نوع مقاله : مقاله پژوهشی
نویسنده
دانشیار گروه باستانشناسی پیشازتاریخ، پژوهشکدۀ باستانشناسی، پژوهشگاه میراثفرهنگی و گردشگری، تهران، ایران.
چکیده
کلیدواژهها
موضوعات
عنوان مقاله [English]
نویسنده [English]
Abstract
For decades, archaeologists have tried to answer questions about the social complexities of prehistoric societies based on archaeological evidence. One of the common questions in this regard is the quality or the nature of social hierarchy in ancient communities. Earlier, in explaining the social hierarchy and especially the social ranks in the chiefdom societies, the researchers hoped to evaluate the difference in the burial pattern of the dead in the burial contexts of the 5th millennium BC in Greater Susiana. Finally, unlike the archaeological evidence obtained from the early cemeteries of Susa, Hakalan, and Dum Gar Parchineh, the limited excavations in the Chega Sofla cemetery, both for the methods used and the quality of its archaeological evidence, have opened a wider window to search for social ranks in prehistoric societies. The number of burials of women compared to men, as well as the quality and the manner devoted to the burial of women in the excavated graves of Chega Sofla, is more impressive. Anthropological studies on significant samples of dental documents have shown that women and men had equal access to food sources and no significant difference was observed regarding dental health between them. This equality was also seen in the amount of implemental use of teeth. Among the 102 burials examined, there is substantial evidence indicating that certain women received particular attention regarding their burial practices, notably through the intricate grave goods placed alongside them (BG1.2; BG7 & CG1.1), as well as the intentional alteration of their skulls (BG1.11, BG1.12, BG1.18, BG1.20, BG1.28, BG1.29, BG1.30), suggesting a clear differentiation in their social status. Furthermore, even within the group of prominent women, the evidence points to the status of BG7 or ‘Khatun’ as indicative of a higher social rank. Consequently, we propose the hypothesis that during the late 5th to early 4th millennium BCE, ‘high-status women’ held considerable social standing in Chega Sofla.
Keywords: Chega Sofla, Susa, Hakalan, Dum Gar Parchineh, Chiefdom.
Introduction
For over a century, archaeologists in Greater Susiana have sought to understand prehistoric social complexity using evidence from settlements and burials. A central question has remained: what form did social hierarchy take in ancient societies? This study focuses on chiefdoms, particularly in the framework suggested by Elman Service and later revised by Timothy Earle. Service defined chiefdoms as redistributive societies, centered around a patriarchal institution coordinating resources. However, inconsistencies in ethnographic and archaeological data led Earle to propose the concept of “complex chiefdoms,” where chiefs are distinguished by specialized roles, different residences, and clear material signs of status. Henry Wright further advanced this discussion through his influential work on “Prestate Political Formations.” He proposed that in southwestern Iran, such societies featured a leadership class independent from the rest of the population. In simpler chiefdoms, local elites wielded power based on hereditary status. In contrast, complex chiefdoms involved competition among elites and had clearer structural divisions. Wright identified three major indicators of complex chiefdoms: (1) distinctive elite residences, often larger and more elaborate than typical homes; (2) specialized architecture e.g., Chogha Mish’s burned building, the Qabr-e Sheykheyn structure, and the Apadana complex in Susa as evidence of hierarchical space; and (3) differentiation in burial practices, where elites were interred in distinct ways, often with elaborate rituals and valuable goods. Against this theoretical backdrop, this paper revisits findings from the Chega Sofla cemetery to evaluate whether patterns of social hierarchy especially involving women can be discerned.
Discussion
In 2016, archaeological excavations in Chega Sofla’s southwestern gully used a combination of landscape archaeology and archaeomagnetic prospection to uncover eleven graves across 163 square meters. Ten of these were excavated across three zones Areas A, B, and C and dated between 3800 and 4200 BCE.
• Area A contained graves AG1, AG2, and AG3.
• Area B revealed graves BG1, BG2, BG4, BG5, BG6, and BG7.
• Area C had one grave, CG1. (Note: BG3 was not excavated.)
