پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225164820260522Unraveling the Socio-Economic Organization of the Dalma Culture: Investigating Political Economy through Qualitative Ceramic Analysisبازشناسی سازماندهی اقتصادی-اجتماعی دالما بهمنظور درک اقتصاد سیاسی برپایۀ تحلیل کیفی سفال734550310.22084/nb.2023.27264.2540FAحمیدرضاقربانیگروه باستانشناسی، دانشکدۀ حفاظت و مرمت، دانشگاه هنر اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران (نویسندۀ مسئول).علیرضافطرتگروه باستانشناسی، دانشکدۀ حفاظت و مرمت، دانشگاه هنر اصفهان، اصفهان، ایرانعباسمترجمگروه باستانشناسی، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، دانشگاه بوعلی سینا، همدان، ایران.Journal Article20221225<strong>Abstract</strong><br />Dalma tradition denotes a 5th millennium BC archaeological phenomenon and a widespread trans-regional tradition in Southwest Asia. Pottery serves as a key expression of this tradition’s material culture. Although six decades have passed since Dalma pottery was first identified, very little is known about the general archaeological context of the area. In addition to the uncertainties and fundamental challenges surrounding its chronology, geographic scope, and distribution, as one of the most essential components of Dalma culture, the question of how it was organized socio-economically still remains unsolved. The archaeological record of Dalma cultural material suggests that the phenomenon’s broader architectural context is not yet fully understood; uncertainty persists regarding the nature of residential sites and the settlement hierarchy. Nevertheless, the socioeconomic aspects of Dalma should not be overlooked due to the scarcity of data. Therefore, it is crucial to select an approach that makes the best use of the scant data that is now available. Such an approach should focus on the socioeconomic implications of Dalma pottery, the sole available abundant and diverse dataset. This study presents a political-economic analysis of Dalma pottery as a commodity, with a specific focus on its common characteristics. Based on this research, it can be concluded that Dalma pottery was produced by a specialist potter outside of the immediate household context. According to qualitative analyses, Dalma pottery shows improvement over earlier periods, but from a political economy standpoint, it may still not have been a costly item. Consistent with the expansion of Dalma pottery and its geographic scope, the number of settlements reflects a widespread substantial abundance of Dalma pottery usage. However, pottery has generally always been used in a nonhierarchical fashion. This finding, combined with the paucity of data on management practices, underscores the challenges in understanding Dalma’s socioeconomic and economic characteristics more than it simply clarifies its nonhierarchical socioeconomic aspects.<br /><strong>Keywords: </strong>Dalma Archaeology, Political Economy, Pottery, Commodity, Hierarchy.<br /> <br /><strong>Introduction</strong><br />With the rise of processual archaeology in the mid-20th century, attention to the economic and social dimensions of archaeological research was formally acknowledged, and it became a central component of archaeological methodology. However, decades before the processual approach emerged, archaeologists influenced by political economy had already recognized the significance of the economic and social dimensions of ancient societies and had sought to describe them. This is not always possible because of archaeology’s inherently fragmentary nature. Reconstructing the socioeconomic characteristics of the studied communities depends significantly on two factors: the type of data used and the quality of the archaeological studies. This becomes especially complicated in the case of the Dalma tradition. With few exceptions, Dalma studies have not primarily concentrated on economic and social aspects. Furthermore, because no comprehensive research on analytical methodologies has been conducted to date, sporadic studies of social structure undertaken in conjunction with the spread of this pottery tradition, including the role of nomads, do not currently help clarify the economy and society of Dalma. This is due to the fact that incomplete data prevents such analysis. The goal of this study is to examine the socioeconomic structure of the human populations that are considered to be part of Dalma tradition. This study makes an effort to give a socioeconomic analysis of archaeological data without using any preset evolutionary models. The main research question is how archaeological evidence reveals the nature of Dalma culture’s socioeconomic organization. In response to this question, it is suggested that current archaeological evidence from Dalma’s material culture appears to reflect demographic groups with a relatively low level of socioeconomic complexity. The secondary question is whether any socioeconomic study of demographic groups using Dalma pottery is possible or not. In response to this, it is proposed that using the political economy method to examine Dalma pottery suggests the feasibility of conducting economic and social sub-analyses.<br />This study adopts a constructive-interpretive paradigm. Inductive reasoning serves as the theoretical basis for quantitative approach. The variables extracted from the instances are examined through the case studies. The data are collected through documentary research. The study’s focus is on prehistoric archaeology, as well as the identification and understanding of socioeconomic nature. The study concentrates on the 5th millennium BC in the northwest and west, as well as parts of the western regions of the Central Iranian Plateau, in terms of temporal and spatial aspects. A case study is employed to identify a specific circumstance that aligns with the study’s methodology.<br /> <br /><strong>Discussion</strong><br />In political economy, the relative amount of labor required to produce a good is reflected in its consumption value. Determining the production procedure is crucial for evaluating the worth of Dalma pottery as a good. Rice’s criterion provides the basis for the qualitative assessment method used in this study. According to this conventional criterion, which distinguishes household production from professional craftsmanship, pottery made in a domestic context is undoubtedly nonstandard. The technology of forming and decoration can be used to identify the standard, which in this context is synonymous with homogeneity. Based on petrographic studies, Tonoike argues that certain technological traits can be used to distinguish Dalma pottery from different regions and sites. Therefore, it may be said that Dalma pottery exhibits technological homogeneity. In terms of decoration, there is virtually universal agreement on the homogeneity of Dalma pottery (painted, impressed, and red-slipped wares). Thus, Dalma pottery was probably not produced in a domestic context; rather, it was made by expert potters in most cases (whether full-time or part-time is not discussed here). It is, therefore, the product of craftsmanship. In addition, Dalma pottery is a product whose manufacture demanded significantly more labor than the earlier Hajji Firuz/Hassuna tradition, irrespective of its type (painted, impressed, and red-slipped ware) and spatio-temporal distribution. Instead of concentrating on forming the pottery body, a considerable amount of labor was invested in innovative decorative ideas. However, in qualitative contrast to pottery traditions from regions of pronounced socioeconomic complexity, such as the Middle Susiana tradition, Susiana pottery, with its relatively lower level of technology and ornamentation, probably required less effort for decoration. As a result, it held a lower consumption value.<br /> <br /><strong>Conclusion</strong><br />The emphasis on vertical stratigraphy in Dalma material culture deposits, together with the archaeology of Dalma cultural material and a critical assessment of the current research landscape, reveals significant limitations that are largely a consequence of the region’s marginal position in field investigations from 1950 to the present day. This study therefore focuses on Dalma pottery within this constrained research framework. By drawing on a political economy approach that views the consumption value of a good as a reflection of the labor invested in its manufacture and its broad geographical reach, it becomes possible to trace its social and economic significance. Consequently, it is likely that specialist potters manufactured Dalma pottery throughout their production sequence (whether full-time or part-time specialization remains an open question). However, no evidence supports the existence of a workshop-based craft economy directed by local elites, as observed in the Susiana plain (Middle Susiana). The currently available data indicate that the use of Dalma pottery reflects nonhierarchical consumption, a pattern that aligns with its extensive geographical dispersal and prolonged, widespread adoption by communities over relatively long intervals of the 5th millennium BC. Given these constraints, archaeological investigation can thus at the present stage only reconstruct the prehistoric Dalma socioeconomic organization to this very limited degree.دالما بهمثابه یک پدیدۀ باستانشناختیْ از سنتهای فراگیر فرامنطقهای هزارۀ پنجم پیشازمیلاد در جنوبغرب آسیا بهشمار میرود. سفال، یکی از نمودهای شاخص فرهنگ مادی این سنت محسوب میشود. با گذشت دستکم شش دهه از شناسایی نخستین سفالهای منسوب به دالما اطلاعات اندکی از کلیّت بافتار باستانشناختی آن در دسترس است. علاوهبر ابهامها و چالشهای بنیادی دربارۀ گاهنگاری، گسترۀ جغرافیایی و نحوۀ پراکنش آن، پرسش از سازماندهی اقتصادی-اجتماعی فرهنگ دالما بهعنوان یکی از بنیادیترین جنبههای آن تاکنون بدون پاسخ باقیمانده است. دیرینهشناسی دانش باستانشناختی از دالما نشان میدهد تاکنون بافتار معماری گسترده و قابل تحلیلی از این پدیدۀ فرهنگی بهدست نیامده است؛ ماهیت محوطههای استقراری در پردۀ ابهاماند و سلسلهمراتب استقراری آن بهمیزان زیادی ناشناخته است. با اینوجود، کمبود دادهها توجیهی برای چشمپوشی از جنبههای اقتصادی و اجتماعی دالما محسوب نمیشود. بنابراین، انتخاب یک رهیافت جهت استفادۀ بهینه از دادههای محدودِ موجود ضروری است؛ رهیافتی که امکان خوانش دلالتهای اقتصادی-اجتماعی سفال دالما را بهعنوان تنها دادۀ متنوع و پرشمار عهدهدار باشد. در این پژوهش با مبنا قرار دادن ویژگیهای عام سفال دالما، یک تحلیل اقتصاد سیاسیگرایانه از آن بهمثابه یک کالا ارائه میشود. براساس این تحلیل، سفال دالما کالایی ساخته شده خارج از بافتار خانوار و محصول کار سفالگر متخصص است. ارزیابیهای کیفی نشانگر آن است باوجود اینکه در سفال دالما نسبت به گذشته پیشرفتهایی حاصل شده است، اما از منظر اقتصادِ سیاسی احتمالاً کالایی گران قیمت نبوده است. بهطور هماهنگ شمار استقرارها با غلبۀ سفال دالما و نیز گستردگی وسیع جغرافیایی آن، بر فراوانی قابلتوجه استفاده از سفال دالما دلالت دارد. با اینحال، مصرف سفال دالما کمابیش نشانگر استفادۀ غیرسلسلهمراتبی آن است. این نتیجه، همبسته با شمار بسیار اندک دادههای مرتبط با فنون مدیریت، بیش از آن که بیانگر سازماندهی اقتصادی-اجتماعی فاقد سلسلهمراتب باشد، نمایانگر محدودیتهای موجود در شناخت جنبههای اقتصادی و اجتماعی دالما است. https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_5503_478c436fefc5c131043ecf3d9fa19e08.pdfپژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225164820260522New Evidence for the Emergence of Writing on the Central Iranian Plateau Based on Excavations at Meymanat-Abad Tepeشواهدی جدید از آغازِ نگارش در فلاتمرکزی ایران براساس کاوشهای محوطۀ میمنتآباد3570529710.22084/nb.2023.26165.2476FAروح اللهیوسفی زشکگروه باستانشناسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، واحد ورامین-پیشوا، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، ورامین، ایران (نویسندۀ مسئول).سعیدباقیزادهمؤسسۀ باستانشناسی دوران کهن و خاورنزدیک، دانشگاه هایدلبرگ، هایدلبرگ، آلمان.پریسانکوییگروه باستانشناسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران.0000-0002-3201-8366حسنافشاریگروه باستانشناسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران.Journal Article20220420<strong>Abstract</strong><br />This study presents and analyzes a numerical clay tablet discovered at the archaeological site of Meymanat-Abad on the Iranian Central Plateau, offering new evidence for the emergence of early administrative technologies in the Late Chalcolithic period. While the origins of writing have traditionally been attributed to southern Mesopotamia, particularly Uruk, growing archaeological evidence suggests that systems of accounting and information management developed across a broader cultural landscape of the ancient Near East. The primary objective of this research is to evaluate the cultural distribution, chronology, and computational systems of numerical tablets and to clarify the role of Central Iran in the development of early record-keeping practices. The main research question asks whether the emergence of administrative recording systems was exclusively a Mesopotamian phenomenon or part of a multi-centered process involving regions such as the Iranian Plateau. The principal hypothesis proposes that traditions of accounting and commodity registration were not limited to southern Mesopotamia but evolved through interconnected regional networks. The research employs a descriptive-analytical method, combining stratigraphic analysis, typological comparison, and absolute radiocarbon dating. The Meymanat-Abad tablet was found near the floor of a large administrative building associated with numerous beveled-rim bowls. A human skeleton discovered within the same occupational phase was radiocarbon dated to approximately 3550 BCE. Stratigraphic principles of terminus post quem and terminus ante quem confirm the contemporaneity of the burial, the architectural complex, and the tablet. The findings demonstrate that Central Iran actively participated in the formation of early accounting systems, supporting a multi-regional model for the emergence of writing in the ancient Near East.<br /><strong>Keywords:</strong> Meymanat-Abad, Numerical Tablet, Early Accounting Systems, Late Chalcolithic Period, Iranian Central Plateau, Emergence of Writing.<br /> <br /><strong>Introduction</strong><br />The emergence of writing represents one of the most transformative developments in human history. Traditionally, this innovation has been attributed to southern Mesopotamia during the Uruk period in the mid- to late fourth millennium BCE. However, recent archaeological discoveries across the Near East, including regions of Iran and Syria, challenge the notion of a single-point origin and instead suggest a broader, interconnected sphere of administrative experimentation. The Iranian Central Plateau occupies a strategic position within this network of cultural interaction. Sites such as Susa, Chogha Mish, Godin Tepe, and Sialk have yielded administrative artifacts, including numerical tablets, sealings, and beveled-rim bowls, that parallel developments in Mesopotamia. These materials indicate participation in shared technological and economic systems. The discovery of a numerical clay tablet at Meymanat-Abad contributes significantly to this discussion. The site’s stratified Late Chalcolithic deposits and associated architectural remains provide a rare opportunity to contextualize early administrative practices within a secure archaeological framework. The necessity of this research lies in reassessing the geographic and cultural scope of early accounting technologies and determining whether Central Iran functioned merely as a recipient of western influence or as an active contributor to the development of recording systems. By integrating stratigraphy, comparative typology, and radiocarbon analysis, this study aims to clarify the chronological position of the Meymanat-Abad tablet and evaluate its implications for broader models of early writing.<br />Tepe Meymanat-Abad<br />The numerical tablet from Meymanat-Abad measures approximately 6×5×2.5 cm and bears nine numerical impressions. Although the precise numerical values remain under study, the arrangement and morphology of the signs resemble Late Chalcolithic accounting tablets from Godin Tepe. Such tablets were primarily used for recording commodities, especially cereals and ration distributions, through numerical notation without lexical signs. The archaeological context of the discovery is particularly significant. The tablet was recovered near the floor of a large mudbrick administrative building in the northern mound of the site. This structure yielded a substantial number of beveled-rim bowls, vessels commonly associated with rationing systems. Approximately 14 meters from the tablet findspot, in Workshop 4, a partial human skeleton was discovered. Stratigraphic analysis revealed that the burial was cut into layers belonging to the Sialk III7 cultural phase. The burial therefore cannot predate this occupational horizon and provides a terminus post quem for the associated architectural complex. Furthermore, the surface of the skeleton was covered with plain buff pottery and beveled-rim bowl sherds. These materials establish a terminus ante quem, indicating that the burial and the administrative activity belong to the same cultural phase. Radiocarbon dating of the human remains yielded a date of approximately 3550 BCE, situating the building and tablet firmly within the Late Chalcolithic period.