likely underrepresents the original total due to urban expansion and destruction. This research focuses specifically on eleven of these mosques that retain a variety of painted floral motifs on their wooden ceilings and columns. Accordingly, the principal research questions are: 1. Into how many categories can the vegetal and arabesque motifs adorning the wooden ceilings and columns of East Azerbaijan’s mosques be classified? 2. How can the relative chronology of these mosques be established based on their floral motif typologies? 3. What factors underlie the selection of each vegetal motif type for decoration? Discussion A comparative analysis of the diverse floral motif types in the surveyed mosques reveals a marked variability in design between the Safavid and Qajar periods. Unlike the Safavid examples which favor abstraction, minimal naturalism, and restrained use of warm pigments (e.g., reds, browns, oranges, and yellows) the Qajar motifs exhibit greater complexity, repeated small-flower patterns with less strict symmetry, and enhanced naturalism. These Qajar designs are often arranged in horizontal and vertical registers within dense, networked frameworks. Field evidence indicates that Qajar-period vegetal ornaments employ more lifelike rendering, whereas Safavid compositions lean toward stylization and formal reduction. Moreover, the backgrounds of Qajar motifs demonstrate heightened naturalistic detailing, and the floral compositions manifest in various framing devices: circular cartouches, repetitive flower bands, and floral arrangements set within vase motifs. The absence of comparable designs in other Islamic art media underscores the innovative development of these motifs, particularly during the Qajar era. The dates inscribed on mosque structures from the Safavid and Qajar periods closely align with the construction and decorative styles typical of those times. For instance, the Mehrābād Mosque in Bonab features the dates 951, 1020, 1100, 1200, and 1261 AH, whereas the Qāżī Mosque in Maragha lists the years 1135, 1230, 1253, and 1279 AH. Among the recorded epigraphic dates, only three found in three separate mosques are from the Safavid period; the Jāme‘ of Meydān at Bonab and Esmā‘īl Beig Mosque do not have any dated inscriptions, and the other dates are associated with restorations from the Qajar era. Nevertheless, typological analysis of the floral motifs in the eleven surveyed mosques indicates that, with the exception of Gugān Mosque which is entirely a Qajar foundation all other examples were originally erected during the Safavid era and subsequently underwent restorative or additive interventions in the Qajar Period. In elucidating the rationale behind the selection of specific plant motifs for the ceilings and columns, one must consider their symbolic implications within Islamic art. The profusion and vivid coloring of medallion (turanj) motifs, compared to other decorative schemes, likely evoked the imagery of the “Highest Paradise,” thereby enhancing spiritual appeal for worshippers. When integrated with other vegetal patterns, these motifs foster visual cohesion and harmony within the mosque’s interior. Furthermore, artists deliberately employed the enigmatic repetition of vegetal and arabesque designs in Islam’s principal sacred spaces to elevate the sense of sanctity, tranquility, and devotional fervor among congregants. Conclusions Among the thirty-eight mosques surveyed in East Azerbaijan