The use of bricks in grave construction and the inclusion of carved stone elements distinguishes Chega Sofla from contemporary cemeteries. The graves also yielded a rich array of burial goods, including copper dishes, tools, weapons like swords and daggers, small quantities of gold and silver, and marble vessels of various sizes and forms. Notably, several skulls showed signs of intentional deformation. Two burial types were observed: single and multiple interments, with no apparent effort to spatially separate them within the cemetery. Among the most striking discoveries was BG7, an unstructured pit between two multiple-burial graves (BG1 and BG5). This pit contained the remains of a young woman, around 25 years old, identified by the excavation team as “Khatun.” BG1 to the north was a square grave holding 52 skeletons, with a foundation made of carved stones and walls of chineh (mud layers). BG5 to the south was a quadrangular grave with five individuals and a brick-lined structure reinforced by buttresses. Khatun’s burial was unique not only due to her isolation between two large group graves but also because of the grave goods. Among the items found were:
1. Copper Artifacts – Vessels, tools, and weapons, including a nearly 60 cm-long ceremonial sword made of 97% copper, which may have symbolized status rather than practical use.
2. Gold Plating and Beads – A copper basin with traces of gold plating and a small gold ornament placed near her head. These are among the earliest gold artifacts found in Iranian prehistory and predate comparable finds from sites like Turkmenistan and Tepe Borj.
3. Marble Weight – A heavy marble weight (7.2 kg) with perforations for suspension. Positioned in front of her head, this object could symbolize economic control or authority in standardization.
4. Deliberate Skull Modification – Observed not only in Khatun’s grave but also in several others (BG1.11, BG1.12, BG1.18, BG1.20, BG1.28, BG1.29, BG1.30), possibly signifying elite status or group identity.
Such elements suggest that Khatun’s burial was intended to communicate her elevated role. Moreover, the fact that her grave disrupted the southern wall of BG1 hints at her posthumous significance. Nearby burials of other prominent women e.g., CG1.1 and BG1.2 also showed rich grave goods, although not at the same level. Biological anthropology findings further support these interpretations. Dental analyses indicate no meaningful differences between men and women in terms of diet or oral health, suggesting that daily life conditions were broadly equal. However, the nature of grave goods and burial treatment shows differentiation likely rooted in social, symbolic, or political factors not biology. Taken together, these indicators point to an emergent social class of elite women, with Khatun possibly occupying the highest tier among them. These women may have held political, economic, or symbolic authority in their communities, challenging the assumption that power in prehistoric chiefdoms was exclusively male.
Conclusion
What has been obtained from the examination of the tomb of “Khatun” in Chaga Sofla presents us with a rather different picture of life and social structure in the late 5th millennium BC. This tomb, both in terms of its spatial location and in terms of the type and variety of objects accompanying the deceased, clearly indicates the special status of the buried individual. The presence of objects such as a copper sword and dagger, a gold bead, a heavy marble weight, as well as copper vessels coated with gold, shows that we are dealing with an individual who not only had access to rare and valuable resources, but also probably had a privileged position among his society. It is noteworthy that some of the items found in the tomb of “Khatun” are not only seen in this particular tomb, but also examples of them have been found in other parts of southwestern Iran; but their composition, quantity, and quality are distinct in the tomb of “Khatun”. In fact, one could say that we are dealing with powerful women who were part of the social structure and even decision-making in their community.it is as if we are dealing with a person in this grave who had power, wealth, and perhaps even a kind of social legitimacy in her time.
What can be understood from the archaeological data of Chaga Sofla, and especially the “women” grave, goes beyond a mere material find. This data takes us to the heart of a society in transition; a society in which signs of social difference, the formation of authority, and perhaps the first sparks of political organization were emerging.
As one of the rarest sites to contain such evidence, Chaga Sofla provides an opportunity to take a closer, more humane, and more complex look at prehistoric societies; societies that were more organized, had a variety of roles, and possessed signs of power and legitimacy than we had previously imagined.
It is clear that our evidence is still insufficient. Prehistoric settlements in Greater Susiana have still been excavated on a very limited scale, and many previous excavations have been left unfinished; many parts of the Susa cemetery have been completely destroyed and there is no hope of recovering archaeological evidence from them; large parts of the Hakalan, Dum Gar Parchineh, and Chaga Sofla cemeteries have not yet been excavated; our knowledge of the newly found cemetery called Abad, which is considered the fifth earliest cemetery in Iran and is located a short distance from the Chaga Sofla cemetery, is still very scanty. But we very much hope that extensive archaeological research on the unique wealth of archaeological remains from the fifth millennium BCE in the Zuhreh Plain will reveal clearer and more extensive evidence about the “Complex Chiefdoms” and especially the position of women in one of the most important prehistoric periods.
کلیدواژهها [English]