<br /> <br /><strong>Discussion </strong><br />The Meymanat-Abad evidence contributes to ongoing debates regarding the origins of writing and administrative technologies. The widespread distribution of numerical tablets across Mesopotamia, Syria, and Iran suggests the existence of an interconnected cultural horizon rather than isolated innovation. The Meymanat-Abad tablet shares structural similarities with examples from western Iran, yet local features, such as stamp seal traditions in the northern plateau, indicate regional adaptations. The application of stratigraphic principles strengthens the chronological argument. Because the burial intruded into Sialk III7 layers, it must postdate the formation of those deposits. Conversely, the pottery covering the skeleton, particularly the beveled-rim bowl fragments associated with administrative activities, indicates that the burial occurred before the abandonment of this occupational phase. Together, these observations narrow the chronological window and confirm that the radiocarbon date of 3550 BCE reflects the age of the architectural complex and its associated finds. This date corresponds closely with chronologies established at Godin Tepe and aligns with ‘formative Proto-Elamite horizon’ developments. The contemporaneity of these regions implies participation in shared economic networks. Rather than viewing Central Iran as peripheral, the data support a model of parallel and interactive development in which administrative recording systems evolved across multiple centers.<br /> <br /><strong>Conclusion</strong><br />The numerical clay tablet from Meymanat-Abad represents one of the earliest securely dated examples of administrative recording on the Central Iranian Plateau. Its association with a large mudbrick building, numerous beveled-rim bowls, and a radiocarbon-dated burial provides a robust contextual framework. Through the application of terminus post quem and terminus ante quem principles, the radiocarbon date of approximately 3550 BCE can be assigned to the administrative building and the tablet itself. This chronological placement situates Meymanat-Abad within the broader Late Chalcolithic administrative horizon of the ancient Near East. The evidence challenges strictly diffusionist models that attribute the invention of writing exclusively to southern Mesopotamia. Instead, the data favor a multi-centered process in which interconnected regions, including Central Iran, actively contributed to the emergence of early accounting systems. Meymanat-Abad therefore occupies an important position in reconstructing the early history of writing, demonstrating that the management and registration of commodities developed through regional interaction and local innovation across the Near East.پیدایش نظامهای ثبت و نگارش در خاور نزدیک از مهمترین تحولات فرهنگی نیمۀ دوم هزارۀ چهارم پیشازمیلاد است که درپی افزایش پیچیدگیهای اقتصادی و اداری جوامع شکلگرفت. در اینمیان، گِلنبشتههای شمارشی از نخستین ابزارهای ثبت، حسابداری و مدیریت اطلاعات اقتصادی بهشمار میآیند و بررسی آنها در شناخت روند شکلگیری نظامهای اولیۀ نگارش و گسترش آن در آسیای غربی اهمیت دارد؛ هرچند خاستگاه نگارش غالباً به جنوب میانرودان و فرهنگ اوروک نسبت داده میشود، شواهد باستانشناختی نشان میدهد که سنتهای حسابداری و ثبت کالاها در چارچوب شبکهای گسترده از تعاملات فرهنگی در سراسر خاورنزدیک باستان شکلگرفتهاند. فلاتمرکزی ایران نیز بهسبب موقعیت جغرافیایی خود در مسیر ارتباطات فرهنگی و اقتصادی میانرودان، جایگاهی مهم در این فرآیند دارد. پژوهش حاضر با هدف معرفی و تحلیل یک گِلنبشتۀ شمارشی بهدستآمده از فصل دوم کاوشهای باستانشناسی محوطۀ میمنتآباد، در جنوبغرب دشت تهران، انجام شده است. در این مطالعه، ویژگیهای شکلی، فن ساخت، علائم شمارشی و بستر باستانشناختی این اثر بررسی و با نمونههای مشابه از شوش، چغامیش، سیلک، گودین، میانرودان و سوریه مقایسه شده است. این گِلنبشته در نزدیکی کف بنایی بزرگ با کارکرد احتمالی اداری و در ارتباط با مجموعهای از کاسههای لبهواریخته کشف شد. همچنین، اسکلت انسانی متعلق بههمین لایه با روش رادیوکربن حدود ۳۵۵۰پ.م. تاریخگذاری شده و بر پایۀ اصول لایهنگاری، همزمانی تدفین، معماری و گِلنبشته تأیید میشود. روش پژوهش توصیفی-تحلیلی است و دادهها ازطریق مطالعات میدانی، تحلیل لایهنگاری، مقایسۀ گونهشناختی و تاریخگذاری مطلق گردآوری شدهاند. نتایج نشان میدهد این گِلنبشته از نظر شکل، نوع علائم و کارکرد احتمالی، در چارچوب نظامهای شمارشی و مدیریتی اواسط هزارۀ چهارم پیشازمیلاد قابل تفسیر است و شواهد تازهای برای نقش فعال فلاتمرکزی ایران در شبکههای فرهنگی و اقتصادی آسیای غربی و الگوی چندمرکزی تکوین نظامهای اداری و نگارشی فراهم میآورد.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_5297_fa71dfe671ce06df57943150a99320eb.pdfپژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225164820260522Archeological Investigation of Counting and Accounting Evidence in Tappeh Yal (Yalda) of Sistan During the Bronze Ageبررسی باستانشناختی شواهد شمارش و حسابداری تپه یل (یلدا) سیستان در عصر مفرغ7198605410.22084/nb.2025.29667.2699FAحسینعلیکاوشگروه باستانشناسی، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، دانشگاه زابل، زابل، ایران (نویسندۀ مسئول).زینبمحجوبگروه باستانشناسی، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری دانشگاه مازندران، مازندران، ایران.Journal Article20240728<strong>Abstract</strong><br />Small objects fashioned from mud and stone in varied sizes and shapes are recurrent among cultural assemblages recovered from archaeological excavations. Various theories exist regarding the function of these objects; some researchers maintain that they were used as counting devices within the accounting and tallying systems during different periods. With the growth of regional and transregional trade in the Bronze Age and the emergence of specialist communities, recording and accounting systems became highly essential. Sistan constituted a major center of the Bronze Age in southeastern Iran; consequently, scholars have consistently emphasized the pivotal role of the cultural sphere of the Hirmand Civilization in its cultural interactions and vibrant regional and transregional trade. Tappeh Yal (Taleb Khan 2) is one of the satellite sites near Shahr e Sukhteh, where six seasons of the survey have been completed, and 273 accounting and counting objects have been discovered within the four first seasons, most of them relating to the season four. Most of these objects were uncovered in an archaeological pit that serves as the focus of the present paper. The principal objectives of this study are to typologize and classify the accounting related finds, to recognize the accounting and counting system at Tappeh Yal, and to identify this system within the developmental sequence of counting. In this research, the objects under study were divided into two main categories, each containing various subtypes. The presence of workshop spaces, a warehouse, and counting objects on this site indicate that Tappeh Yal was a manufacturing center during the Bronze Age, with some industrialists working full time in workshops to produce industrial goods, and some individuals overseeing and managing these sites. These findings indicate that a relatively complex accounting system was used during the Bronze Age, which had been common from the middle of the fourth millennium BC in many areas of Iran.<br /><strong>Keywords:</strong> Hirmand Civilization, Scope, Sistan, Shahr-e-Sukhteh, Tapeh Yal, Counting System, Good Counter, Accounting.<br /> <br /><strong>Introduction</strong><br />The Sistan Plain, situated in southeastern Iran, has served as a fertile ground for the development of significant civilizations, influenced by factors such as its rich agricultural land, pristine natural environment, strategic location, and access to the Hirmand River. The existence of numerous prehistoric, historical, and Islamic sites attests to a vibrant cultural life that has endured for thousands of years. Among these sites, the ancient site of Shahr-e Sukhteh, a pivotal center of the Bronze Age and one of the most strategically important urban areas from the dawn of history, holds a prominent position. Additionally, one of the satellite sites, known as Tappeh Yal (Yalda), has been the subject of archaeological excavations. These excavations have yielded a diverse array of cultural artifacts, including a substantial collection of objects related to counting and accounting. These discoveries provide a valuable foundation for the examination of counting and accounting systems in the prehistoric societies of the Sistan Plain, which is the focus of this research study.<br />Objectives and Necessity of the Research: The aims of the research are to investigate the counting and accounting evidence recovered from archaeological excavations at Tappeh Yal. Additionally, the study classifies the counting objects retrieved during the excavations according to their typology. It also endeavors to elucidate and to theoretically analyze the accounting system mechanism employed at Tappeh Yal in particular, as well as more broadly across the wider Sistan Plain.<br />Research Questions: In line with the research objectives and the critical necessity of understanding the accounting systems of Bronze Age societies in southeastern Iran through the Tappeh Yal findings, the present study addresses these questions: What roles and functions did the diverse clay objects from Tappeh Yal serve? Which specific accounting and counting system was in use at the site? Moreover, by carefully comparing these findings with comparable archaeological discoveries from the Sistan Plain, what degree of socio-economic complexity is reflected by these small objects?<br />Research Method: This study constitutes a historical-analytical investigation carried out in two distinct stages. Stage I focused on the finds from the first four seasons of archaeological excavation at Tappeh Yal. Stage II involved the thorough examination of relevant library documents. The research sought to construct a clear, logically coherent, and systematic understanding of the accounting and counting system utilized at Tappeh Yal by integrating theoretical foundations with the excavation-derived evidence and documentary records.<br /> <br /><strong>Discussion</strong><br />Tappeh Yal is a site measuring 70×50 meters, covering a total area of 3,500 square meters. It is located approximately 11 kilometers from Shahr-e Sukhteh and is considered one of the satellite sites associated with this site. Since 2010, the University of Zabol has been excavating this site for six seasons under the supervision of the first author. During the first four seasons, nine trenches were excavated to identify cultural layers and sequences and to perform horizontal excavations uncovering architectural features. The site consists of three main sections: residential areas, workshops, and storage spaces. On the western side of the site, the remains of an ancient pit were discovered, containing layers of sand and ash, along with numerous artifacts. These included accounting and management objects, spindle whorls, slings, statuettes of humans and animals, plain and decorated pottery sherds, and charcoal. A series of storage spaces were also identified in the northern front and center of the mound, near this pit. The findings clearly indicate that Tappeh Yal functioned as a residential-workshop site, a conclusion further supported by the discovery of counting and accounting materials.<br />To document the collection of accounting objects from the first four seasons of excavation, which numbered 273, accounting objects were classified based on their shapes and appearances. In total, this classification identified eight main types and their subtypes, which included simple and complex counting objects. These eight types included spherical, cylindrical, flat, and seal tokens, decorated pottery, miniature vessels, counting balls, and tally slabs.<br /> <br /><strong>Conclusion</strong><br />The excavations at Tappeh Yal uncovered a significant assemblage of artifacts, providing a solid foundation for the study of accounting and counting systems in prehistoric societies of the Sistan Plain. These artifacts represented 273 of the 907 objects recovered during the first four excavation seasons at the site. A typological study based on these objects’ morphology and appearance resulted in the identification of eight main types and various subtypes, comprising both simple and complex counting items. According to the research, the absolute and relative chronology of Tappeh Yal places the site between 2600 and 2300 BC. The architectural remains at the site attest to the presence of warehouse bins. The presence of kilns and storage spaces at Tappeh Yal suggests that the site was one of the centers of pottery production during the Bronze Age. Furthermore, the presence of counting tools points to a specific counting and accounting system within a relatively complex society characterized by distinct social hierarchies, where certain individuals (the elite) played a role in monitoring and controlling societal activities.در مجموعه یافتههای فرهنگی حاصل از کاوشهای باستانشناسی، اشیاء کوچک گلی و سنگی در ابعاد و اشکال مختلف یافت میشود که تاکنون جهت کارکرد آنها نظرات مختلفی ارائه شده، که برخی از پژوهشگران معتقدند این اشیاء جهت شمارش در یک نظام حسابداری و شمارشی در دورانهای مختلف استفاده میشده است. در طول دورۀ مفرغ با توجه به توسعۀ تجارت منطقه ای و فرامنطقهای و وجود یک جامعۀ تخصصگرا نیاز زیادی به ثبت و ضبط و حسابداری وجود داشته است. سیستان نیز یکی از قطبهای اصلی عصر مفرغ در جنوبشرق ایران بوده که پژوهشگران همواره به نقش کلیدی حوزۀ فرهنگی تمدن هیرمند در تعاملات فرهنگی و تجارت منطقهای و فرامنطقهای آن اذعان نمودهاند. تپه یل (طالبخان 2) یکی از محوطههای اقماری و نزدیک به شهرسوخته است. تاکنون شش فصل کاوش در آن انجام شده است و طی چهار فصل نخست آن تعداد 273عدد شئ حسابداری و شمارشی کشف شد؛ که بیشترین آنها طی چهارمین فصل کاوش از داخل یک پیت باستانی بهدست آمده است. گونهشناسی و طبقهبندی یافتههای مرتبط با حسابداری، بازشناسی سامانۀ حسابداری و نظام شمارشی در تپه یل و همچنین شناخت جایگاه این سامانه در مراحل تطور نظام شمارشی، از اهداف اصلی این نوشتار است. طی این پژوهش اشیاء فوق به دو دستۀ اصلی تقسیم گردید که هرکدام از آنها دارای زیرگونههای مختلفی هستند. وجود فضاهای کارگاهی، انبار و اشیاء شمارشی در این محوطه نشان میدهد که تپه یل یک مرکز تولیدی در عصر مفرغ بوده که صنعتگرانی بهصورت تماموقت در کارگاهها به تولیدات صنعتی مشغول بوده و افرادی وظیفۀ نظارت و مدیریت را برعهده داشتهاند. با توجه به یافتههای فوق بهنظر میرسد مردمان عصر مفرغ سیستان از یک سیستم حسابرسی نسبتاً پیچیده که از اواسط هزارۀ چهارم پیشازتاریخ در مناطق وسیعی از ایران رایج بوده استفاده میکردهاند.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_6054_168ac9ae03c04076316626caab728737.pdfپژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225164820260522Population Mobility of Mersin Chal Residents During the Second Half of the First Millennium BCجابهجایی جمعیتی ساکنان مرسینچال در نیمۀ دوم هزارۀ اول پیشازمیلاد99124620410.22084/nb.2025.29148.2666FAسحربختیاریگروه باستانشناسی دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرس، تهران، ایران (نویسندۀ مسئول).سیدمهدیموسویگروه باستانشناسی دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرس، تهران، ایران.محمدرضانعمتیپژوهشکدۀ باستانشناسی، پژوهشگاه میراثفرهنگی و گردشگری، تهران، ایران.0000-0002-0362-712XJournal Article20240327<strong>Abstract</strong><br />The Mersin Chal Cemetery lies on the southern bank of the Esperu River, southwest of Telajim village in Mehdishahr city, Semnan Province. It is situated on the southern slopes of the Eastern Alborz Mountains, between the desert regions and the Central Iranian Plateau on one side and northern and northeastern Iran on the other. It lies along the ancient east-west communication route, known as the Great Khorasan Road. Absolute chronology analysis indicates that the cemetery dates to the Achaemenid, Seleucid, and Parthian periods. This cemetery is highly significant, as it represents the first Achaemenid site excavated in the Semnan region. It highlights the Achaemenid Empire’s dynamics on a regional scale. Its importance is further underscored by its proximity to the Qumis civilization. In this regard, one aim of the third season of archaeological excavations at the Mersin Chal cemetery was to identify and investigate burial practices and to conduct biological anthropology studies. This study aimed to estimate age at death, determine sex, and identify indigenous and non-indigenous individuals buried in the cemetery through bioarchaeological research. To achieve these objectives, the following questions were posed: (1) What methods were used to estimate age and determine sex of individuals buried in this cemetery? (2) How can indigenous and non-indigenous individuals be distinguished? To address these questions, the study employed 87Sr/86Sr stable isotope analysis of tooth enamel samples from human remains in 12 of the 49 excavated graves at the Mersin Chal cemetery, along with SPSS statistical techniques. Analysis of stable strontium isotope ratios in adult male and female skeletons from the Mersin Chal cemetery suggests that an indigenous community most likely used the site during the latter half of the first millennium BC.<br /><strong>Keywords:</strong> Mersin Chal Cemetery, The Second Half of the First Millennium BC, Mobility, Tooth Enamel, Strontium Isotope.