Province, eleven feature floral ornamentation on ceiling spandrels, load-bearing beams, non-structural wooden coffer boxes, and muqarnas capitals. This study identified ten distinct vegetal motif types dating to the Safavid and Qajar periods. Although analogous motifs exist in other artistic media, the remarkable abundance and diversity of these designs particularly on wooden surfaces distinguish the studied examples. Research on relative chronology suggests that the importance and ongoing utilization of these sanctuaries from the Safavid to the Qajar period resulted in many original motifs being created during the Safavid era, with later restorations and enhancements from the Qajar period contributing to the decorative design. Key characteristics of the ornamentation include the symmetry of compositions, heightened naturalism and chromatic variety in Qajar motifs compared to their Safavid counterparts, and a harmonious integration with Qur’anic inscriptions, sacred names (Asmāʾ al-Ḥusnā), and devotional poetry. These components work together to prevent visual uniformity and enhance the spiritual atmosphere of the interior space. Additionally, the intentional use of particular color schemes has played a crucial role in strengthening the overall unity of the decorative scheme. مساجد ستون‌دار چوبی منطقۀ آذربایجان شرقی از نمونه‌های منحصربه‌فرد دوران صفوی و قاجار هستند که مشابه آن‌ها در نقاط دیگر ایران به‌ندرت ساخته شده‌اند. بیشتر این مساجد در دورۀ صفوی ساخته و در دوره‌های بعد، به‌ویژه قاجار، بازسازی شده‌اند و قسمت‌ها یا آرایه‌های مکملی به آن‌ها افزوده شده است. یکی از مهم‌ترین ویژگی‌های هنری مساجد یاد شده، آرایۀ‌ نقاشی روی چوب در انواع: گیاهی، اسلیمی و کتیبه در سقف و سرستون‌های مقرنسی چوبی است؛ بنابراین مسئلۀ اصلی پژوهش پیشِ‌رو مطالعۀ گونه‌های مختلف آرایه‌های گیاهی و اسلیمی در سقف و ستون‌های چوبی مساجد شبستانی منطقۀ آذربایجان شرقی و بررسی جایگاه آن‌ها در گاهشناسی نسبی مساجد موردمطالعه است. بدین‌منظور جامعۀ آماری، تمامی مساجد ستون‌دار چوبی منطقۀ آذربایجان شرقی است که هر یک از آن‌ها ازطریق بررسی میدانی شناسایی و مطالعه شده‌اند. ازمیان 38مسجد شبستانی ستون‌دار بررسی شده، 11مسجد با نقوش‌ گیاهی و اسلیمی برروی چوب شناسایی شده است. نتایج پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که 10گونۀ گیاهی بر مقرنس‌های چوبی سرستون‌ها، صندوقچه‌های مکعبی غیرباربر روی شاه‌تیرها، تیرهای حمال و باریکه‌های چوب بین تیرهای حمال سقف موسوم به «پَردو» نقش شده است. گونه‌های گیاهی ترسیم شده ترکیبی از هنر ایرانی و اسلامی مرسوم در قرون متأخر اسلامی است که با توجه به اهمیت آن‌ها در تزئین مساجد موردمطالعه، سبک جدیدی را در آرایش نمای داخلی مساجد ارائه می‌دهند؛ اگرچه مشابه این نقوش در سایر گونه‌های معماری معاصر کم‌وبیش یافت‌شده، با این‌حال، شیوۀ اجرا، فراوانی و تنوعِ بسیار مضامین در سقف و سرستون‌ها در هیچ نمونۀ دیگری از مساجد ایران مشاهده نشده است. گونه‌های منسوب به دورۀ صفوی عموماً مشابه نقوش فرش‌ها و جلدهای نسخ خطی هم‌زمان طراحی‌شده‌ که ترکیب آن‌ها بیشتر تجریدی بوده، و طبیعت‌گرایی کمتری در آن‌ها دیده می‌شود. در طراحی نقوش گیاهی مربوط به دورۀ قاجار نیز با توجه به تداوم سنت‌های پیشین، به‌ویژه در ترسیم نقوش اسلیمی، ویژگی‌های مشخص قاجاری در رنگ‌بندی متنوع و گرم و طبیعت‌گرایی بیشتر نسبت به نمونه‌های صفوی مشهود است. نکتۀ جالب‌توجه الگوپذیری اندک نمونه‌های قاجاری از موارد مشابه غربی در ترسیم نقوش است. دلایل ترسیم نقوش به فلسفۀ رمزآلود هنر اسلامی در ترسیم نقوش و بافت فرهنگی و شرایط مذهبی حاکم‌در مناطق موردمطالعه در دوران صفوی و قاجار بازمی‌گردد.

https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_5324_510731ac096ebcb3989fb1ed5b7075bb.pdf