<br /> <br /><strong>Introduction</strong><br />The strontium (Sr) isotope ratio is an important geochemical tracer employed across various disciplines, including archaeology, ecology, food authenticity studies, forensics, and more (Willmes et al., 2013: 763). In archaeology, Sr isotope analysis was pioneered by Erickson and has since become a widely adopted method for investigating patterns of human and animal mobility (Blank et al., 2018: 4). Strontium consists of four stable isotopes: 84Sr, 86Sr, 87Sr, and 88Sr; 87Sr originates from the decay of 87Rb (Dorado et al., 2012: 88). Analysis of strontium isotopes in archaeological materials such as teeth and bones is a valuable method for examining historical human mobility patterns (Willmes et al., 2018: 4; Bentley, 2006: 135-136; Gregoricka, 2021: 20). This technique relies on variations in strontium isotope ratios, which are shaped by local geology, because the 87Sr/86Sr ratio differs among rock and sediment types (Price, 2015: 78). Certain rocks, such as basalt, contain low levels of 87Sr, whereas others, like granite, are rich in it. In sedimentary rocks, the 87Sr concentration is closely linked to geological age, reflecting changes in the isotopic composition of seawater through time (Sołtysiak, 2020a: 116). Strontium isotope ratios vary with the bedrock type that forms the soil and also differ between individuals consuming marine or terrestrial resources (Katzenberg, 2008: 430). Through weathering, strontium from rocks is released and incorporated into the cycles of soil, vegetation, and animals. Humans, in turn, absorb strontium through their diet. Because strontium is chemically similar to calcium, it substitutes for calcium in biological apatite (bones and teeth), (Bentley, 2006: 141; Willmes et al., 2018: 4). Dental enamel is widely regarded as the ideal material for examining prehistoric human and animal mobility, owing to its greater resistance to diagenesis and contamination than bone (Blank et al., 2018: 5). “The strontium isotope ratio in tooth enamel reflects the bedrock geology of an individual’s birthplace. In contrast, the strontium isotope ratio in their bones, together with plant and animal remains and the surrounding bedrock, reveals the environment the individual experienced during adulthood” (Goodarzi et al., 2022: 61). This characteristic is useful for tracking mobility and changes in geological environment. “If an individual relocates to an area with different geological conditions or is buried in a new region, the isotopic composition of their dental enamel will not correspond to that of the new location” (Price, 2015: 78). This discrepancy enables the identification of individuals as migrants based on differing 87Sr/86Sr signatures in their teeth (Bentley et al., 2003: 474).<br /> <br /><strong>Discussion </strong><br />Mersin Chal Cemetery, located along the southeastern shore of the Caspian Sea, is recognized as “the first archaeological site from the Achaemenid period to be unearthed in this region of Iran. This discovery provides valuable insights into the Achaemenid Empire’s dynamics at the regional level” (Malekzadeh et al., 2023: 70). The Semnan region, historically known as Qumis or Hecatompylos, once served as the capital of the Parthians and was strategically situated along the Great Khorasan road of the Silk Road. This strategic location underscores its historical importance (Sharifi, 2019: 145). The East-West Road of Greater Khorasan served as a vital communication and trade route across the Iranian Plateau. It connected Central Asia to Khorasan and extended along the southern slopes of the Alborz Mountains, reaching Anatolia and Mesopotamia (Tahmasebi Zave & Iravani Ghadim, 2015: 77). Qumis now lies within Semnan Province, which makes the study of the Mersin Chal cemetery particularly significant because of its proximity to the Qumis civilization area. This underscores the importance of analyzing human bone data from the Mersin Chal cemetery to gain deeper insights into the population diversity, encompassing both indigenous and non-indigenous groups, of the communities that once inhabited this area. The location of this cemetery on the Iranian central plateau has long offered favorable environmental potential, supplying livelihood resources. Its strategic position along the communication route linking the East and West of the ancient world also played a crucial role. These advantageous conditions occasionally led to population movements and large-scale migrations into the region at certain times. In this study, displacement and mobility refer to the presence of non-local individuals within the community. “Being indigenous refers to individuals who have remained in a specific area for an extended period without significant migration during their lifetimes and have relied on native food resources” (Goodarzi et al., 2022: 53). Twelve skeletal remains with first molars were selected for strontium isotope analysis. This selection was because first molar enamel forms prenatally and generally retains a stable chemical composition over time (Price, 2015; Bentley, 2006; Hrnčíř & Laffoon, 2019: 3). Homogenization of sediment samples, chemical separation of strontium, and measurement of Sr isotope ratios were carried out at the Isotope Laboratory of Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. Strontium stable isotope analysis indicated that, although two samples displayed variations in their Sr ratios compared to the others, the evidence suggests that most of the samples were likely of local origin.<br /> <br /><strong>Conclusion </strong><br />In 2021, under the supervision of Mohammad Reza Nemati, three trenches were opened during the third season of archaeological excavations at the Mersin Chal cemetery. Trench C11, measuring 10 x 5 meters, contained four graves. Trench D11, measuring 10 x 10 meters, yielded 17 graves. Similarly, Trench E11, also measuring 10 x 10 meters, revealed 28 graves. In total, these three trenches revealed 49 burials, all dating to the first millennium BC. A total of 12 rectangular pit graves were selected for this study. These graves are comparable in construction, orientation, and grave goods. Each burial is individual, with the skeleton placed supine and oriented northeast-southwest. The remains are placed between vertical stone slabs, with two stones marking the grave, one at the head and the other at the feet. Recent radiocarbon (C14) analyses of human skeletons from the Mersin Chal cemetery have revealed that the cemetery remained in use during the late Achaemenid, Seleucid, and Parthian periods. The environmental potential and strategic position of the region have played a crucial role in maintaining cultural continuity there. Sr isotope analysis of dental enamel from human skeletal remains at the Mersin Chal cemetery indicates a distinct isotopic signature unique to the region, differing significantly from those of other areas. Sr isotope evidence revealed that, although two samples displayed variations in Sr ratios compared to the others, the cemetery was likely used predominantly by the local indigenous community during the second half of the first millennium BC. Moreover, the discovery of iron sickles in the graves might suggest agricultural activity in the region. Given the favorable climate and the biological resources available in the Telajim area, it is plausible that the inhabitants of the Mersin Chal met a portion of their subsistence needs using local resources. Consequently, large-scale movement to procure food supplies may not have been necessary. The similarity of burial practices and grave goods in this cemetery to those in the nearby Qumis area strongly highlights the indigenous culture and traditions of these people. There is no evidence of external influence on the burial methods or grave goods in the Mersin Chal cemetery. Overall, it can be concluded that most individuals buried in this cemetery likely experienced no significant displacement during their lifetimes and relied on a diet composed primarily of native, local resources.گورستان مرسینچال در حاشیۀ رودخانۀ اسپهرو، جنوبغربی روستای تلاجیم در شهرستان مهدیشهر استان سمنان قرار گرفته است. این گورستان از یکسو حدفاصل مناطق کویری و فلاتمرکزی ایران و از سوی دیگر شمال و شمالشرق ایران، در حاشیۀ جنوبی البرز شرقی قرارگرفته است. گورستان مرسینچال در منطقهای با پتانسیلهای زیستمحیطی غنی، کانسارهای معدنی و در مسیر شاهراههای ارتباطی شرق به غرب دنیای باستان (جادۀ خراسان بزرگ) واقعشدهاست. مطالعات گاهنگاری مطلق نشان میدهد که این گورستان در دورههای هخامنشی، سلوکی و اشکانی مورداستفاده قرار میگرفته است؛ لذا این گورستان از یکسو به این جهت که اولین محوطۀ هخامنشی کاوش شده در منطقۀ سمنان است، بسیار مورد توجه است؛ چراکه بیانگر پویایی امپراتوری هخامنشی در سطح منطقۀ مذکور میباشد و ازسوی دیگر بهدلیل نزدیکی به حوزۀ تمدنی قومس بسیار حائز اهمیت است. در اینراستا، یکی از اهداف فصل سوم کاوشهای باستانشناسی گورستان مرسینچال، شناسایی و بررسی شیوههای تدفین و مطالعات انسانشناسیزیستی بود؛ بنابراین، پژوهش حاضر با هدف تخمین سن، تعیین جنس و بومی یا غیربومی بودن ساکنین این گورستان ازطریق مطالعات زیستباستان شناسی مورد بررسی قرار گرفت. برای دستیابی به اهداف مذکور پرسشهایی مطرح شد، مبنیبر اینکه 1) تخمین سن و تعیین جنس افراد مذکور در این گورستان به چه صورت است؟ 2) چگونه میتوان بومی یا مهاجربودن مردمان منطقه موردمطالعه را مشخص نمود؟ در راستای پاسخگویی به پرسشهای مذکور، پژوهش حاضر با استفاده از روش تحلیلی-آزمایشگاهی مطالعات آنالیز ایزوتوپ پایدار استرانسیوم (87Sr/86Sr) برروی نمونههای مینای دندان بههمراه روشهای آماری SPSS، بقایای اسکلتهای انسانی 12 گور از 49 تدفین کاوش شدۀ گورستان مرسینچال را موردمطالعه قرار میدهد. براساس آنالیز نسبت ایزوتوپهای پایدار استرانسیوم اسکلتهای زنان و مردان بالغ گورستان مرسینچال، بهعنوان نتیجۀ نهایی مشخص گردید که به احتمال زیاد، این گورستان در طی نیمۀ دوم هزارۀ اول پیشازمیلاد میزبان جامعهای بومی بوده است.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_6204_678fd5336199101561076e4ab7c2b488.pdfپژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225164820260522Ideological Systems of the Sasanian Period and Funerary Structuresنظامهای عقیدتی دورۀ ساسانی و ساختارهای تدفینی125166600110.22084/nb.2025.30425.2746FAحسینحبیبیگروه باستانشناسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه جیرفت، جیرفت، ایران.Journal Article20250117<strong>Abstract</strong><br />Funerary structures and remains are among the few cultural materials that reveal extinct cultures’ views of death. The information drawn from these materials, however, is indirect in nature. In the case of historical cultures, literary sources can nonetheless complement archaeological data in exploring the subject. Sasanian Ērānšahr represents a spatiotemporal horizon for which evidence of funerary traditions and structures is available. Therefore, examining the material culture and texts related to the subject offers potential progress to Sasanian Studies that has remained relatively overlooked. This article undertakes ideological reconstructions based on those sets of data. It seeks to answer whether the available evidence allows for identifying the ideological systems of the groups that constructed different types of burials. Given the current state of knowledge, the author assumes it is problematic to distinguish between various religions, let alone different Zoroastrian sects of the era. Employing a descriptive-analytical method and drawing on material culture and primary sources, this research addresses burial typology and spatial distribution. It infers the religious information implied by the data under examination. Each burial type offers certain possibilities for extracting data regarding the various ideological systems behind them. Based on the available evidence, apart from the Nestorian population, identifying structures associated with other minorities is problematic. Pits and cairns that do not accord with the conditions of urgent burial are not Zoroastrian. Traces of ideological minorities may also be sought in some examples of ‘rock-cut niches’ and ‘portable astōdāns’. However, diverse kinds of astōdān signify the coping mechanisms of groups residing in different areas with distinct topography and accessible resources for making Zoroastrian ossuaries. Moreover, ‘rock-cut niches’ and ‘towers of silence’ are claimed to demonstrate the continuity, and yet transformation, of the age-old Zoroastrian tradition of entombment in the Sasanian period.<br /><strong>Keywords:</strong> Burial, Sasanian Period, Zoroastrianism, Entombment, Vīdēvdād.<br /> <br /><strong>Introduction</strong><br />Funerary remains are one of the few aspects of material culture that archaeologists may undoubtedly regard as reflecting past societies’ attitudes toward death. However, information derived from fragmentary evidence is indirect. In the case of historical cultures, however, texts can also serve as a complementary source of information in this field. Sasanian Ērānšahr lends itself to such a study given the recent archaeological discoveries and available primary sources that present data about different funerary methods and practices in that spatiotemporal horizon. Hence, an interdisciplinary examination of available datasets related to those traditions at an inter-regional scale across the Sasanian realms can represent a progressive step in Sasanian scholarship that has yet to be taken. The present research seeks to answer whether the available evidence allows for identifying the ideological systems of the groups that constructed different burial types. Given the current state of knowledge, the author considers it problematic to distinguish between various religions, let alone different Zoroastrian sects of the era. However, some burial structures identified so far may be regarded as non-Zoroastrian – in the orthodox sense of the word. In these cases, one encounters traces of minority groups living in different areas, while some types of structures appear compatible with Zoroastrian laws of purity. Therefore, employing a descriptive-analytical method and drawing on cultural materials and primary sources (particularly the Vīdēvdād, Dādestān ī Dēnīg, and the Syriac Acta Martyrum), this study discusses the typology of funerary structures and their spatial distribution, and explores the possible links between these structures and the documented religious systems.<br />One of the chief challenges of this research is the scarcity of systematic funerary archaeology projects that have included the excavation of burials and the archaeometric analysis of structures, human remains, and artifacts inside them. Another issue is the dearth of primary sources in general, and particularly the lack of sources presenting inclusive perspectives on various minority groups and their burial practices. This means that the few available documents are mainly limited to two sets of texts: those presenting an interpretation of Zoroastrianism supported by the Sasanians, and late-antique Christian literature and East Syrian hagiographical texts, which are not impartial but inform us about certain Nestorian dioceses in the Sasanian realms and the extent of conversions to Christianity.<br /> <br /><strong>Burial Typology and Implications for Ideological Systems</strong><br />‘Pit burials’ constitute a category once considered uncommon in the Sasanian period. However, their discovery in scattered areas across the imperial territories disproved this view and indicated that fieldwork projects were simply scarce. This type also appears to be in stark contrast with the official Zoroastrian burial laws.<br />Conversely, examples of astōdān are among the funerary remains that are most commonly associated with Zoroastrianism. Given their diversity, this type can be subdivided into distinct groups: cubic architectural astōdāns built from gypsum; so-called pillar ossuaries carved from stone, which would have been fixed into holes cut into cliffs; and portable terracotta and stone astōdāns. Finally, to allow for the possibility of finding ossuaries made of other materials and in view of the secondary burial practices at Qumis, a ‘miscellaneous’ subdivision should also be considered.<br />Another type includes specimens of terracotta jar burials, sarcophagi, and ceramic and gypsum coffins. These cases are predominantly reported from western regions of the Sasanian realm. Archaeometric analysis of the torpedo jars from the Bushehr peninsula proved them to be astōdāns, while some examples from Susa are claimed to contain articulated bones related to a primary burial practice. Moreover, the attestation of at least one Christian interment in a jar, now held at the British Museum, further complicates the picture.<br />Entombment in rock-cut niches represents a later continuation of an age-old Zoroastrian tradition, with specimens documented particularly in the Southern and Central Zagros regions, as well as in the Khuzestan lowlands and on Kharg Island. At present, Christian specimens bearing a cross on their entrance facade are to be excluded as anomalies, given their rarity.<br />‘Cists’ are another funerary structure of the era that accords with Zoroastrian practice. In the Fars region particularly, their spatial distribution mirrors that of rock-cut niches. The few Middle-Persian inscriptions refer to both types as dahmag.<br />Archaeological finds and literary evidence indicate that ‘towers of silence’ originated in the Sasanian period. However, architectural differences between the excavated examples from the Sasanian and Middle-Islamic periods and the Qajarid specimens have sparked scholarly debate about whether the former group should be identified as such.<br />Finally, ‘cairns’ exhibit the widest range of all the types mentioned, both geographically and functionally. However, funerary cairns became more widespread during the first millennium BCE. These structures are particularly common in southeastern Iran and the highlands of Fars and Bakhtiyari.<br />The Vīdēvdād contains passages (Fargards 3–8) concerning the bans and punishments for inhumation. These rather detailed discussions in the most important Zoroastrian text regarding funerary rites, together with the widespread archaeological findings, signify that the tradition was not rare – if not common – in the Sasanian period. It is worth noting that Fargard 7 of this source permits underground burial under urgent conditions, such as extreme weather and darkness. However, such graves must have a bed consisting of a layer of ash or cowpat and be covered by stone slabs or bricks. These references have two implications for our understanding of pit burials in this era: first, one must be cautious about ruling out examples of pit burials and cairns as non-Zoroastrian; second, structures that do not meet the Vīdēvdād’s urgency criteria may be confidently identified as non-Zoroastrian. This is particularly true for cairns, whose considerable size and number in some areas attest to their commonality and the labour and time required for their construction – points that contradict the above-mentioned urgency theory.<br />Rock-cut niches, cists, sarcophagi, and portable stone receptacles are all carved from a single block of rock, are lidded (at least in many cases), and in some examples referred to as astōdān/astōdāna and dahmag. These features accord with the description of an ossuary in Zoroastrian texts.<br /> <br /><strong>Conclusions</strong><br />Each burial type offers certain potential for extracting data regarding the various ideological systems behind them. Apart from the Nestorian population, identifying the structures associated with other minorities is problematic given the present state of research. Some examples of ‘portable astōdāns’ and ‘rock-cut niches’ indicate the use of Zoroastrian funerary practices by non-Zoroastrians. Moreover, pits and cairns that do not meet the conditions of urgent burial are not Zoroastrian.<br />On the other hand, one may examine the continuity, and transformation, of age-old Zoroastrian traditions in the case of ‘towers of silence’ and ‘niches’. While the former type has undergone architectural changes that could reflect shifts in funerary praxis, the latter may signify that entombment became more common in Late Antiquity and was not inevitably limited to the elites. Finally, the varied classes of ossuaries reflect the efforts of populations in different geographical zones to follow Zoroastrian purity laws using the topography and local natural materials available in their environment.آثار تدفینی از معدود مواد فرهنگی هستند که بیشک شواهدی از نگرش فرهنگهای منقرضشده نسبت به مرگ را فراهم میکنند. طبیعت اطلاعات فراهمآمده از رهگذر مطالعۀ مواد تدفینی غیرمستقیم و ضمنی است، اما اسناد نوشتاری میتوانند مکمل و راهنمای بررسی این موضوع درمورد فرهنگهای تاریخی باشند. ایرانشهر ساسانی از افقهای زمانی-مکانی بوده که شواهدی از سنتها و عقاید خاکسپاری فرهنگهای گوناگونش در دست است؛ بنابراین، مطالعۀ فرهنگ مادی و مدارک مکتوب مرتبط با این موضوع گامی رو به پیش در حوزۀ مطالعات ساسانی شمرده میشود که تا به امروز کموبیش مغفول مانده است. پژوهش حاضر تلاشی از آندست برای استنباطهای عقیدتی از مواد تدفینی بوده و براساس این پرسش طراحی شده که، شناسایی نظامهای عقیدتی گروههایی که ساختارها و بقایای تدفینی گونهگونی را بهوجود آوردهاند، برپایۀ شواهد در دسترس چگونه ممکن است؟ فرض بر این بوده که باتوجه به منابع نوشتاری اندک، تمایز میان دینهای گوناگون براساس فرهنگ مادیِ در دسترس چالشبرانگیز است، چه برسد به تفاسیر مختلف از زرتشتیگری در این دوران. پژوهش کنونی به روش توصیفی-تحلیلی و برپایۀ دادههای باستانشناختی و منابع دستاول به گونهشناسی ساختارهای تدفینی و پراکنش فضاییشان براساس واپسین یافتهها و سرانجام استخراج و استنباط اطلاعات آئینی پرداخته است. درنتیجه نشان داده شده که گورهای «چالهای» و «چینهسنگی» که فاقد ویژگیهای استودان یا گورهای اضطراری مذکور در وندیداد و دادستان دینیگ هستند، میتوانند با اطمینان بالایی غیرزرتشتی تلقی گردند؛ همچنین زیست آئینی اقلیت نسطوری در مواردی در استفادۀ آنها از سنتهای تدفین زرتشتی مانند «گوردخمهها» و «استودانها» بازتاب یافته است. اما درحالیکه استودانها بهطور کلی مدرکی از تلاش مردمان حوزههای جغرافیایی متفاوت را برای انطباق اعمال تدفینی با اصول زرتشتی ارائه میکنند، «دخمهگذاری» در گوردخمهها و برجهای خاموشی امکان پیگیری تداوم و تحول سنتهای تدفین زرتشتی در ایران دوران گوناگون را فراهم مینمایند.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_6001_0907a9f4c6ce382437c0191a4c9ba2fd.pdfپژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225164820260522A comparative Study and Comparison of the Čahārṭāq of Khorramdasht Kashan with Sassanian Religious Monumentsبررسی و مقایسۀ تطبیقی چهارتاقی خرمدشت کاشان با سایر بناهای مذهبی ساسانی167192555510.22084/nb.2024.28677.2641FAمیلادباغ شیخیگروه باستانشناسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران.Journal Article20231217<strong>Abstract</strong><br />Undoubtedly, in religious archaeological studies of the Sassanid era, fire temples and chahartaqis are very important. In the doctrines of the Zoroastrian religion, fire was one of the sacred and respected elements of the Zoroastrian community, and with the legitimation of the Zoroastrian faith, fire temples/chahartaqis emerged as a prominent setting for rituals and religious customs in Sassanid society. One of the most critical fire temples of the Sassanid period in the Kashan cultural zone is the Chahartaqi of Khorram Dasht, which is not well known despite the fame of other chahartaqis in this area, such as the Chahartaqi of Niaser and the fire temple of Vigol. The Chahartaqi of Khorram Dasht is located in the southeast of Kashan near the village of the same name, in the low-lying moorlands. Based on the evidence, it seems that the Chahartaqi of Khorram Dasht is a type of composite building, and traces of architectural remains can still be seen today around that (north of the area). The present research, conducted through a combination of fundamental research employing a descriptive-analytical approach, together with field investigations and library-based studies, seeks to answer the following questions: “Based on the architectural evidence preserved within this structure, can it be demonstrated that the building functioned as a fire temple?”, “What architectural model did the plan of Khorram Dasht Chahartaqi follow?”, and finally, “According to Zoroastrian religious texts, what type of fire was maintained in this fire temple?” Based on the results, the analysis and comparison of the architectural characteristics of the Khorram Dasht fire temple with other contemporary Sassanid examples reveal substantial similarities between this monument and its counterparts in several respects, particularly in terms of its architectural plan, indicating that it was constructed according to an almost identical pattern. Furthermore, the examination of adjacent architectural remains, such as circumambulatory corridors, supports the interpretation of the structure as a fire temple. Considering the classification of sacred fires during this period and the fact that Atash-i Bahram (Bahram’s Fire) was maintained exclusively in the principal and permanent fire temples (namely the three great fire temples), it is most likely that the fire maintained at this site was of the local Atash-i Adoran type and was kindled during specific occasions and ceremonies.<br />K<strong>eywords:</strong> Sassanian Period, Fire Temple/ Chahar Taq, Khorramdasht, Kashan city.<br /><br /><br /><strong>Introduction</strong><br />In the Sassanid era, the central government’s attention to religious unity led to the promotion of the construction of religious structures associated with what is today known as Zoroastrianism in different parts of Iran. Accordingly, the study and examination of the religious monuments of this period play a significant role in the enhanced recognition and understanding of historical, artistic, and architectural issues of the Sassanid period. During the Sassanid period, in addition to the construction of essential and prominent fire temples such as the Azargoshasb fire temple in Takht-i Soleyman or the Azar-Barzin Mehr fire temple in Khorasan and Azar Faranbagh in Fars, many chahartaqis (chahartaqi structures) were built in which religious ceremonies were held; this reflects the importance of the construction of fire temples and public buildings. Unfortunately, so far, there are only a small number of Sassanid fire temples from the middle and late Sassanid periods that have been identified through archaeological excavations, such as Kuh-i Khwaja, Takht-i Soleyman, Bandian, Shiyan, Khoune-ye Div, Palang Gerd, Dover Castle, Mil-e Milegeh, the Vigol fire temple, and, outside the political borders of Iran, the Meleh Hairam fire temple in Turkmenistan; this dispersion can be seen as a reflection of the expansion of the Zoroastrian religion. In addition to the mentioned cases, several examples of this category of structures have also been identified in Isfahan Province, one of which is the chahartaqi of “Khorram Dasht,” located in the southeast of Kashan, as an evidence of Sassanid religious architecture in this part of the Iranian Central Plateau. In the following section, we aim to address the questions raised in this study through comparative analysis and interpretation.<br />The purpose of the current research is to introduce the chahartaqi of Khorram Dasht (including its architectural elements, materials, and spatial organization) and compare the existing archaeological and architectural evidence of this building with other fire temples of the Sassanid era. The introduction and analysis of this chahartaqi, in addition to introducing a fire temple from the Sassanid period, will be a step towards a better understanding and explanation of the status and role of the Kashan region within the Sassanid territorial sphere. The research questions are: “Based on the evidence preserved in the architecture of this building, can it be proved that it was used as a fire temple?”, “What model did the architectural plan of Khorram Dasht fire temple follow?”, and finally, “According to Zoroastrian religious texts, what kind of fire was lit in this fire temple?”<br /> <br /><strong>Discussion</strong><br />The Chartaqi of Khorram Dasht is located in Isfahan Province, Kashan County, 20 km southeast of the city center, northeast of the village of Khorram Dasht. The building stands on a stone platform (soffe) situated on a moorland to the east of the village and is aligned with cardinal directions. The stone platform (soffe), in addition to providing a foundation for the Chartaqi, extends approximately 2.5 m on all four sides and probably covers the circular ambulatory corridor of the building (Fig. 3). Of the Chartaqi building, only its four main pillars have survived, while the arches have been reconstructed. Unfortunately, no information is available concerning the construction method of the dome due to its destruction; however, it can be assumed that it originally possessed a high oval dome, by comparison with the surviving domes of other contemporary structures. The thick pillars of the Chartaqi measure approximately 290 cm in width and 450 cm in length, and rest on a square stone platform approximately 4 m on each side; on the interior of the building, each pillar is considerably wider, thereby creating a bench-like surface near floor level. Between the base pillars, portals open in the four cardinal directions, which connect to the Tawaf corridor behind the pillars, as is typical of many four-arched Chartaqis of this period. The width of these corridors is approximately 155 cm, and large stones are used in the core of the walls. The wall is visible on the east, west, and north sides of these corridors. The central space of the Khorram Dasht fire temple is square. Inside this central space, precisely in the middle of the building, beneath the now-vanished dome, a circular structure 100 cm in diameter can be seen, which most likely represents the remains of the base of the fire altar or the stone bench of the fire altar (Fig. 7), since a centrally placed fire altar was one of the essential elements of Sasanian fire temples. Furthermore, in the northern part and at a distance of about 4 m from the Chartaqi, there is a stone structure, which comprises a sizeable quadrangular space aligned with the pillars of the Chartaqi in a north–south direction and incorporates side rooms; traces of plaster coating on the walls and the windows of the rooms have survived to the present day (Fig. 10). The walls of these rooms are approximately 5 m in length, and the surviving portions stand about 110 cm in height.<br /> <br /><strong>Conclusion</strong><br />Analysis and comparison of the architectural style of the Chartaqi of Khorram Dasht with other contemporary Sassanid samples discussed in the preceding sections reveal similarities in several respects, including the building plan and materials employed in its construction. The layout comprises a central square space with four portals on each side and a peripheral corridor comparable to known religious buildings of the Sasanian period. In Dietrich Huff’s classification of fire temples and Chartaqis, this complex can be placed within the second group of Sasanian Chartaqis, since a Tawaf corridor is observable around it, and the building can most likely be identified as a religious structure functioning as a fire temple of the Sassanid era. The materials used in many Sassanid Chartaqis and fire temples consist of stone rubble and gypsum mortar, as observed in the Chartaqi of Khorram Dasht in Kashan. Given the limited number of known fire temples that housed an Atash Bahram, it is probable that a lower-grade fire was maintained at this site. Consequently, in the Chartaqi of Khorram Dasht and fire temples of this type, which lack complex architecture, the Atash Adoran (local fire) was venerated, and the remains of the fire altar are located at the centre of the fire temple.بدونشک در مطالعاتِ باستانشناختی مذهبی عصر ساسانی، آتشکدهها و چهارتاقیها از اهمیت بسیاری برخوردار هستند. آتش که در تعالیم دین زرتشت از عناصر مقدس و مورد احترام جامعۀ زرتشتی بود با رسمی شدن دین زرتشت آتشکدهها/ چهارتاقی بهعنوان جلوگاه بارز تشریفات و آداب دینی در جامعۀ ساسانی نمایان گشتند. یکی از آتشکدههای مهم دورۀ ساسانی در پهنۀ فرهنگی کاشان چهارتاقی خرمدشت است که با وجود شهرت چهارتاقیهای دیگر این پهنه، یعنی چهارتاقی نیاسر و آتشکدۀ ویگل بهخوبی شناخته نشده است. چهارتاقی خرمدشت در جنوبشرقی شهر کاشان و مجاورت روستایی بههمین نام بر تپهماهورهایی کمارتفاع واقع شده است. براساس شواهد سطحی، بهنظر میرسد چهارتاقی خرمدشت از نوع بناهای مرکب میباشد که شواهد بقایای معماری، امروزه در پیرامون چهارتاقی (شمال محوطه) دیده میشود. پژوهش حاضر در تلاش پاسخ به پزسشهایی همچون: برپایۀ شواهد بهجا مانده از معماری این بنا، میتوان کاربری آنرا بهعنوان آتشکده اثبات نمود؟ پلان معماری چهارتاقی خرمدشت از چه الگوی پیروی نموده است؟ و درنهایت، براساس متون دینی زرتشتی چه نوع آتشی در این آتشکده فروزان بوده؟ استوار است؛ بنابراین ماهیت پژوهش بنیادی با رویکرد توصیفی-تحلیلی و با استفاده از روش پژوهش میدانی و مطالعات کتابخانهای در تلاش است تا به پرسشهای مذکور پاسخ دهد. نتایج پژوهش نشانداد که تحلیل و مقایسۀ سبکشناسی معماری آتشکدۀ خرمدشت با دیگر نمونههای همزمان ساسانی که نمایانگر شباهتهای این اثر، از منظرهای مختلفی نظیر نقشه، در ساخت خود از الگویی مشابه نمونههای ساسانی بهره برده است و همچنین با وجود بقایای معماری همجوار ازجمله دالان طواف میتوان کاربری آتشکده را برای آن متصور شد. با توجه بهمراتب آتش در این دوره و روشن بودن آتش بهرام فقط در آتشکدههای مهم و دائمی (سه آتشکدۀ معروف)، احتمالاً آتشی که در این مکان روشن بوده از نوع آتش محلی (آدران) و افروخته در مناسبات بوده است.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_5555_f3de59f8bd3ed51dd837a0f24f4c10fa.pdfپژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225164820260522The Evolution of Semi-Open Spaces in the Architecture of Historical Mosques in Khorasanمطالعۀ سیر تحول فضای نیمهباز در معماری مساجد تاریخی خراسان193234613710.22084/nb.2025.30768.2764FAهومنپیگانگروه معماری دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، دانشگاه شیراز، شیراز، ایران.سیدمحمدحسینذاکریگروه معماری دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، دانشگاه شیراز، شیراز، ایران (نویسندۀ مسئول).Journal Article20250409<strong>Abstract</strong><br />Semi-open spaces, which act as transitional elements between open and enclosed spaces, play a central role in the spatial organisation of many Iranian mosques. These spaces are important not only for their climate responsiveness and functional use, but also for their significant impact on the architectural identity and formal expression of mosques. Previous studies have shown that semi-open spaces in mosque architecture help to modulate climatic conditions and increase the flexibility and multifunctionality of the building by creating a spatial hierarchy. However, the historical evolution of these spaces has received little comprehensive study. This study aims to investigate the semi-open spaces used in the architecture of historical mosques in the Khorasan region (within Iran’s contemporary borders) in chronological order. The research employs a descriptive-analytical method based on field and library studies. To ensure the reliability of the findings, all historical mosques of Khorasan registered on the National Heritage List of Iran have been analysed. The sample comprises 151 historical mosques dating from the early Islamic centuries to the Pahlavi era. These mosques are scattered across the three provinces of North Khorasan, Razavi Khorasan, and South Khorasan. The findings indicate that the transformation of these spaces occurred either through the gradual modification of earlier forms or through the emergence of new types of semi-open spaces in mosque architecture. From the early Islamic centuries to the Seljuk period, these spaces were mainly manifested as surrounding ravaqs (arcades). A major turning point occurred in the Khwarazmshah period with the replacement of the ravaq by deep, high īwāns, a development that continued into the Timurid and Safavid periods. Notably, the emergence of the satavand during the Timurid period, a feature that persisted until the Pahlavi era, marks another evolutionary stage. From the Safavid period onwards, however, a significant decrease in semi-open spaces is observed, culminating in the Qajar period, when shabestānī mosques with a courtyard became the dominant design.<br /><strong>Keywords: </strong>Evolution Process, Semi-Open Space, Architecture, Historical Mosques, Khorasan.<br /> <br /><strong>Introduction</strong><br />Iranian architecture has always reflected the culture, climate, and ideas that defined each historical period. One of its most prominent features is the use of semi-open spaces, which play a crucial role in spatial organization and in mediating between interior and exterior. These spaces, manifested primarily in the form of īwāns and ravaqs, are of particular importance in Iran’s historical mosques, especially in hot and dry climates such as that of Khorasan. Examining them can yield a deeper understanding of traditional architectural principles and their relevance to contemporary design. <br />Previous studies have shown that semi-open spaces in mosque architecture not only help modulate climatic conditions but also lend flexibility and multifunctionality to the building by creating spatial hierarchies. However, the historical evolution of these spaces and the factors that drove their transformation have received less comprehensive attention. This study therefore examines the form, function, and evolution of semi-open spaces in the architecture of Khorasan’s mosques—within the contemporary borders of Iran—from the early Islamic centuries to the Pahlavi period. The central research question is: How did semi-open spaces in the architecture of historical Khorasan mosques evolve from the early Islamic period to the end of the Pahlavi era? The study also seeks to identify the spatial models that emerged during this evolution through the analysis of a sample of mosques and an examination of existing documentary sources. The findings may contribute to a deeper understanding of historical Iranian architectural principles and offer insights for the application of traditional concepts in contemporary architectural design. This article first reviews the research background and theoretical foundations concerning semi-open spaces; it then introduces the scope and the sample of mosques under study, analyzes them, and finally presents the research findings and conclusions.<br /> <br /><strong>Discussion</strong><br />In the early Islamic centuries, the architecture of Khorasan mosques developed according to a model consisting of a shabestān (columned prayer hall) and a central courtyard surrounded by a ravaq (arcade); the ravaq thus provided the semi-open space. This arrangement remained common until the Seljuk period, when the ravaq was gradually replaced by the īwān. During the Seljuk period, the īwān became established as a semi-open element on the qibla façade (as at the Sangān Mosque), although it did not initially offer direct access to the domed chamber. In the Khwārazmshāh period, the īwān emerged as the principal semi-open element, and its form underwent significant transformations, including an increase in height and depth, the creation of opposing īwāns, and the introduction of a transitional īwān that linked the courtyard to the rear space. This development continued into the Ilkhanid period, with examples such as the Dastgerdān and Merāndiz Jāmeʿ Mosques demonstrating the consolidation of the deep īwān form with independent miḥrābs and a notable expansion of spatial dimensions.<br />In the Timurid period, earlier forms were retained, but new types also appeared, including single-īwān mosques (such as the Qāʾin Jāmeʿ Mosque) and four-īwān mosques (such as the Goharshād Mosque). The satavand likewise appeared for the first time, in the Jāmeʿ Mosque of Azgad, where it was placed along the qibla axis. During the Safavid era, simpler models, such as single-īwān mosques, became widespread, and the satavand acquired a devotional function. The elimination of the semi-open space, which had already begun in the Timurid period, intensified, and half of the surviving mosques from this period lack such a space. Throughout the Afshārid and Zand periods, construction activity was limited by political instability; nonetheless, earlier models were preserved, the removal of semi-open spaces continued, and brick and adobe replaced wood in the building of satavands.<br />In the Qajar period, the tendency to build shabestānī mosques without semi-open spaces reached its peak, and no significant formal innovation occurred. This period can be regarded as the last phase of continuity of the traditional model. During the Pahlavi period, the introduction of modern materials altered the spatial structure, yet in some parts of Khorasan the ravaq, īwān, and satavand continued to be employed on a limited scale.<br /> <br /><strong>Conclusion</strong><br />In the early Islamic centuries, the architecture of Khorasan mosques developed according to a model consisting of a shabestān (columned prayer hall) and a central courtyard surrounded by a ravaq (arcade); the ravaq thus provided the semi-open space. This arrangement remained common until the Seljuk period, when the ravaq was gradually replaced by the īwān. During the Seljuk period, the īwān became established as a semi-open element on the qibla façade (as at the Sangān Mosque), although it did not initially offer direct access to the domed chamber. In the Khwārazmshāh period, the īwān emerged as the principal semi-open element, and its form underwent significant transformations, including an increase in height and depth, the creation of opposing īwāns, and the introduction of a transitional īwān that linked the courtyard to the rear space. This development continued into the Ilkhanid period, with examples such as the Dastgerdān and Merāndiz Jāmeʿ Mosques demonstrating the consolidation of the deep īwān form with independent miḥrābs and a notable expansion of spatial dimensions.<br />In the Timurid period, earlier forms were retained, but new types also appeared, including single-īwān mosques (such as the Qāʾin Jāmeʿ Mosque) and four-īwān mosques (such as the Goharshād Mosque). The satavand likewise appeared for the first time, in the Jāmeʿ Mosque of Azgad, where it was placed along the qibla axis. During the Safavid era, simpler models, such as single-īwān mosques, became widespread, and the satavand acquired a devotional function. The elimination of the semi-open space, which had already begun in the Timurid period, intensified, and half of the surviving mosques from this period lack such a space. Throughout the Afshārid and Zand periods, construction activity was limited by political instability; nonetheless, earlier models were preserved, the removal of semi-open spaces continued, and brick and adobe replaced wood in the building of satavands.<br />In the Qajar period, the tendency to build shabestānī mosques without semi-open spaces reached its peak, and no significant formal innovation occurred. This period can be regarded as the last phase of continuity of the traditional model. During the Pahlavi period, the introduction of modern materials altered the spatial structure, yet in some parts of Khorasan the ravaq, īwān, and satavand continued to be employed on a limited scale.فضاهای نیمهباز بهعنوان عنصری واسط میان فضاهای باز و بسته، نقشی کلیدی در سازماندهی فضایی بسیاری از مساجد ایران دارند. این فضاها بهلحاظ اقلیمی و عملکردی حائز اهمیتاند و در بیان فرمی و هویت معماری مساجد نیز تأثیر بهسزایی داشتهاند. مطالعات صورتگرفته نشان میدهند که فضاهای نیمهباز در معماری مساجد، افزونبر نقش مؤثر در تعدیل شرایط اقلیمی، با ایجاد سلسلهمراتب فضایی، کیفیتی منعطف و چندبعدی به بنا میدهند. باوجود این، سیر تحول این فضاها در طول تاریخ کمتر بهصورت جامع مورد تحلیل قرار گرفته است. این پژوهش با هدف بررسی انواع فضاهای نیمهباز بهکاررفته در معماری مساجد تاریخی خراسان، در چارچوب مرزهای کنونی ایران و براساس توالی تاریخی، انجام شده است. روش تحقیق توصیفی-تحلیلی و مبتنیبر مطالعات میدانی و کتابخانهای است. باتوجه به اهمیت موضوع و برای اطمینان از دقت نتایج پژوهش، تمامی مساجد تاریخی ثبتشده در سه استان خراسان شمالی، رضوی و جنوبی، مورد بررسی قرار گرفتند که شامل 151 مسجد تاریخی است و از سدههای نخستین هجری تا دوران پهلوی را دربر میگیرد. یافتههای پژوهش نشان میدهد که تحول فضاهای نیمهباز در این نمونهها، یا در قالب تکامل فرمهای پیشین صورتگرفته است یا به پیدایش گونههای نوینی از این فضاها در معماری مساجد منطقه منجر شده است. بدینترتیب که از نخستین سدههای هجری تا دورۀ سلجوقی، این فضاها عمدتاً در قالب رواقهای پیرامونی تعریف میشدند. در دورۀ خوارزمشاهی، جایگزینی ایوانهای عمیق و مرتفع با رواقها، نقطهعطفی در تحول این فضاها بهشمار میرود که در دورههای بعد، بهویژه در تیموری و صفوی، توسعهیافته است. در اینمیان، ستاوندها در دورۀ تیموری ظاهر میکنند و تا دورۀ پهلوی تداوم مییابند. با اینحال، از دورۀ صفوی بهبعد، روند حذف فضای نیمهباز شدتیافته و در دورۀ قاجار به اوج خود میرسد، بهگونهای که مساجد شبستانی، خصوصاً با الگوی حیاطدار، به نمونۀ غالب بدل میشوند.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_6137_8ee0252eafd6865a8bb3623f0ce4d3af.pdfپژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225164820260522A New Research on the Architectural Structure of Mosque-Castle of Jokhah-e Tabasپژوهشی نو در ساختار معماری مسجد قلعهِ جوخواه طبس235270540710.22084/nb.2023.27592.2570FAسید رسولموسوی حاجیگروه باستانشناسی، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، دانشگاه مازندران، بابلسر، ایران.فخرالدینمحمدیانگروه باستانشناسی، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، دانشگاه مازندران، بابلسر، ایران (نویسندۀ مسئول).خدیجهشریف کاظمیگروه باستانشناسی، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، دانشگاه بوعلی سینا همدان، ایران.بهرامعنانیگروه باستانشناسی، دانشکدۀ حفاظت و مرمت، دانشگاه هنر اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران.Journal Article20230303<strong>Abstract</strong><br />In the architectural history of the Islamic period, the mosque, owing to its religious character, has been regarded as a key factor in the formation and expansion of cities and villages. The Jokhah Old Mosque, located in the village of Jokhah near Tabas, is a significant architectural monument of the Islamic period. Although the Cultural Heritage Organization has conducted limited studies to record, date, and describe the building, no coherent investigation of its design, structure, and chronology has yet been undertaken. Since no mention of this mosque appears in any known source or text of the Islamic period, the present research examines the formal, spatial, and technological characteristics of its architectural structure to identify and interpret the building. Drawing upon field surveys, analysis of the physical elements, and comparison with analogous examples, this study aims to introduce the mosque’s spatial organization, establish its historical phasing, and physically analyse its formal and spatial elements. The research method is descriptive-analytical. The approach involves field investigation and direct observation of the mosque. The comparative dimension of the study is based on library sources, and through interpretation of the findings, the architectural characteristics and design principles employed in the building are identified. During the research process, the design features and spatial configuration were compared with those of other mosques of the middle Islamic period to qualitatively assess similarities, changes, and transformations in the spatial structure. The findings indicate that the building was originally constructed with two porches during the middle Islamic centuries, and a third porch was added in a later period, leading to alterations in the plan layout and the arrangement of its spaces.<br /><strong>Keywords: </strong>Mosque-Castle, Architectural Structure, Dating, Islamic Period, Jokhah-e Tabas.<br /> <br /><strong>Introduction</strong><br />In the architectural history of the Islamic period, the mosque, as a building type, has been one of the key factors in the formation and expansion of cities and villages, owing to its religious function; it is regarded as the most important Islamic building, serving as a place of prayer and other acts of worship. Moreover, mosques in each Islamic period and across different climates exhibit distinct architectural styles and patterns; therefore, the study of mosques, among other Islamic building types, is of great significance.<br />According to the findings of the 2015 archaeological survey, the village now known as Jokhah (formerly Chardeh) contains two mosques. The name Jokhah was applied to this village in the contemporary period, before which it was known as Chardeh. The New Mosque, according to its dedication inscription, was built in the Qajar period within the fabric of the new village of Jokhah. The Old Mosque, known as the Castle Mosque, is located outside the present-day village and is the subject of this research. This name derives from its proximity to the old, large castle of the village. Unfortunately, no information regarding the mosques of Jokhah village has been found in any Islamic source, text, or even in the travelogues of the Qajar period. It appears that the location of Jokhah village on the route connecting Tabas with the central regions of Iran increased its importance and led to the appearance of several significant Islamic buildings, including the Old Mosque. The irregular plan and the distinctive three-īwān plan of this building are the main reasons for undertaking this research. The architectural style and characteristics of the building bring it close to the middle Islamic period; consequently, the purpose of this research is to carry out a comprehensive study of the building, to achieve an understanding of its physical identity, to trace the evolution of the design, form, and function of its architectural spaces, and, finally, to date the structure. Information about the Jokhah region is very scarce. Apart from a brief description and dating of the building carried out by the provincial Cultural Heritage Organization, no serious or detailed study has been undertaken in the field of recognition and analysis of the architectural structure of this historical building. Accordingly, this research is fundamental in type, and its method and nature are historical.<br /> <br /><strong>Discussion</strong><br />The building is positioned along a northeast–southwest axis, in accordance with the qibla direction. Qala Mosque consists of spaces such as entrances, a courtyard in the middle of the building, a portico on the west side, two high porches facing each other on the north and south sides, a wide porch on the east side of the building, a nave, and side chambers. Based on the overall design and building elements—such as the use of two porches facing each other, the depth of the qibla porch, and the portico around the courtyard—the location of the main entrance is on the northwest side; this entrance features massive walls that project from the building’s surface and a corridor-like space. The geometry of the courtyard is rectangular, and it is enclosed on three sides. The middle porch on the north side of the mosque, at its rear support, shares a wall with the entrance of the building. In the porticoed mosques of Khorasan, the most important porch, which is situated in the middle of the south side, was intended for the orientation of the building towards the qibla. In the investigation of the mosque, it was found that the two porches on the north and south are not exactly aligned with a common axis, and the south porch is deeper. It is likely that the spaces on the sides of the south porch were designed as naves, although their size and design differ from those of the naves found in two-īwān mosques. Based on the rubble of the long walls left in the middle of the eastern side of the mosque, it is possible that another porch existed in this part of the building, with dimensions that were larger than those of the south porch.<br /> <br /><strong>Conclusion</strong><br />Analysis of the findings reveals that certain features of the architectural structure—such as the location of the mosque on raised ground and the construction of massive pillars in the shabestānī space—render it comparable to mosques of the Seljuk period. On the one hand, the use of low-quality materials and the design of two porches are characteristic of Khwārazmshāhī mosques in Khorasan; on the other hand, the heightened and elongated entrance, the addition of a vestibule, and the arrangement of the porch and its side porches are reminiscent of features typical of Ilkhanid-period mosques. Based on the examination of the mosque’s structural and physical characteristics—including its design, architectural elements and components, and its classification as a two-porch mosque—it is possible to place this building among the Khwārazmshāhī mosques of the Khorasani style. The surviving architectural remains attest to the grandeur and significance of the building during its initial construction period. The extension of the eastern porch, the presence of two chapel spaces and a pulpit, multi-layer cladding, restoration work, and the use of pottery in the building’s wall further indicate that the mosque continued to be used over several periods.در تاریخ معماری دوران اسلامی، بنای مسجد بهدلیل بهرهمندی از ویژگی مذهبی، یکی از عوامل مهم شکلگیری و گسترش شهر و روستاها بهشمار میرفته است. مسجد قلعه جوخواه یکی از بناهای مهم معماری دوران اسلامیِ روستای جوخواه در نزدیکی شهر طبس بهشمار میرود. در ارتباط با این بنا مطالعات اندکی ازسوی سازمان میراثفرهنگی برای ثبت، تاریخگذاری و توصیف انجامشده، گرچه تاکنون مطالعۀ منسجمی در ارتباط با معماری این بنا صورت نگرفته است. از آنجاکه در هیچیک از منابع و متون دوران اسلامی نیز نامی از این مسجد به میان نیامده، ویژگیهای فرمی، فضایی و ساختار معماری آن برای شناخت این بنا مورد پژوهش قرار گرفته است. این پژوهش بر آن است که با کمک مطالعات میدانی، مطالعۀ عناصر کالبدی بنا و همچنین مقایسۀ نمونههای تطبیقی، به معرفی دقیق فضاهای معماری در مسجد، دورهبندی تاریخی و تحلیل کالبدی عناصر فرمی و فضایی آن بپردازد. روش کار این پژوهش بهصورت توصیفی-تحلیلی انجام پذیرفته است. رویکرد تحقیقی و توصیف آن شامل بررسی و مشاهدۀ میدانی بنای مسجد است. مطالعات تطبیقی این پژوهش برپایۀ منابع کتابخانهای و با کمک تفسیر یافتهها، شاخصهها و اصول معماری بهکار رفته در این بنا مشخص گردید. در فرآیند پژوهش، با تحلیل ویژگیهای طرح و سایر فضاهای آن با دیگر مساجد دورۀ میانی اسلامی، تشابه، تغییر و تحولات ساختار فضایی بهصورت کمّی و کیفی موردتوجه قرار گرفته است. یافتههای پژوهش بیانگر این امر است که این بنا با الگوی مساجد دو ایوانی طی سدههای میانی ساخته شده، سپس در سدههای متأخر با گستردهسازی و افزودن ایوان سوم در یک جبهۀ بنا، تغییراتی در ساختار الگوی اصلی آن بهوجود آمده است.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_5407_6399bffeb91fbf3be34498a130d2d48c.pdfپژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225164820260522Assessing the Influence of Geometric Principles on the Architectural Form of Traditional Bathhouses in Kurdistan Province: A Case Study of the Iranian Golden Rectangle and Arch Covering Systemsتحلیل اثر هندسه بر ویژگیهای کالبد معمارانۀ حمامهای استان کردستان نمونۀ موردمطالعه: مستطیل طلایی ایرانی و پوشش تاقی271299609610.22084/nb.2025.29049.2661FAطیبهحسین پوردرخششگروه باستانشناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه محقق اردبیلی، اردبیل، ایران.حبیبشهبازی شیرانگروه باستانشناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه محقق اردبیلی، اردبیل، ایران (نویسندۀ مسئول).محمدابراهیمزارعیگروه باستانشناسی، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، دانشگاه بوعلیسینا، همدان، ایران.کریمحاجی زادهگروه باستانشناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه محقق اردبیلی، اردبیل، ایران.0000-0002-4739-513xJournal Article20240228<strong>Abstract</strong><br />Among the teachings of Pirnia concerning traditional Iranian architecture, there are clear references to the “Iranian golden rectangle” and “arched covering,” and their use by traditional architects. Many elders have stated that Iranian architects have employed these proportions to create architectural spaces in buildings. This research aims to analyze the effect of geometry on the massing and architectural form of the bathhouses of Kurdistan Province. The present research questions are as the following: 1. What has been the influence of geometry on the use of the “Iranian golden rectangle” in the bathhouses of Kurdistan Province? 2. What types of arched coverings were used in the various spaces of the studied bathhouses? Information was collected by means of library research, field survey, and drawing. Through the selection of 14 bathhouses in Kurdistan Province and the analysis of their architectural plans and main components, namely the bineh (dressing room) and hot house (caldarium), the hypothesis that this hidden geometric framework was applied in the plans of most bathhouses is confirmed. The designers of these bathhouses have sought to bring the proportions of the bathhouse spaces closer to the golden rectangle. Based on the findings of this research, it was revealed that geometry is an influencing factor on the architecture of bathhouses in Kurdistan Province. The plan of some of the studied bathhouses follows the Iranian golden rectangle or its derivative proportions. According to the coefficient of variation, the conclusion of the authors is that looking at the actual conditions and the plan pattern of the bathhouses in Kurdistan Province, the small amount of error in the number of the bathhouses is due to the separation and division of the land, and the designers therefore tried to bring the ratio of the important spaces of the bathhouse closer to the relative value of the “Iranian Golden Rectangle”. The covering of the main spaces, including the bineh and the hot house, often employed tavizeh vaults, while the infill between the tavizehs was of the colombo and karbandi type (rasmi-bandi and yazdi-bandi). Irrespective of any climatic conditions, the covering of the hot house is less spacious than the covering of the bineh, due to the preservation of heat within the hot house.<br /><strong>Keywords:</strong> Iranian Architecture, Iranian Golden Rectangle, Arch Covering, Bathroom, Kurdistan Province.<br /> <br /><strong>Introduction</strong><br />In the study of Iranian architecture, scholarly discourse occasionally references the “Iranian golden rectangle,” a subject of considerable intrinsic interest. The late Pirnia, a leading authority on traditional Iranian architecture, explicitly addressed this concept on numerous occasions. In his well-known teachings on traditional building design, he remarked: “They made use of the Iranian golden ratio when designing architectural spaces. This golden ratio was derived from a rectangle inside a hexagon”. Correspondingly, the basins within the bathhouse were executed in Iranian hexagonal, dodecagonal, and rectangular shapes that exhibit golden proportions, matching the aesthetic canons of the golden rectangle. In many Iranian buildings, the plan and vertical section are organized within a modular framework of equilateral squares and triangles; their intersections define key fixed points—such as width, length, height, openings, and the position of inscriptions, among other features. Accordingly, the size of each part was proportionally related to every other part. Thus, a building was not a random collection of disconnected elements, but a harmonious ensemble of parts bound by proportional relationships that imparted movement to space and a sense of ordered repose to the eye. Iranian architects favored the hexagon because it is a form that cannot be drawn incorrectly, as its construction is based on the equilateral triangle. Assembling six such triangles yield a hexagonal shape; the honeycomb, a natural exemplar, is structured in an analogous manner, highlighting geometry’s integral role. Given the centrality of public bathhouses in Islamic urban life, the investigation of roofing systems in the bathhouses of Kurdistan Province—a significant architectural type of the Islamic period—is essential for understanding the characteristics of public buildings of that era in this region. The present research aims to examine the Iranian golden rectangle and the influence of geometry on the formation of the arch coverings in these bathhouses. In sum, the article commences with a theoretical framework divided into four sections; it subsequently describes the research method and process, and the approach to data selection is examined. The findings are then presented and discussed in the form of tables and graphs, and the paper ends with a concluding summary.<br /> <br /><strong>Iranian Golden Rectangle</strong><br />In studies of Iranian architecture, the Iranian golden rectangle has been cited many times, and workers such as Pirnia have clearly and explicitly noted this concept. The Iranian golden rectangle is derived by inscribing a rectangle within a hexagon. In his description of the Iranian golden rectangle, Pirnia has mentioned the use of a rectangle enclosed within a regular hexagon yielding the proportions of 1.73, and the rectangle half of it with the proportions of 1.15, in the design of buildings; they also examined rectangles with the proportions 1.15, 1.73, and 2.31. Therefore, in this article, the ratio of these proportions in the historic bathhouses of Kurdistan Province has been investigated for the bineh space and for the hot house space. In the examined spaces, the amount of deviation is less than one tenth (0.1) in order to comply with the golden proportions in the bineh and the hot house. In the studied samples, the observance of the golden proportion was not applied in the bathhouses of Haj Saleh, Shihrah, Moshir, and Khalifa Fattah in any of the spaces (bineh and hot house), while in the rest of the bathhouses this proportion was used. It occurs in bineh, hot house, or both spaces. The conclusion of the authors is that, according to the actual conditions and the plan pattern of the bathhouses in Kurdistan Province, the small amount of error in some of the bathhouses is due to the separation and division of the land; despite this, the designers tried to bring the ratio of the important spaces, namely the bineh and hot house, of the bathhouse closer to the relative value of the “Iranian Golden Rectangle”.<br /> <br /><strong>Discussion</strong><br />Important factors influencing the selection of the covering type include the size of the intended space, its spatial proportions, and the shape of the plan. In general, in the bathhouses of Kurdistan, the covering of the main spaces, the bineh and the hot house, is based on load-bearing ribs (tavizeh), while the infill between the ribs is typically of the colombo and karbandi type. The tavizeh ribs have functioned to bear and transfer the load from the roof to the columns and joists. These elements together provide a suitable foundation for the dome covering. In the studied bathhouses of Kurdistan Province, most of the arches employed are of the four-centered and pointed types; only in the Shisheh and Dokhazineh bathhouses are the arches of the simple curved type. The bineh covering in the bathhouses of Khan, Qaslan, Abdul Khaliq, Vakil, Dokhzineh, Shisheh, and Haj Saleh is higher than that of the hot house. To better transfer the load from the main opening to the adjacent openings, arches and vaults were used to cover the bathroom spaces.<br /> <br /><strong>Conclusion</strong><br />From an examination of the diagrams obtained, the authors’ conclusion is that the designers of these bathhouses were concerned with creating spaces of precise dimensions grounded in geometry when determining the ratio of length to width of the bineh and the hot house. In the abundance chart related to the bathhouses, the highest abundance can be observed in the ratio they termed the “Iranian golden ratio” (such as √3=1.732). Based on the first assumption, with reference to Table 2 and the diagrams of the investigated spaces, the amount of difference is less than one tenth (0.1) in order to comply with the golden ratio, and the amount of difference greater than one tenth (0.1) is deemed non-compliance with the golden ratio of bineh and hot house. Based on the second hypothesis and with reference to Table 3, the predominant arch covering type employed in the bathhouses of Kurdistan Province, in the main and large spaces, namely the bineh and the hot house, was the colombo roof type, and it was surrounded by an arch and a fountain.بین آموزههای «پیرنیا» دربارۀ معماری سنتی ایران، به «مستطیل طلایی ایرانی» و «پوشش تاقی» و کاربرد آن توسط معماران سنتی اشارههای صریحی میشود. بسیاری از بزرگان اظهار داشتهاند که معماران ایرانی از این نسبتها برای خلق فضاهای معماری در بناها استفاده کردهاند. این پژوهش بر آن است تا تأثیر هندسه بر کالبد و شکل معمارانۀ حمامهای استان کردستان را مورد تحلیل قرار دهد. پرسشهای پژوهش حاضر عبارتنداز: 1) تأثیر هندسه بر شکلگیری «مستطیل طلایی ایرانی» در حمامهای استان کردستان چه بوده است؟ 2) «پوششهای تاقی» فضاهای مختلف حمامهای موردمطالعه از چه نوع بوده است؟ گردآوری اطلاعات به شیوۀ مطالعات کتابخانهای، بررسی میدانی و ترسیمی انجام شده است. با انتخاب 14 نمونه از حمامهای استان کردستان، با تجزیه و تحلیل پلانهای معماری و اجزاء سازنده اصلی ازقبیل: بینه و گرمخانه، فرضیۀ کاربرد این چارچوب هندسی پنهان در پلان اکثر حمامها مورد تأیید است و طراحان این حمامها کوشیدهاند تا نسبت ابعاد فضاهای حمام را به مستطیل طلایی نزدیک کنند. براساس یافتههای این پژوهش آشکار شد که هندسه بهعنوان عاملی تأثیرگذار بر کالبد معماری حمامهای استان کردستان است. پلان تعدادی از حمامهای موردمطالعه از مستطیل طلایی ایرانی، یا دیگر نسبتهای آن پیروی میکند. باتوجه به ضریب تغییرات استنباط نگارندگان این است که با نگاه بهشرایط واقعی و الگوی پلان حمامهای استان کردستان، میزان اندک خطای موجود در تعدای از حمامها بهعلت تفکیک و تقسیمبندی زمینها میباشد و طراحان با اینوجود، میکوشیدند نسبت فضاهای مهم حمام را به مقدار نسبی «مستطیل طلایی ایرانی» نزدیک کنند. پوشش فضاهای اصلی ازجمله بینه و گرمخانه، غالباً تویزه بهکار رفته و پوشش بین تویزهها از نوع کلمبو و کاربندی (رسمیبندی و یزدیبندی) بوده است. فارغ از هرگونه شرایط اقلیمی، پوشش گرمخانهها خیز کمتری نسبت به پوشش بینه دارد، بهدلیل نگهداری گرما در محیط گرمخانه است.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_6096_b09e42b8dc71e00ac59314649d113a48.pdfپژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225164820260522The Historical Comparison of the Structural Transformation of the Baysunghur Sahnameh and the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasbمقایسۀ تاریخیِ دگرگونی ساختاری نگارههای شاهنامۀ بایسنغری و تهماسبی301329598610.22084/nb.2025.29606.2691FAغلامرضاشاملوگروه گرافیک، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، دانشگاه بوعلیسینا، همدان، ایران.داودمیرزاییگروه فلسفۀ هنر، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، دانشگاه بوعلیسینا، همدان، ایران (نویسندۀ مسئول).علیسلمانیگروه فلسفۀ هنر، دانشکدۀ هنر و معماری، دانشگاه بوعلیسینا، همدان، ایران.Journal Article20240714<strong>Abstract</strong><br />The Baysunghur Shahnameh from the Timurid period and the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb from the Safavid period are two masterpieces of Iranian culture and art that stand without parallel. The images contained in these two manuscripts, a number of which are shared in subject matter, have consistently attracted the attention of art historians from a variety of perspectives. Among the approaches capable of illuminating the distinctive values of these images, formal analysis occupies a central place. Yet it is not formal analysis in isolation that proves most revealing, but rather a mode of analysis that also registers the historical transition from the Timurid to the Safavid era. It has been argued that such a historically situated formal analysis can disclose the shift in artistic sensibility that distinguishes these two periods. Building upon this premise, the present research first identifies a theoretical lacuna within twentieth-century formalist theories and then advances a specific reading of formalism, one that incorporates the “general theme” of a work (deliberately setting aside considerations of content and subject matter) into the examination of line, color, and composition. Adopting this framework, the study measures the degree of alignment between the formal elements and the overarching general theme in two images that appear in both manuscripts: “The Meeting of Ardeshir and Gulnar,” which is governed by a romantic theme, and “The First Labour of Esfandiar,” which is shaped by an epic theme. The investigation is guided by two principal research questions. First, which of these two images, by bringing its formal components into harmony with its general theme, succeeds more fully in evoking the appropriate aesthetic emotion? Second, can we conclude that one of these historical periods, or possibly both, accomplished this task more effectively by aligning formal elements with the intended general theme? The findings of the study indicate that the Shah Tahmasb manuscript was more successful than the Baysunghur manuscript in coordinating form with general theme. By extension, it appears plausible to claim that the Safavid period, to a greater degree than the Timurid, was able to evoke an aesthetic emotion that faithfully corresponds to the general theme of the works.<br /><strong>Keywords: </strong>Historical Transformation of the Form; Formalism; General Theme; Baysunghur Sahnameh; Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb.<br /> <br /><strong>Introduction</strong><br />The Shahnameh of Ferdowsi stands as the preeminent cultural and literary document of Iran. Throughout the centuries, successive rulers have assembled artists and craftsmen to embellish and illustrate this monumental work, leading to the production of numerous illuminated Shahnameh manuscripts across different historical periods. The Timurid and Safavid eras, celebrated as particularly luminous epochs in Iranian culture and art, witnessed the creation of two of the most treasured illustrated Shahnamehs: The Baysunghur Shahnameh and the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb. The enduring artistic values of these two works can be examined from multiple perspectives. One of the most revealing approaches is a structural analysis of their painted images, which can bring to light the underlying conceptions and aesthetic sensibilities specific to each period. Both manuscripts share a number of common subjects. For the present study, two images have been selected: “The Meeting of Ardeshir and Gulnar,” which embodies a romantic theme, and “The First Labour of Esfandiar,” which represents a heroic theme. This research aims to investigate the artistic sensibilities of the Timurid and Safavid periods through a detailed structural analysis of these two images, with the expectation that the findings may be broadly applicable to other illustrations within these landmark manuscripts.<br /> <br /><strong>Discussion</strong><br />With this introduction, it seems that no method is as capable as the formalist approach of revealing the structural transformations of the images in these two monumental works. However, the present study seeks a specific interpretation of this method, which will be explained further along with the research questions and hypotheses. The formalist method is concerned with the form of the work itself, as opposed to its content. Therefore, when examining an artwork through this method, any attention to content, subject matter, political-social conditions, or any external factors unrelated to the structure of the work itself is dismissed.<br />Some 20th-century theorists, particularly Clive Bell as a pioneer of this approach, aimed to develop a universal language for aesthetic evaluation, identifying the primary factor for eliciting aesthetic emotion as the form of the artwork. Bell, by introducing the concept of “significant form,” attempted to distinguish between simple forms and those harmonious, proportionate forms capable of evoking “aesthetic emotion”. However, Bell becomes caught in a vicious theoretical circle, making the definition of significant form contingent on eliciting aesthetic emotion, while the elicitation of aesthetic emotion is in turn contingent upon possessing significant form, without specifying the objective qualities that constitute such form. Many of his critics have denied that lines, colors, composition, and space can define the value of a work of art as art independently of any other factor. Relying on these valid critiques, we argue that the factor in question could be the “general theme” of the work, which fundamentally differs from content or subject matter, both of which are entirely unrelated to structural analysis. In the absence of this factor, formalist analysis remains tenuous. A detailed explanation of this issue is deferred to Section 1 of the study. Thus, grounded in the foregoing interpretation, this research examines the structural elements of two images shared by the Baysunghur and Tahmasp Shahnamehs—each image governed by a distinct overarching theme—across the transition from the Timurid to the Safavid era, in order to lay the groundwork for answering two specific research questions: 1. Which of these images, through the alignment of its formal components with its general theme, has been more successful in evoking a corresponding aesthetic emotion? and 2. How can one conclude that one of these two historical periods (or both) has more effectively elicited aesthetic emotion by aligning formal elements with the general theme?<br />The hypothesis of this research, formulated in response to the above questions, is that the Tahmasbi version has been more successful than the Baysunghur version in aligning form with the general theme; and, by generalizing this conclusion to other images within these two versions, one may infer that the Safavid era, through dramatizing the pictorial narrative, has been more effective than the Timurid era in eliciting the aesthetic emotion corresponding to the general themes of the works. A crucial aspect of the present study’s methodology, arguably its innovation, lies in applying this approach to analyze the structural aspects of the works in relation to the “general theme”. (It is worth reiterating that the sole reason for selecting these two shared images is their differing general themes.)<br />The method of this research is descriptive-analytical, and the data were collected from library resources. Subsequently, the collected data were analyzed to examine the selected images in relation to their general themes from the Timurid and Safavid eras.<br /> <br /><strong>Conclusion</strong><br />This research first delineates the fundamental tenets of formalist theory, identifies its shortcomings in analyzing pictorial works, and proposes an alternative perspective. It emphasizes the significance of an intervening factor, termed the “general theme,” in structural analysis and in assessing the alignment of formal elements with this theme for eliciting a corresponding aesthetic emotion. Subsequently, by analyzing selected images common to the Baysunghur Shahnameh and the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb to historically compare their structural transformations, with a focus on the relationship between form and general theme in evoking aesthetic emotion, the research addresses the following questions:<br />1. Which of these images, by aligning their formal components with their general theme, have been more successful in evoking a corresponding aesthetic emotion?<br />• Based on the analysis, both images from the Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasb appear to have been more successful than their counterparts in the Baysunghur Shahnameh in aligning formal elements with the general theme and eliciting a corresponding aesthetic emotion.<br />2. How can one conclude that one of these two historical periods (or both) has better achieved the goal of eliciting aesthetic emotion through aligning formal elements with the general theme?<br />• As observed, Safavid artists, by transcending the narrative text and dramatizing the story, employing fluid and dynamic lines—including wavy, circular, and oblique lines—and utilizing a diverse color palette, have been notably more successful than Timurid artists in aligning formal elements with the general theme of the work and eliciting the corresponding aesthetic emotion.بیتردید شاهنامۀ بایسنغری از دورۀ تیموری و شاهنامۀ تهماسبی از دورۀ صفوی دو شاهکار بیبدیل فرهنگ و هنر ایرانزمین هستند. نگارههای این دو نسخه (که چندین نگارۀ مشترک در آنها وجود دارد) همواره از وجوه مختلف، موردتوجه بسیاری از پژوهندگان هنری بوده است. یکی از رویکردهایی که میتواند کمک شایانی به فهم ارزشهای بینظیر این نگارهها کند، تحلیل فرمی این نگارههاست، ولی نه تحلیل فرمی صِرف، بلکه از معبر گذر تاریخی از دورۀ تیموری به صفوی؛ چراکه مدعا بر این است با چنین تحلیل خاصی، تغییر ذوق هنری این دو دورۀ تاریخی مکشوف خواهد شد. با ایناوصاف، این پژوهش بر آن بوده تا با نشاندادن خلئی نظری در بدنۀ نظریههای فرمالیستی قرن 20م. و لذا با خوانشی خاص از این نظریه، یعنی دخالت دادن عنصر «درونمایۀ کلی» آثار، (بدون کمترین توجه به محتوا و موضوع) در تحلیل عناصری چون، خط، رنگ و ترکیببندی، میزان همسویی عناصر فرمی دو نگارۀ مشترک از این دو نسخه، یعنی «دیدار اردشیر و گلنار» و «خوان اول اسفندیار» با درونمایۀ کلیِ، بهترتیب، «عاشقانه» و «حماسی» را بررسی کند تا به این دو پرسش پاسخ دهد: 1) کدامیک از این نگارهها توانستهاند بهمدد همسو ساختن اجزای فرمی خود با درونمایۀ کلیشان، بهتر از عهدۀ برانگیزش عاطفۀ زیباشناختی متناسب با آن برآیند؟ 2) چگونه میتوان نتیجه گرفت که یکی از این دو دورۀ تاریخی (یا حتی هر دو) با همسو ساختن عناصر فرمی با درونمایۀ کلی خود، این هدف برانگیزش عاطفۀ زیباشناختی را بهتر محقق ساخته است؟ از نتایج پژوهش برمیآید که نسخۀ تهماسبی در این همسویی فرم با درونمایه موفقتر از نسخۀ بایسنغری بوده است و بهنظر میرسد که با تعمیم این نتیجه بر سایر نگارههای این دو نسخه، میتوان مدعی شد که دورۀ صفوی بهتر از دورۀ تیموری توانسته است از عهدۀ این مهم برآید و عاطفۀ زیباشناختی متناسبی با درونمایۀ آثار ایجاد کند.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_5986_35bcad825b48d21d6a26231808483433.pdfپژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225164820260522The Meʿmārbāshis of Fars Province: A Documentary Study of Provincial Chief Architects in Qajar Iranپژوهشی دربارۀ چند معمارباشی فارس در دورۀ قاجار برپایۀ اسناد و منابع تاریخی331357616210.22084/nb.2025.30570.2753FAعلیاسدپورگروه مطالعات معماری ایران، دانشکدۀ معماری و مرمت، دانشگاه هنر شیراز، شیراز، ایران.Journal Article20250218<strong>Abstract</strong><br />The names of several architects active in Fars during the Qajar period have survived in inscriptions and historical references; however, little documentary evidence exists regarding the lives, activities, and professional status of the province’s meʿmārbāshīs (court master architects). Although the office of meʿmārbāshī was a recognized administrative position within the Qajar state, its functions varied across different regions of Iran. Identifying these figures can contribute to a better understanding of the social history of architecture in nineteenth-century Iran. This study identifies the meʿmārbāshīs of Fars Province during the Qajar era and reconstructs aspects of their professional lives through archival documents. It addresses three questions: Who were the meʿmārbāshīs of Fars? How do documentary records relate to other historical narratives concerning them? And what social and professional characteristics can be discerned from the available evidence? The study also examines their probable duties within the provincial administration. The research adopts an interpretive-historical method based on the analysis of archival materials. Primary sources include documents preserved in the National Library and Archives of Iran, records from the Women’s World in the Qajar Era archive, and historical accounts. The findings suggest that the architectural administration of Fars remained weak throughout much of the Qajar period. The removal of supervisory officials (mobāshers) and the increasing reliance on non-architect designers appear to have limited the effectiveness of provincial architectural management. The study identifies three meʿmārbāshīs of Fars: Mirzā Hassan-i Meʿmārbāshī, who held the office for more than a decade during the middle Nāserī period and is portrayed in the sources as an unskilled and profit-oriented figure; Āqā Khān-i Meʿmārbāshī, the last known holder of the office during the Nāserī era, about whom little information survives; and Moʿtamad al-Saltanah-ye Meʿmārbāshī, who emerged in the early Muzaffarī period and was noted for his intelligence, administrative competence, and professional reputation.<br /><strong>Keywords: </strong>Fars, Provincial Architects, Position of Me’mārbāshi, Mo’tamed al-Soltān Me’mārbāshi, Mirzā Hassan Me’mārbāshi.<br /> <br /><strong>Introduction</strong><br />The names and identities of several Iranian architects and builders have survived through construction and restoration inscriptions and scattered historical references; yet, compared with the vast number of Iran’s historic buildings, such evidence remains remarkably scarce. The practice of building and the role of architectural craftsmen in the creation of monuments often ensured that traces of architects and other architectural agents were preserved for future generations. However, individuals who attained the office of meʿmārbāshī (chief architect) or served as state-appointed architects in royal courts and provincial administrations rarely left their names on buildings, despite frequently exercising technical, supervisory, and practical authority over construction projects. As a result, information about them must be sought in administrative documents, official correspondence, newspapers, memoirs, and other historical records. Furthermore, the institutional title of meʿmārbāshī often obscured the personal identities of those who held the office. This was particularly true within the administrations of provincial governors and local rulers, where the title frequently replaced an individual’s name in documentary records. Consequently, it is difficult to trace these figures across historical sources in a way that consistently reveals their architectural works, social lives, professional careers, or personal characteristics. An important dimension of the history of architectural practitioners in Iran has therefore been overlooked and insufficiently studied.<br />This research seeks to identify several meʿmārbāshīs who served in the province of Fars during the Qajar period, particularly from the reign of Nāser al-Dīn Shāh onward. Despite their administrative importance, these figures remain poorly understood. The study first reconstructs aspects of the social experiences of meʿmārbāshīs as reflected in their interactions with their profession and with provincial authorities. It then uses these observations as a basis for examining their occupational status, duties, and working conditions. Attention is given to archival documents because surviving Qajar records provide a more direct account of their daily lives than any other category of primary source. Functioning as historical mirrors of patterns, practices, and relationships, these documents not only offer a clearer picture of these architects but, in many cases, also constitute the only surviving evidence of their existence and professional activities. The study addresses three questions: Who were the meʿmārbāshīs of Fars, and how do they relate to narratives preserved in other historical evidence? What were their probable duties within the provincial administration, and how did they compare with meʿmārbāshīs serving in the capital? Finally, what social and professional characteristics can be identified from the surviving documentary record?<br /> <br /><strong>Discussion</strong><br />The dynamics and transformation of the office of meʿmārbāshī within the administrative apparatus of provincial cities and regions distant from the capital require a perspective that takes local conditions, scales of construction, and administrative needs into account. The evidence presented in this study sheds light on this issue. It appears that the increasing specialization of architectural activities during the later Qajar period, particularly during the building campaigns of the Nāserī era, led to a gradual separation between architectural design and technical supervision. Some architects assumed broader responsibilities related to design and planning, while supervisory and executive duties were increasingly entrusted to officeholders bearing the title of meʿmārbāshī. Over time, this position ceased to be held exclusively by practicing architects, although architects seem to have regained part of their former standing by the late nineteenth century. The term meʿmārbāshī should not be understood uncritically. In its general sense, it denoted a skilled, experienced, and trusted architect, a usage found in both provincial and courtly documents. In its more specific sense, it referred to an administrative office within the royal court and certain provincial governments, one that did not necessarily imply professional mastery of architecture and often functioned primarily as a bureaucratic appointment. Within the Nāserī court hierarchy, the meʿmārbāshī occupied an intermediate position, ranking below the Head of Building Works and above the mobāshir (superintendent). Documentary evidence suggests that conflicts arising from supervision and bureaucratic reporting were not uncommon. At the same time, estimating construction costs, preparing expenditure accounts, and overseeing building works appear to have remained among the office’s most consistent responsibilities.<br />The findings further indicate that the architectural organization of the Fars administration was modeled on that of the Nāserī capital but operated on a much smaller scale. The volume and nature of construction activities did not require the same degree of bureaucratic specialization. Unlike the capital, no evidence has been found for the presence of a dedicated mobāshir responsible for monitoring individual projects. Moreover, the governors of Fars undertook few significant governmental building projects and largely continued to occupy the administrative infrastructure inherited from the Zand period. As a result, architectural design was frequently entrusted not to experienced local architects but to administrative officials and court artists. Consequently, the provincial meʿmārbāshī increasingly assumed the role of a governmental builder rather than that of an architectural director. His responsibilities focused on organizing labor, supervising construction, and managing practical operations, while broader architectural planning and design gradually passed into other hands.<br /> <br /><strong>Conclusion</strong><br />The findings of this study identify three meʿmārbāshīs in Fars whose careers span the period from the reign of Nāser al-Dīn Shāh (1848–1896) to that of Moḥammad-ʿAlī Shāh (1907–1909). The first was Mīrzā Hasan Meʿmārbāshī, who was probably appointed to Fars during the middle years of the Nāṣerī period, most likely under the governorship of Masʿūd Mīrzā Zill al-Soltān. Documentary evidence portrays him as incompetent and profit driven. Despite objections raised by Moshīr al-Molk regarding his performance in 1875, he remained in office for more than a decade. Apart from overseeing routine maintenance of governmental buildings, he was responsible for the construction of a qanat in 1879 that was reportedly filled in shortly thereafter. The second figure was Āqā Khān Meʿmārbāshī, who served during the final years of the Nāserī period, around 1894–1895, during the second governorship of Rokn al-Dowleh. His identity and career remain largely obscure. The third was Moʿtamad al-Saltanah Meʿmārbāshī, also known as Moqarrab al-Khāqān and described in contemporary sources as the “chief architect of the building corps”. He appears to have assumed office in the late 1890s. In many respects, he represented the opposite of Mīrzā Hasan. The historian Forsat al-Dowleh praised him for his intelligence, sound judgment, and attentiveness. He enjoyed the respect of the Friday Prayer Leader of Fars and maintained close ties to the royal court. Several projects may be attributed to him, including an addition to the Arg complex in Shiraz (1901–1902), the construction of a coffeehouse beside the western side of the Vakil water reservoir (1903–1904), and the restoration of Shiraz’s Tupkhāneh Square during the governorship of ʿAlāʾ al-Dowleh (1902–1904). None of these structures survive today. The architectural administration of Fars differed from that of the capital in two significant respects: the absence of the office of mobāshir (superintendent) and the limited use of experienced architects in the design of governmental buildings. Instead, painters and building administrators frequently assumed design responsibilities. While part of this distinction reflected the smaller scale of construction activity in Fars, the poor quality of provincial governmental architecture also suggests institutional weakness. Political rivalries, economic instability, and local competition appear to have reduced the office of meʿmārbāshī to little more than that of a governmental builder. Future research may examine appointment procedures in other provinces, the role of meʿmārbāshīs in transmitting architectural practices, and the fate of the office during the Pahlavi period.نام برخی از معماران قاجاری ایالت فارس را میتوان در کتیبهها یافت؛ ولی بهندرت آگاهی مدونی از آثار و زندگی «معمارباشیهای دیوانی» آن وجود دارد. ازسوی دیگر، هرچند منصب معمارباشیگری، مسندی درباری بود، ولی جزئیات وظایف آنها در تمامی ایالتهای کشور، یکسان نبوده است؛ بنابراین، شناخت آنها میتواند به درک بهتر تاریخ اجتماعی معماری ایران کمک نماید. هدف پژوهش حاضر، شناسایی معمارباشیهای ایالت فارس در دورۀ قاجار بوده و میکوشد تا شناختی از پارهای رویدادهای روزانۀ معمارباشیها برپایۀ اسناد و مدارک و روایتی چندوجهی از وضعیت شغلی، وظایف و کار آنها فراهم آورد. این پژوهش درپی پاسخ به این پرسشهاست؛ معمارباشیهای ایالت فارس چه کسانی بودند و چه نسبتی با روایتهای برجایمانده در دیگر شواهد تاریخی دارند؟ وظایف احتمالی آنها در دیوان فارس چه مواردی بوده است و چه تشابه یا تمایزی با دیگر معمارباشیهای دارالخلافه دارند؟ و ازنظر اجتماعی و صنفی چه خصوصیاتی از آنها قابلتشخیص است؟ روش پژوهش تفسیری-تاریخی و مبتنیبر تحلیل و توصیف است؛ اسناد موجود در سازمان اسناد و کتابخانۀ ملی ایران (ساکما) و آرشیو دنیای زنان در عصر قاجار در کنار منابع تاریخی دستهاول موردبررسی قرار گرفتند. نتایج درمجموع ضعف تشکیلات معماری ایالت فارس را نشان میدهند که با حذف «مباشر» و «بهکارگیری طراحانی جز معماران» کارنامۀ درخشانی ندارد. معمارباشیهای ایالت فارس، یعنی «میرزاحسن معمارباشی»، فردی کار نابلد و سودجو که بیش از یک دهه در میانۀ دورۀ ناصری بر این مسند ماند؛ «آقاخان معمارباشی»، آخرین معمارباشی روزگار ناصری که خصوصیات او همچنان پوشیده است و سرانجام «معتمدالسلطان معمارباشی»، که از اوایل دورۀ «مظفرالدینشاه» به حُسن فکر و حواسجمع شهره بود، تنها موارد قابل شناخت هستند. احتمالاً ساخت عمارت الحاقی ارگ و قهوهخانهای در جوار آبانبار وکیل، و مرمّت میدان توپخانه از کارهای معتمدالسلطان هستند. تمامی این معمارباشیها بیشتر در مقام بنّایانی قابل بودند و وظایفی فروتر از همنامهای خود در پایتخت داشتند.https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_6162_e4afb5b753aeae2b32971a83f70ad94a.pdfپژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران2345-5225164820260522Friedrich Sarre and His Role in the Formation of Persian Art and Architecture Studiesفردریش زاره و نقش او در شکلگیری مطالعات هنر و معماری ایران259386624210.22084/nb.2025.30609.2755FAمحمدرضاغیاثیانگروه مطالعات عالی هنر، دانشکدۀ معماری و هنر، دانشگاه کاشان، کاشان، ایران.Journal Article20250224<strong>Abstract</strong><br />Friedrich Sarre is regarded as one of the founding figures of Islamic art history and archaeology. As director of the Museum of Islamic Art in Berlin from 1905 to 1931, he played a pivotal role in shaping Western perceptions of Persian art. During the late Qajar period, Sarre undertook extensive travels across Iran and neighboring regions, which formed the empirical foundation of his research on the history of Persian and Islamic art and architecture. In addition to fieldwork, he amassed a significant collection of artworks from Iran, the broader Islamic world, and other civilizations, both during his expeditions and through acquisitions in Europe. Unlike many nineteenth-century archaeologists who focused on pre-Islamic sites in West Asia, Sarre was the first to apply the principles of scientific excavation in an Islamic context, most notably at Samarra. This article examines Sarre’s contributions to the formation of Persian art history by introducing his major scholarly works and analyzing his methodological approaches. His studies on pre-Islamic Persian art primarily emphasize the Parthian and Sasanian periods, as he believed that key artistic characteristics from these eras persisted and evolved within Islamic art. This conceptual continuity is also reflected in the curatorial arrangement of the Museum für Islamische Kunst, where artifacts from these pre-Islamic periods are still displayed within the Islamic art section. His methodological approach was predominantly geographical rather than chronological, organizing Iranian monuments by region rather than period, which allowed for the systematic documentation of buildings before further deterioration. He documented significant monuments through photographs, drawings, and architectural plans, alongside detailed route maps. In many of his works, including Denkmäler persischer Baukunst, a narrative of Persian cultural superiority within the framework of Islamic art is evident, a perspective rooted in the racial theories prevalent in nineteenth-century European scholarship.<br /><strong>Keywords: </strong>Persian Art History, Persian Architecture, Islamic Art, Islamic Archaeology, Friedrich Sarre.<br /> <br /><strong>Introduction</strong><br />Friedrich Sarre (1865–1945) emerged as one of the most influential figures in the development of Islamic art studies during a critical period when Western scholarship was beginning to systematically engage with the artistic heritage of the Islamic world. As a German art historian working at the turn of the 20th century, Sarre operated within a context where Orientalist perspectives often dominated scholarship, yet he managed to establish methods that would shape the field for decades to come. His significance extends beyond mere academic contribution; Sarre can be considered as one of the founders of Islamic art history. This paper examines Sarre’s specific role in shaping the study of Iranian art and architecture, analyzing both his scholarly contributions and the methodological frameworks he established.<br />Sarre’s career began with extensive fieldwork throughout the Middle East and Central Asia. Between 1895 and 1900, he conducted five major research expeditions: to Anatolia (1895), Western Iran and Mesopotamia (1897–1898), the Caucasus and Central Asia (1898), and Asia Minor (1899). These journeys were meticulously documented through photography, drawings, and detailed notes that preserved architectural monuments later damaged or destroyed.<br />Institutionally, Sarre’s influence grew substantially when he became director of Berlin’s Museum für Islamische Kunst in 1905, a position he held until 1931. During this period, he transformed the museum into a center for Islamic art studies by expanding its collections and establishing scholarly frameworks for understanding Islamic art. His personal collection, which he initially loaned to the museum, formed the foundation for systematic study of Islamic material culture in Germany. His personal collection, which included objects, architectural decorations, carpets, photographs, and drawings from his travels, formed the foundation for systematic study of Islamic material culture. Sarre’s institutional position allowed him to shape not only academic discourse but also public understanding of Islamic art through exhibitions and publications. His scholarly output was prodigious, with over 200 publications spanning books, articles, and exhibition catalogues. <br />This paper addresses a critical gap in scholarship by specifically examining Sarre’s contributions to Iranian art history, moving beyond general assessments of his role in Islamic art studies. While previous research has acknowledged Sarre as a foundational figure in establishing Islamic art history and archaeology in Germany, his specific methodological approaches to Iranian art and architecture require more detailed analysis. The central research question guiding this study is: What was Friedrich Sarre’s role in shaping the field of Iranian art history, and how did his methodological approaches influence subsequent scholarship in this domain?<br /> <br /><strong>Discussion</strong><br />Friedrich Sarre’s methodological approach to Iranian art and architecture was characterized by systematic documentation and geographical organization, reflecting both the scholarly trends of his time and his personal commitment to preserving endangered cultural heritage. His major work, Denkmäler persischer Baukunst (published in 1910, 1925), was deliberately organized by geographical regions rather than chronological periods, focusing on Azerbaijan, Iraq-i ‘Ajam (central Iran), Tabaristan (Mazandaran), Seljuk Konya, and Samarkand. This geographical approach allowed Sarre to document architectural monuments before further deterioration. <br />Sarre’s research on pre-Islamic Iranian art, particularly Parthian and Sasanian periods, demonstrated his commitment to understanding Islamic art within its broader historical context. He argued that features of these pre-Islamic periods continued into Islamic art, a perspective that influenced his museum curation practices by including pre-Islamic Iranian artifacts within the Islamic art section—a practice that continues to this day.<br />His work on Achaemenid reliefs was particularly innovative; in 1898, Sarre created plaster casts of reliefs from Persepolis and Pasargadae, which today serve as valuable resources for studying some of the lost Achaemenid reliefs. These casts, now preserved in the Museum of Islamic Art in Berlin, represent an early example of systematic preservation of cultural heritage through replication techniques.<br />Sarre’s most significant archaeological contribution was his excavation at Samarra, which can be considered as the first scientific excavation with complete equipment at an Islamic historical site. Beginning in 1911 with Ernst Herzfeld, this six-year project produced six volumes of documentation, including Sarres Die Keramik von Samarra (1923). The Samarra excavation established methodological standards for archaeological work in Islamic contexts, moving beyond treasure hunting to systematic documentation of urban layouts, architectural features, and material culture. Sarre’s approach emphasized the importance of context and careful recording, setting precedents for future Islamic archaeology.<br />However, Sarre’s scholarship was significantly influenced by the 19th-century racial theories that privileged Iranian cultural contributions within Islamic art. He drew upon Joseph Arthur de Gobineau’s theories, emphasizing Iranian adaptability and ability to successfully integrate even heterogeneous external elements, which he saw exemplified in Achaemenid art. This perspective led Sarre to argue that Iran was the primary source of artistic creativity in the Islamic world, a view that influenced Western museums and dealers to label Syrian and Ottoman artworks as “Persian” or “Turkish-Persian” to increase their value. While this perspective undoubtedly shaped Western appreciation of Iranian art, it also created problematic frameworks that marginalized Arab and Turkish contributions to Islamic art.<br /> <br /><strong>Conclusion </strong><br />Friedrich Sarre played an indispensable and multifaceted role in establishing the foundational framework for the study of Iranian and Islamic art history. As a member of the first generation of scholars in this field, his work was characterized by a methodology rooted in extensive travel and meticulous firsthand documentation. His primary goal was the systematic recording of Islamic architecture, considering art collecting a complementary activity. Unlike other contemporary collectors with a dealer’s mentality, Sarre’s driving motivation was always the enhancement of knowledge and a deeper understanding of Islamic and Iranian culture, as evidenced by his scientific publications like his work on metalwork.<br />A key differentiator from other Western archaeologists of his time was his conviction in the importance of the Islamic period. He was the first to propose and execute the idea of a coordinated scientific excavation at a major Islamic site, Samarra. Although he wished to conduct such work within Iran itself, the French monopoly forced him to operate on its western cultural borders. His studies of the Sasanians were also directly linked to his belief in the continuity of artistic features from the Sasanian era into Islamic art.<br />His early writings from the end of the 19th century exhibited a distinct geographical approach, utilizing German cartographers to map his routes. This perspective is clearly seen in the organizational structure of his book Denkmäler persischer Baukunst, which can be considered the first comprehensive published work on Iranian architecture. The significance of his books lies not only in the fact that there were no summarizing works on these subjects at the time but also in his use of photographs he personally took of ancient sites and the numerous artworks from his own collection that he published.<br />Finally, a recurring concept in much of his research is the idea of the superior place of Iranian culture within the framework of Islamic art, a notion that clearly has its roots in the racial theories of the latter half of the 19th century. Through his combined efforts as a explorer, documentarian, collector, theorist, and archaeologist, Friedrich Sarre fundamentally shaped the Western discipline of Islamic art history, with Iran occupying a central place in his vision.«فردریش زاره» بهعنوان یکی از پایهگذاران باستانشناسی و تاریخ هنر اسلامی شناخته میشود. او در اواخر دورۀ قاجار بهطور گستردهای به ایران و کشورهای همسایه سفر کرد و همین سفرهای اکتشافی، مبنایی برای پژوهشهایش دربارۀ تاریخ هنر و معماری ایران و اسلام شد. در طی این سفرها و همچنین در عتیقهفروشیهای اروپا مجموعۀ بزرگی از آثار هنری ایران، دنیای اسلام و سایر تمدنها را گردآوری کرد. برخلاف سایر باستانشناسان سدۀ 19م. که بر محوطههای پیشااسلامیِ کشورهای غرب آسیا کار میکردند، او اولین کسی است که ایدۀ کاوش علمی در یک منطقۀ اسلامی، یعنی سامرا، را اجرا کرد. این پژوهش با معرفی مهمترین آثار پژوهشی زاره بهدنبال مطالعۀ نقش او در شکلگیری تاریخ هنر ایران و تحلیل روششناسی او در این حوزه است. مطالعات او دربارۀ هنر پیش از اسلامِ ایران بیشتر بر پارتیان و ساسانیان متمرکز است؛ زیرا معتقد بود ویژگیهای هنر این دورهها در هنر اسلامی تداوم یافته است. همین نگرش را در چیدمان آثار در موزۀ هنر اسلامی نیز پیاده کرد که تا به امروز نیز آثار این دورهها در بخش اسلامی نگهداری میشوند. اولین نوشتههای او رویکردی جغرافیایی داشتند که ضمن تهیه نقشۀ مسیرها، به مستندسازی بناهای شاخص از طریق عکاسی و ترسیم طرح و پلان پرداختهاند. اهمیت کتابهایش نهتنها در این است که در آن زمان، کتابی در جمعبندی هنر این دورهها وجود نداشت، بلکه او از عکسهایی استفاده کرد که خودش از محوطههای باستانی تهیه کرده بود. در بیشتر آثارش، ازجمله کتاب مهم یادمانهای معماری ایرانی، مفهوم جایگاه برتر فرهنگ ایرانی در چارچوب هنر اسلامی دیده میشود که ریشه در نظریههای نژادی قرن 19م. دارد. https://nbsh.basu.ac.ir/article_6242_9cb91b53b2081667e898390a98f158f6.pdf